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Censors spare the Code Freedom of expression came in the way THE decision by the Central Board of Film Certification to allow the screening of “The Da Vinci Code” will be widely welcomed, even though it comes with an “adults only” tag and a disclaimer by the producers identifying the movie as a “work of pure fiction” which does not have “any intention to hurt sentiments”.
The Siachen question
Maid malfunction
Human Rights Diary News analysis Montenegro readies for independence vote
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King without
Kingdom THE
winds of democratic change sweeping through Nepal in the aftermath of
King Gyanendra being compelled, under the pressure of popular protest,
to revive Parliament and restore civil government have begun to
dismantle the structures of the oppressive autocracy. In what is by far the most thorough-going action till now, the Nepalese Parliament, by a unanimous resolution, has stripped the King of all his executive powers. Under the leadership of Prime Minister G.P. Koirala of the Seven-Party Alliance, Parliament has proclaimed its supremacy over the throne. King Gyanendra is no longer the Supreme Commander-in-Chief of the armed forces, and the Royal Nepalese Army is no longer “Royal”. The King will be subject to taxes on income, perks and expenses to be decreed by Parliament, which can also discuss his conduct. Future heirs to the throne of the Shah dynasty would be determined by Parliament. The Hindu Kingdom has been declared to be a secular state, and in keeping with the temper of these changes, the government of Nepal is no longer “His Majesty’s”. King Gyanendra may yet remain a titular monarch, but at the pleasure of the people. Although some may perceive elements of a Greek tragedy in the fall of the world’s only Hindu King, and Kingdom, this monarch was no noble sovereign with just one fatal flaw in his character. The very circumstances of his enthronement were blood-soaked, and a people who had hitherto revered their King as an avatar of Vishnu were outraged by his anointment. Instead of making himself acceptable, he courted alienation by subverting the constitutional monarchy. He usurped all executive power, used the state army as a praetorian guard and set himself up as an absolute monarch, trampling under both democratic and popular aspirations. His downfall is self-invited and self-inflicted, and few tears may be shed at the hollow grandeur of such a monarchy falling to the power of the people. The Koirala administration is moving swiftly towards the avowed objectives of the pro-democracy movement. Given the progress so far, especially the latest proclamation downsizing the King, the Maoists must now take their temporary truce forward to a renunciation of armed rebellion and join the national government for marching in step towards actualising a secular and democratic Nepal.
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Crash! MARKETS are driven as much, if not more, by speculation and sentiment than by rational assessments of trends and fundamentals. It reflects poorly on the government’s information policy therefore, that the mere release of an “updated” 1989 circular by the Central Board of Direct Taxes (CBDT) should cause mayhem on Dalal Street. The resulting confusion over whether Foreign Institutional Investors (FII) would be classed as traders or investors (the tax burden in the case of the former could be as high as 40 per cent) was a factor in Thursday’s stunning, 826 point fall of the Sensex that wiped off Rs 2.25 lakh crore worth of market capitalisation. Global factors, of course, were also at play, and like on Monday, downturns in equity, metals, and concerns about a funds squeeze following rises in US interest rates contributed as well. And FII’s have been pulling out money the whole of the last few days. But the confusion about FIIs worked in two ways on Thursday. While the FIIs themselves started selling, other investors, worried about the effect this would have on their own holdings, also hastened to sell. Finance Minister P. Chidambaram came out with a tame explanation that FIIs were not traders and dubbed the crash as a “manufactured crisis.” He blamed “uninformed reporting” for the crash, but the criticism was misplaced. Given the known sensitivities about these issues, CBDT should have ensured greater clarity in its circular. At the same time, there is no doubt that an over-due process of healthy correction is underway, whatever may be the triggers. That the market has overheated is generally accepted, even by those who believe in the “Indian story”, and volatility continued on Friday. In fact, at one point last year, the finance minister was himself saying that any rise above 8000 would be a cause for concern. Market mechanics will ensure at some point that the Sensex discovers a sustainable level that is subject to minimal volatility, but in the meantime, more swings can be expected. Long-term investors may better sit tight. Those wanting to enter now should choose well, as the bulls and the bears haven’t ended their spat yet and no one knows with certainty who exactly will win.
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Censors spare the Code THE decision by the Central Board of Film Certification to allow the screening of “The Da Vinci Code” will be widely welcomed, even though it comes with an “adults only” tag and a disclaimer by the producers identifying the movie as a “work of pure fiction” which does not have “any intention to hurt sentiments”. The film, however, will be screened minus any cuts. The controversy arose because of certain assertions in the book, a work of fiction, which runs contrary to the established Catholic belief. Various stances taken by the government, including the initial assertion by Information and Broadcasting Minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunshi that he would look into what is, strictly speaking, within the purview of the Censor Board, have been neither coherent nor correct. However, the Board has rightly cleared the film. The Pope also has taken an enlightened, non-confrontational view. Possibly, the world took a cue from him, except the Government of India, which allowed a few shrill groups to influence its decision-making processes for three/four days. A similarly “cautious” approach was adopted for “Rang De Basanti”, but the three Services chiefs and political leadership showed maturity. The movie was a runaway success. Too often, freedom of expression is sought to be curbed on the grounds of its potential to hurt the sentiments of a particular group of people. Freedom of expression is a fundamental right. It involves dissent and disagreement. While it should never be allowed to be misused, this fundamental right must be protected. The audience, not some self-appointed guardians of society, should have the right to judge the rights and wrongs of a creative effort. “The Da Vinci Code” by Dan Brown has hit record sales. The film may not reach that level of success, but it is a matter of satisfaction that it has escaped the wrath of the Censor Board’s scissors.
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Generations pass while some trees stand, and old families last not three oaks. — Thomas Browne
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The Siachen question TIMES change, people change, the world has changed, policies are being realigned, free trade, etc, is the current mantra. But there is little shift in the stance of the hawks and doubting Thomases on the Indian side, be it any move towards the resolution of the J and K problem or the nuclear deal with the United States. It has been projected in these columns that a pullout from the Saltoro Range will be a Himalayan blunder and a monumental folly. Some defence analysts have tried to project the Siachen Glacier and the Saltoro Range as an area of great strategic importance. To the West of it is the road linking Gilgit with Tibet (China,) and to the North- East is the important Karakoram Pass. To the North is the Shaksgam Valley, ceded to China by Pakistan. The Siachen glacier region would facilitate a link-up between Pakistan and China, they contend. The Gilgit-Tibet road is nearly 250 kilometres across the world’s most forbidding terrain. The Karakoram Pass from the Glacier is across a group of first magnitude peaks in the world, which only a small mountaineering expedition can hope to traverse. The Shaksgam valley across the Indra Col and the Karakoram Range is inaccessible from the Glacier region. The route to the Karakoram Pass emanates from the Nubra Valley, and is well away from the Siachen Glacier. Another is along the Shyok River. Pakistan already has a link-up with China along the Gilgit-Tibet road and areas to the North of the Karakoram range. It would be incorrect to contend that currently there are no casualties due to climate and weather at the Glacier/Saltoro range. Innumerous afflictions, other that due to enemy fire, continue to beset troops. Indian troops have endured great hardships and afflictions heroically for 22 years. They have the leadership and the perseverance to live with these for another 50 years and more, without a demur. But must they! There is an upswing in the Indo-Pak relations, including people-to-people contacts. The futility of confrontation is realised by both sides. Opportunities are beckoning them to grasp the emerging economic possibilities in trade and commerce and to better their lot. Neither country can afford reckless expenditure on wasteful and avoidable deployment of troops. The genesis and the background to the dispute over the Cease-Fire Line ( CFL) beyond Point NJ 9842 on the Saltoro Range and attempts to resolve this issue in the past have been recalled, far too often in these columns, and therefore need no repetition. Of all the disputes between India and Pakistan relating to J and K, the peaceful resolution of the Siachen imbroglio is less intractable and could be the harbinger of improved relations between the two neighbours. The answer to the question of “we only giving concessions and not the other party” lies in the fact that it is this type of attitude which results in strained relations with all our neighbours. The Indian position recently spelled out by the Prime Minister is that there can be no redrawing of boundaries in J and K. It implies the status quo as far as the CFL goes. So, linking the AGPL with the CLF can be of no avail. The issue of J and K has defied resolution for the last six decades. So, if de-linking the Siachen from the larger issue of J and K can throw up an opportunity to move forward, then it needs to be grasped. Presently the agreement to demilitarise the Siachen region has hit a roadblock on the issue of authentication of ground positions of troops of the two countries. While India insists that before the troops from the two countries pull back from their positions, the same should be delineated on the maps and authenticated by the two sides. Pakistan baulks from such an agreement. Consequently, India has reason to suspect the intentions and motives of Pakistan. Mutual suspicion runs deep in both countries. We accuse Pakistan of perfidy and violation of the Shimla Agreement at Kargil, while Pakistan holds us to a similar act in occupying the Saltoro Range in 1984. Though India had evidence of Pakistani intentions to occupy the area and merely pre-empted it at the Saltoro Range, Pakistan projects a different position. Past does carry lessons for the future, but there is little to be gained by being a prisoner to the past. After all, the ceasefire along the CFL in J and K and at the AGPL on the Saltoro Range has held out since November 2003 and that should give a measure of confidence to both sides. The Pakistani public has been made to believe that its troops are in part occupation of the Siachen Glacier. Authentication of the positions of the troops of the two sides on the maps will expose that lie. Pakistan’s reluctance to authenticate the AGPL must be seen against these compulsions. India suspects that Pakistan will occupy the vacated positions on the Saltoro Range. In such an eventuality it would be both difficult and costly for the Indian troops to evict them from those positions. If one is to surrender to suspicion and mistrust, then even if positions are authenticated, mischief by Pakistani troops is still possible. They could occupy the heights vacated by Indian troops, an agreement notwithstanding. So, authentication of positions by itself is of little help in case of bad faith. What will help is the conviction in Pakistan, the inevitability of violent Indian military reaction to any move to occupy the vacated positions. As an alternative to the authentication of the positions held by both sides, we could instead show our positions to the international Press. Mark the AGPL on the ground and take satellite pictures and publish these. Draw up an agreement with Pakistan to demilitarise the area and insert a provision in the agreement that in the event of occupation of the vacated positions of the opponent, by either side, it will confer the right on the other to take recourse to such actions, including military action, anywhere, to redress the situation. That would throw up many suitable military options to the aggrieved party. Some system of joint control over the demilitarised zone can also be worked out. Heaping calumny and ascribing bad intentions will not do. Equally, we need not be the self-appointed champions of democracy for other countries. During periods of a democratic set-up in Pakistan, our relations have never been any better or moves to resolve the areas of disputes more purposeful. We may debate to no purpose whether an end to cross-border terrorism should precede an improvement in relations with Pakistan, or follow
it.
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Maid malfunction One can consider oneself blessed if one has good help at home. Finding a good maidservant can be a gruelling task. My mother being a working woman has had to depend on maids for household chores. With demand outstripping supply, this tribe realises that it is indispensable. Recently, my mother had to change her maidservant. The transition took four to five days but the very thought of scouting for a maidservant put my mother on tenterhooks. She had to stand outside in the verandah every morning and evening stopping maidservants on their way. All claimed to having a tight schedule with not a minute to spare. Ultimately, my mother zeroed in on a lady who had recently shifted base from her native village to the city. She was hunting for houses and after a lot of haggling for the salary agreed to work. On inquiring my mother learnt that she had two children and her husband sold bangles brought from Firozabad. The woman’s language was indecipherable as she spoke some dialect that was difficult to comprehend. She would enter the house grumbling about the number of utensils that she had had to clean at our neighbour’s house. My mother would abstain from commenting, as she believes that such gossip sours relations with neighbours. A day after she started work, she took two holidays — one for Holi and another because of inclement weather. When she came to work the next day, my mother told her that she had started work on the 14th and since she could take four holidays in a month so she was entitled to two holidays in a fortnight. She was not entitled to any more holidays in the month of March. The woman cheekily asked if she could take one or two more. My mother refused firmly. She worked for a month and out of the blue said that she wanted my mother to settle accounts as they were going back to their native village. My mother inquired of the reason. She said that the rent for the room they had taken was too high and her husband not having done good business selling bangles at Jhandewala temple during Navratri, they were thinking of returning to their village. My mother was in a quandary and began the search again. She got another servant whose husband was a cobbler and had to close shop because of recent demolition drive in Delhi. He was jobless. The woman is basically a dirty worker and all my mother’s supervision does not yield better results. My mother is continuing with her and keeping her fingers
crossed.
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Human Rights Diary A NATION’S progress should be judged not on the basis of its achievements in science and technology but in the field of human rights. Were that to be the yardstick, Iran would be considered today one of the worst culprits. It may have enriched uranium for its nuclear ambitions. But the methodical manner in which it is exterminating the Baha’i community makes me wonder whether it is the land of Sufis who once endeared themselves throughout the world. The Baha’i are spread all over but they have a noticeable presence in Iran and India. They have no problem in India which is a multi-religious and multi-ethnic society. But they are facing all types of atrocities in Iran. It is like Pakistan acting against the Qaiden who were declared non-Muslims and debarred entry to mosques. They could not pursue any Islamic practice, including reciting the Koran. In searching for a historical analogy that adequately depicts the plight of the Baha’i of Iran, The New York Times compares the current policies of the Iranian government towards the Baha’i community with the sinister Nuremburg laws imposed by the Nazis in the 1930s, depriving German Jews of their rights. That the Baha’i are committed to non-violence, tolerance and loyalty to government is well known. But Iran’s insidious policies aimed at wiping out the Baha’i are not so widely known. Tehran’s designs have been exposed by Asma Jehangir, the United Nations Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Religion or Belief. She has stated in a report that she was highly concerned about “a confidential letter sent on October 29, 2005, by the Chairman of the Command Headquarters of the Armed Forces in Iran to a number of governmental agencies.” “The letter,” she said, “which is addressed to the Ministry of Information, the Revolutionary Guard and the Police Force, states that the supreme leader Ayatollah Khomeini had instructed the Command Headquarters to identify persons who adhere to the Baha’i faith and monitor their activities. The letter goes on to request the recipients to, in a highly confidential manner, collect any and all information about members of the Baha’i faith.” Asma Jehangir also “considers that such monitoring constitutes an impermissible and unacceptable interference with the rights of members of religious minorities. And this is happening as information obtained thus has been used as the basis for the increased persecution of, and discrimination against, members of the Baha’i faith.” Throughout the last century and a half, the Baha’i of Iran have been persecuted for their religious beliefs. They have been tortured, imprisoned, subjected to mob violence and executed by fanatical elements of Iranian society, ranging from local clergy and their uneducated followers to, in this most recent 20-year period, government agents representing the highest levels of leadership. Between 1978 and 1988, more than 200 Baha’i were executed by the Iranian government. The majority of them were members of the community’s democratically elected governing councils. During the 1980s, hundreds more Baha’i were imprisoned, and tens of thousands were deprived of jobs, pensions, businesses and educational opportunities. The Baha’i face these persecutions solely because of their religious beliefs. In response to intense international pressure, the most notable example of which has been a series of United Nationals resolutions against Iran, the Iranian government in the late 1980s reduced the rate of executions and the number of Baha’i held in prison. Despite an apparent abatement of the most severe forms of persecution against the Baha’i in the 1990s, a close look at the evidence reveals that the government of the Islamic Republic of Iran still seeks to marginalise, suffocate and ultimately destroy the 350,000-member Baha’i community, Iran’s largest religious minority. The systematic, government-supported action against the Baha’i over the past six months has been mounting a media campaign of propaganda against the Baha’I, to provoke mistrust and incite hatred against the Baha’i. Between September and October 2005, 30 articles, all defamatory in nature, have been carried by Kayhan, the official Tehran daily newspaper. Radio and television programmes have joined in as well with broadcasts condemning the Baha’i and their beliefs. All this is bound to increase the woes of the Baha’is.
***** From the Bahai in Iran, we come to civil society, which is a far cry. But both relate to human rights. India’s National Human Rights Commission has brought out its latest report. Once again, it is one year late. The commission’s explanation is that it had submitted the report to the Home Ministry on time but the ministry delayed the formality of presenting it to Parliament. This is nothing new. The government’s bureaucratic ways do not allow reports to be processed quickly, even though they are of routine nature. But even if the Commission’s report had been on time, it would not have raised any eyebrow because there is very little which demands immediate attention. What happened makes news only when it is related to the present and the future. The report should be written differently. The Commission’s effort reads too much like a government document. What it says should evoke discussion. How a particular issue is pushed into the background by the government, either at the centre and or in the states, should have been the main focus of arguments in the report. For some reasons, the report has no overall comment by the chairman. That, in fact, should have set the tone for a debate in the country. There is really no focus in the report – it is too dispersed. And every chairman should also submit a report on his tenure when he retires. Dr A.S. Anand, who has done an outstanding job as chairman, should leave behind a report on the overall functioning of the NHRC and its drawbacks. He quits this year. His analysis or, for that matter, every chairman’s assessment, is necessary for a proper perspective in the society and the government. This is the minimum that a document on human rights violations demands.
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News analysis Going by all available indications and barring any unforeseen development, the simultaneous resignations by Mr Babulal Marandi and Mr Stiphen Marandi from the BJP and UPA respectively, are likely to make their effects felt beyond Jharkhand. While Mr Babulal Marandi resigned from the primary membership of the BJP and the Lok Sabha, Mr Stiphen Marandai resigned as UPA Chairman. Mr Babulal Marandi was the BJP MP from Koderma, and Mr Stephen Marandi represents Dumka legislative assembly seat as an Independent. Jharkhand is surrounded by the tribal belts of the adjacent Chhatisgarh, Orissa and West Bengal, and the proposed next move by the two Marandis, to be officially spelt out by December this year in the form of launching a third political front, can only be expected to turn things topsy-turvy in the country’s tribal politics. Both the Marandis have been working in tandem for the past few months under the “Jharkhand Vikas Morcha”, the basic purpose of which is to highlight corruption at all levels and the tribals’ plight. Interestingly, neither of the Marandis right now are interested in pulling down the Arjun Munda led NDA government in the state. The Congress-JMM led UPA headed by Shibu Soren is not to benefit either from this development. The Marandis have already stated that they would maintain equidistance from both the NDA and UPA and concentrate on advancing their campaign related to the neglect of tribals and the favouring of migrants settled in Jharkhand, despite the fact that the formation of the state primarily was meant to safeguard the interests of the tribals. For Mr Babulal Marandi, it was indeed a humiliation for him to have made an inglorious exit from Chief Ministership when the BJP leadership headed by former President L.K.Advani, allegedly succumbed to the pressure brought on them by non-tribal lobbies of politicians and some bureaucrats. As a former Jan Sangh activist, it was Mr Marandi who was instrumental behind the BJP`s success in denting the tribal bases of then undivided Bihar, which was later carved out to create Jharkhand. On the other hand, Mr Stiphen Marandi, who earlier had revered Shibu Soren as his “political guru”, was frustrated at the way he was being sidelined in the Jharkhand Mukti Morcha (JMM) by his mentor. This had prompted Mr Stiphen Marandi to contest the last assembly polls in 2005 as an independent candidate. Later on Mr Shibu Soren, after realising the damage done to JMM following his decision to sideline Stiphen Marandi in the party, backed him as UPA chairman in the state. But the move to placate Mr Stiphen Marandi finally proved to be futile with his resignation. With both the Marandis eyeing a “third political front” in Jharkhand by December, a mid-term poll there is a probability as both of them are apparently in the mood to marginalise both Shibu Soren and Arjun Munda. Sources in the BJP disclosed that already seven tribal MLAs from both the NDA and the UPA were in close touch with Mr Babulal Marandi and may join hands with him the moment he desired them to do so. And beyond Jharkhand, the joint move by Mr Babulal Marandi and Stiphen Marandi to mobilise public (read tribal) support for their campaign against corruption and underdevelopment are likely to have a bearing in the adjacent tribal pockets of Orissa, Chhatisgarh and West Bengal. As things stand now, the NDA enjoys a wafer thin majority with 43 MLAs, against 39 of the Congress-JMM led UPA in the 82 member Jharkhand assembly. Out of 43 NDA MLAs, the BJP`s own strength is 30. On the other hand, out of 39 UPA MLAs, JMM`s own strength is 17. Unlike in Madhya Pradesh, where firebrand former BJP leader Uma Bharati`s recent announcement in Delhi to float a new party was much to the delight of the Congress, here both the BJP and the Congress are at the receiving end. Finally, the failure of both Sanjay Joshi, organisational secretary of the BJP and former finance minister Yashwant Sinha, to persuade Mr Babulal Marandi not to opt for the extreme step, prompted the BJP leaders in Bihar to lament the absence of Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee’s “Laxman” Pramod Mahajan to save the situation. After all, Mr Babulal Marandi perhaps did not forget the reported role by Mr Yashwant Sinha in blocking his effort to become the Chief Minister after the NDA had formed the
government last year.
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Montenegro readies for independence vote On the rippling waters of the unspoiled Bay of Kotor sit the warships that make up what remains of the once-formidable Yugoslav Navy. Many are docked in the repair facility in this quiet town of 15,000, but most likely not for much longer. They are being sold off, and millionaires’ yachts are due to take their place. A wealthy Canadian businessman named Peter Munk is close to taking over the government facility and turning it into the largest marina for yachts on the Adriatic coast with an investment – up to $642 million – that would almost match an entire year’s expenses by the Montenegrin government. If the marketplace sometimes speaks more honestly and quickly than politics, then Montenegro’s exploding tourism industry is already shouting out a vision of an independent, thriving, West-looking future that could solidify politically on Sunday. That’s when voters in this tiny republic of 640,000 will choose in a referendum whether to remain in an unhappy union with Serbia or become independent, finally leaving to its own devices a country that during the 1990s used warfare in a bid to become Greater Serbia. Serbia’s wars cost hundreds of thousands of lives in the former Yugoslavia. Many Serbs will see a Montenegrin vote to secede as an act of abandonment by a small nation many Serbs consider to be little more than an extension of Serbia. Montenegrins wanting to go their own way are sick of being partnered with a country they see as still delusional, nationalistic and aggressive. “If you’re together with Serbia you are with someone whose priority is not to protect multi-ethnic society,’’ said Ranko Krivokapic, who is speaker of Montenegro’s Parliament and supports independence. Montenegro has significant Muslim and Albanian minorities. “It’s like Germany after World War I — the atmosphere is ‘We are defeated but not guilty.’” For much of the past decade, Montenegro has chafed against its dominant partner to the north and, in most ways, already acts as a fully independent nation. In the 1999 Kosovo war, the Montenegrin government supported NATO even though Yugoslav military bases on its territory were being bombed. That stance almost provoked then-Yugoslav President Slobodan Milosevic to topple Montenegro’s government in a coup. Since then, Montenegro has looked increasingly to open its tourism industry to foreign investment and has adopted the euro as its currency, even while Serbia struggles on with the weak dinar. Serbia’s government has remained staunchly nationalist and has failed to turn over to the United Nations war crimes tribunal in the Hague the wanted war criminals Ratko Mladic and Radovan Karadzic. Earlier this year, the European Union suspended talks with Serbia-Montenegro about joining the EU because Mladic remained at large, is suspected of being in Serbia. Pro-independence Montenegrin politicians say this is just the most obvious way Serbia continues to drag down Montenegro. “We are hostages of the non-cooperation of Serbia with the Hague tribunal,” Montenegro’s president, Filip Vujanovic, said. Their opponents say Montenegro’s problems only would worsen if it were to break away from the larger Serbia. “As far as Montenegro is concerned, we are already dragged to the bottom,” said Andrija Mandac, president of the Serbian People’s Party and a leader of the “No” campaign for Sunday’s vote.
— By arrangement with
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From the pages of Rehabilitation of middle class
Out of 38 lakh Hindus and Sikhs who have been or are about to be evacuated from West Punjab, no less than 13 lakh belong to urban areas. Most of these urban people are middle class people. Even in normal times these people could hardly earn so much as to keep their body and soul together. Now that they have been overtaken by a dire calamity and have lost everything, including their means of livelihood, their condition really excites pity. These helpless victims of communal vandalism, who at one time were the mainstay of urban economy, are today vainly looking to the Government for help and succour. While plans for the rehabilitation of the agricultural classes are being put into practice—and this is absolutely essential for restoring agricultural economy of the province—no scheme has yet been finally decided upon to give relief to the urban middle class.
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When a young warrior seeks to achieve what many old and renowned warriors could not, there are some who would discourage rather than cheer him on to attempt the feat. If he listened to them, the warrior would give up even before he started. —The Mahabharata Natural rhythm becomes perfect if it is tuned to the praise of God. All other forms of dancing give only a sensuous pleasure to the mind. — Guru Nanak See the flower. How generously it distributes its perfume and its honey. It gives to all, gives freely of its love. And when its work is done, it falls away quietly. Try to be like the flower, unassuming despite all its qualities. —The Bhagvad Gita In the attitude of silence the soul finds the path in a clearer soul finds the path in a clearer light, and what is elusive and deceptive resolves itself into crystal clearness. — Mahatma Gandhi |
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