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Rite of passage Shameful incident |
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Tumbling Sensex It is a healthy correction Monday’s 463-point fall in the Sensex has wiped off Rs 1,30,000 crore of investors’ wealth, but any comparisons with the 8.2 per cent fall of May 17, 2004 (565 points) would not be in order.
Way forward in J&K
The harassed smoker
Pakistan’s internal strife “Love of country begins with
love of family” News analysis
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Rite of passage The Parliament (Prevention of Disqualification) Amendment Bill 2006 approved by the Lok Sabha on Tuesday has not come a day too soon. It was overdue for resolving the office of profit tangle at the Centre and in the states in a uniform manner. It is bound to give relief to over 40 MPs and 200 MLAs against whom disqualification proceedings, for holding various offices of profit, are currently pending before the Election Commission. Notwithstanding the National Democratic Alliance’s opposition, the UPA government has tried its best to evolve a consensus among political parties on the Bill. The Election Commission’s disqualification of Mrs Jaya Bachchan from the Rajya Sabha for being the Chairperson of the UP Film Development Corporation kicked up a major controversy over offices of profit. The Supreme Court upheld the decision on the ground that any government office capable of yielding pecuniary gain or material benefit, regardless of whether it is availed, of, would attract disqualification. Having adopted a moral high ground, Congress President Sonia Gandhi, who was also the Chairperson of the National Advisory Council (NAC), resigned from both the NAC and the Lok Sabha and got re-elected from Rae Bareli. Irrespective of whether she returns to her position in the NAC, the Bill seeks to exempt this and 45 other posts from the Prevention of Disqualification of the MPs’ Act — popularly known as the Office of Profit Act — with retrospective effect from April 4, 1959. The exempted posts relate to, among others, those held by Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee, Congress leader Dr Karan Singh and Samajwadi Party leader Amar Singh. Suggestions for bringing parliamentary secretaries within the purview of the Act are misplaced, if not opportunistic. Accepting this will dilute the essence and character of the legislation. As witnessed in Punjab, Haryana and Himachal Pradesh, to mention a few states, posts of parliamentary secretaries have become instruments of patronage and political accommodation at the cost of the public exchequer. More often than not, these are doled out to those who could not be provided a ministerial berth. Therefore, to exempt this post would be a gross violation of the Constitution (Ninety-first Amendment) Act that limits the size of the ministries. |
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Shameful
incident THE report that the commanding officer of an air defence regiment based in the Western sector and a Major from the same unit raped a woman officer working in their unit is too shocking for words. Even more appalling is the fact that this outrage had gone on for more than a year. The implications that can flow out of this offence are too dreadful and not just for the image of the forces. Just when the Services are opening the doors wider to woman officers, comes news of this beastly assault. These two officers who have been indicted by an Army court of inquiry deserve punishment that is not only severe but also exemplary. How they continued to exploit the woman officer for 13 months also requires to be investigated. This is the first case of its kind, and should have never happened, given the glorious record of the Army. But now that the worst has actually taken place, it is necessary to ensure that there is no recurrence at all, anywhere, anytime. There was a time when rape cases, like most others, used to linger on in courts for years together. However, there has been some change in the situation of late. In Rajasthan, rapists have been handed down punishment within a matter of a few weeks. Similar urgency is necessary in this case, too. That will also silence the muted criticism of the law moving quickly only in those cases where the victims happen to be foreigners. The accused officers have denied allegations of rape, use of force or molestation. But since the court of inquiry has already indicted them, their claims of innocence carry little credence. Both officers now face a possible trial by general court martial. The Army has a long tradition of serving just desserts. Just look at the way it meted out punishment to the officers involved in the Tehelka scandal. Speedy punishment should be meted out to the guilty in this case too.
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Tumbling Sensex Monday’s 463-point fall in the Sensex has wiped off Rs 1,30,000 crore of investors’ wealth, but any comparisons with the 8.2 per cent fall of May 17, 2004 (565 points) would not be in order. The stock market of 2006, at its rarefied five-digit heights, is a different world altogether. Rising asset prices and the simple fact that high liquidity in the system has led to the much commented upon phenomenon of too much money chasing too few investment options, indicate that the market was indeed overheating. A correction was not only inevitable, after the prolonged bull run, but necessary and healthy. Long-term investors need not panic. The exchange has shown volatility in recent times, witnessed again on Tuesday, but it has displayed resilience. While sentiment accounts for short-term fluctuations, prospects for long-term growth are good as the fundamentals are sound. Even a correction requires triggers, and in this case, global factors are cited. While the Indian market fell 3.8 percent, markets around the world have taken a downturn of two to five per cent. Gold was among many metals that had taken on excessive glitter, and a corrective fall was overdue. But it was copper, which had risen a staggering 93 per cent this year, that crashed the worst. The effect was immediately felt on Indian metal stocks. The US Federal Reserve’s move to raise interest rates always causes a corresponding market reaction. A resultant shrinkage in liquidity has been known to squeeze out funds from emerging markets. Global imbalances, mostly to do with the huge US current account deficit, and rising oil prices, are causes for concern. With increased integration into global markets, vulnerabilities to happenings elsewhere are to be expected. The interlink between commodities and equity is growing as well. A healthy capital market is a key component of a robust and growing economy, but the system will have to learn to take its ups and downs without falling prey to extremes of euphoria or gloom.
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When everyone is wrong, everyone is right. — Nivelle de la Chaussee
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Way forward in J&K
The view of National
Security Adviser M. K. Narayanan indicating that the LoC can be the basis for a lasting solution to the Kashmir problem is the only pragmatic wayout of the impasse. It would, however, be more fruitful to discuss the issue in historical perspective. Jawaharlal Nehru and Indira Gandhi continued to stand by their firm conviction that the ceasefire line with some modifications could be converted into an international border. In April 1956, Nehru disclosed that in May 1955 he had asked his Pakistan counterpart to consider settling the dispute by converting the ceasefire line into a permanent international border. The Pakistan Prime Minister, Mohammed Ali Bogra, confirmed that the offer had been made. He also said that Nehru had first broached the idea as early as October 1948 to Pakistan’s first Prime Minister, Liaquat Ali Khan. On the eve of the fourth round of talks with Pakistan in 1962, Ambassador MacConaughty handed over a letter from President Kennedy to President Ayub Khan requesting for a “ far more forthcoming and realistic position” and repeated Secretary of State Rusk’s warning that if an opportunity to solve the Kashmir problem was lost “it would seem almost inevitable that the issue for all practical purposes be settled on the basis of the status quo”. Again when Galbraith, US Ambassador to India, raised the Kashmir issue with Nehru in 1963, the Prime Minister took a hard line against the partition of the valley and wrote to Kennedy, “ I am convinced that these ill-considered and ill-conceived initiatives, however well-intentioned they may be, have at least for the present made it impossible to reach any settlement on this rather involved and complicated question.” According Philip Ziegler, biographer of Mountbatten, “In 1962, when Mountbatten was in Delhi, he told Nehru that ‘An independent, demilitarised Kashmir was the only solution’ to which Nehru replied: ‘how dangerous any change of the present balance in Kashmir might be for the large Muslim minority in India’.” In the run-up to the Shimla Agreement, Indira Gandhi was rather keen to convert the ceasefire line into a permanent international border and also impressed upon Bhutto to agree to it. But as Dr. Himayun Khan, former Ambassador of Pakistan to India, says in his book, Diplomatic Divide, “ Mrs Gandhi was impressed by an argument that an imposed solution based on a military victory would mean that Pakistan’s enmity with India would become permanent and defeat the underlying purpose of establishing a durable peace” and Bhutto “ convincingly argued that given enough time, he would be able to bring round public opinion in Pakistan to accepting the present line of control with marginal adjustments as the permanent international border.” The latest to voice this view is Mr Strobe Talbot, who has mentioned in his book, Engaging India, “The more fundamental problem, as they saw it, was that Pakistanis, while claiming to want American arbitration, would have difficulty accepting the most obvious solution, which is to make the Line of Control a mutually recognised international border and give Kashmiris a significant degree of autonomy within the Indian State. The Indians conversely might actually some day accept that territorial solution, since it would be a ratification of the status quo and they might even be willing to accept special governance arrangements for Kashmir.” He has further said, “… Jaswant (the then Foreign Minister of India) was prepared to talk about… he mentioned that his government might consider converting the Line of Control, which was based on the 1949 ceasefire line between Pakistani and Indian portions of the territory, into an international boundary — a significant departure from the long established BJP position that India should persist in seeking the integration of the Pakistan-occupied Kashmir.” A peace of advice to those Kashmiris wanting to go into the lap of Pakistan: let us recapitulate the views of Sheikh Abdullah about Pakistan. In 1949, Mr Gundevia, who was then Joint Secretary of the then Commonwealth Relations Department, stated in “On Sheikh Abdullah —-A Monograph” that when questioned as to “Why don’t you suggest that Kashmir should be an independent country, with its territorial integrity guaranteed by both India and Pakistan”, the Sheikh replied: “No. This would never work. Pakistan has taught us a lesson. Kashmir is too small and too poor. Pakistan would swallow us up. They have tried it once: they would do it again.” Our leadership should not ignore history. After meeting Ayub Khan, Secretary of State Dean Rusk sent a cable to President Kennedy that the “entire conversation was marked by Ayub’s deap fear, distrust and hatred of India and especially the Brahmin Nehru whom he regards as an evil and a dangerous man.” Later after Rusk returned to Washington, he commented, “ We cannot rely on Pakistan to act rationally…” Again quoting Mr Talbot, “Musharraf found the Lahore Summit galling…. Like so many of his fellow officers and for that matter, many of his countrymen, he was a revanchist on the issue of Kashmir. He also nurtured an underlying bitterness over the dismemberment of Pakistan in 1971, in which India had played a powerful role in support of Bangladeshi secession. He had told Indian classmate at the Royal College of Defence Studies in 1990 that the only way there could be peace between the two countries if Pakistan recovered its lost territory and lost honour. He yearned, he said, for the day when he would be in a position to launch a military campaign across the Line of Control.” We must nor forget the Kargil incursion also. Again, as Mr Talbot says, “Subsequent enquiries, conducted by the Indians but credited by the United States, established that the Pakistani thrust was more than just a serendipitous exploitation of the winter stand down; it was a preplanned probe mounted by the Pakistani military and intended to create a new Line of Control more favourable to Pakistan”. However, peace in the subcontinent is in the interest of everyone. We cannot continue with the prejudices of the past. Let us begin afresh. The Prime Minister’s suggestion of establishing common institutions across the Line of Control is on the lines of the Good Friday Agreement arrived at in April 1998 between the British government, Northern Ireland and the warring factions of the Unionists, wanting to continue to be a part of the UK, and the Nationalists, fighting for its secession and merger with the Irish Republic. The second part of the agreement was the creation of the institutional framework of cross-border linkages and cooperation. It provides for a North-South Ministerial Council, comprising ministers from the autonomous Government of Northern Ireland and their counterparts from the Republic of Ireland. Its task is to explore and develop cooperation in those areas which can yield benefit to both sides, thus enunciating some kind of a confederal setup in their politico-executive decision-making processes. Certainly, the statement of the Prime Minister and that of the National Security Adviser can become the basis for further
negotiations. The writer is a former Director-General of Police, Punjab.
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The harassed smoker A smoker is an endangered species these days. Endangered not only because of its harmful effect on health but also by smoker-hunters. Gone are the days when you could light up in official meetings to break the monotony of your boss’ un-dramatic monologue. Now, it is a strict no-no. And even if you smoke in the corridor during the tea-break, people give you a pitiful look as if you were already a patient of terminal lung cancer lying on deathbed counting pennies in your provident fund. There was a time when peer pressure drew one to the smoking ring. No more. Now it works in the reverse. Most friends and colleagues are non-smokers and disciples of one or the other high-profile yoga guru. The moment you light a cigarette they begin to hold forth on its harmful effects. You cannot be faulted for having a lurking suspicion that they are jealous and can’t stand you as married men can’t stand a happy bachelor. Free advice comes pouring in. People who have never smoked in their lives are the first to give advice on how to quit. Those who have successfully quit are next to join the chorus. “Willpower, man! Your willpower alone can make you quit!” How many times one has tried that! But when your ‘willpower’ is pitted against the Wills power, the struggle is overwhelmingly one-sided. “Do not smoke before the meals!” “Smoking after the meal is many times worse.” And what about smoking during the meals? Oh, don’t you remember the audacious advice Amitabh Bachhan gave to Ajit in Zanzeer, “Teja, khaane ke saath cigarette mat piya karo. Sehat ke liye kharaab hota hai.” And flicking the cigarette off the Don’s fingers, walks away in long strides leaving Teja fuming but stupefied. “Do no smoke when women or children are around.” Perhaps the only occasion when you can smoke is in a stag party, that is, if your wife allows you to go to one. “Do not smoke inside of a room.” And of course every place outside of your room is a public place where it is prohibited. That makes smoking as difficult as slaying Hiranyakashayap, who could be killed neither in the day nor at night, neither inside a room nor outside of it, and by neither a man nor a brute. But the best advice came from a well-wisher who said, “Smoking is harmless as long as you do not smoke before going to sleep and after waking up.” Perhaps one should listen to that and smoke only in one’s dreams to wake up with one’s heart and lungs
intact.
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Pakistan’s internal strife India is greatly concerned with continuing terrorism not only in J&K but in the rest of India in cities such as at Delhi, Varanasi and Bangalore. The ISI of Pakistan has established bases not only in J&K and India but in Bangladesh too, so that India can be targetted both from the East and the West. The J&K problem is an excuse only for continuing terrorism. Pakistan would continue to find more reasons, as it needs to keep the tension alive between the two countries. The objective is to keep the Pakistani public focused on Indian specific problems and divert their attention from the internal problems of Pakistan. To start with, there is a Sunni – Shia problem in the otherwise Sunni dominated Pakistan. It has resulted in many acts of terrorism in Pakistan and seems to be increasing over time. As it is, Ahmedias have been excommunicated from other Muslims of Pakistan, as Pakistan has been declared a Muslim Republic. Besides, the people of Sind who have a large number of Indian settlers from partition days, feel that the Punjabis are ruling Pakistan. The feelings of Baluchistan are on the same lines. A similar feeling prevails in the northern part of J&K, annexed by Pakistan in 1947-48. It is the most disturbed and alienated part of Pakistan – rather, it is a Pakistan colony. People of this area now call their area Balwaristan. Balwaristan comprises Skardu, Gilgit and Hunza, called the Northern Areas by Pakistan authorities. Incidentally Balwaristan is the main part of Pakistan occupied Kashmir. It is now integrated into Pakistan. The people of Balwaristan are mostly Shias who feel alienated by the total and complete domination by the Pakistan government. This is quite unlike J&K where, India has facilitated a fully democratic state government. In Balwaristan, a Pakistani officer of the DC rank rules the entire area like a colonial master. All the civil and police officers are from Pakistan and the North-West Frontier Province (NWFP). The social economic profile of the area is quite backward. Some years ago Pakistan raised an infantry regiment named the Northern Light Infantry (NLI) to fight in high altitude regions close to the Northern areas, like Siachen and the heights north of Kargil and the Gurez area. It has 12 Battalions. In the Kargil conflict of 1999, the Pakistani Army made extensive use of NLI units who consequently suffered quite heavy casualties from our extensive use of artillery as also small arms fire. After the war ended, the Pakistani authorities refused to accept the dead bodies of Pakistani soldiers from the high piquets, feigning that no Pakistani regular troops were taking part in the Kargil conflict. Amongst the dead bodies which Pakistan refused to accept, were considerable number of NLI personnel. There was great disenchantment amongst the people of Balwaristan while there was dissatisfaction amongst NLI units also. Consequently, Pakistan has changed the class composition of NLI. Now 50 per cent of the Regiment consists of Punjabis and the balance is from Balwaristan. Of course, the officers of NLI remain from Punjab or NWFP, as was the case in the past. Reports do indicate that the people of Balwaristan are discontented with Pakistan authorities. They want the Pakistan govt. to give them the same democratic rights as are enjoyed by the people of J&K in India. It is reported that after the Kargil conflict, the leaders of Balwaristan had written to the Indian government to discuss their case with Pakistan government The Indian government gives all concessions to the Hurriyat leaders including their visits to Pakistan, even though the Hurriyat leaders hardly enjoy any support in J&K. India should insist that Pakistan allows representatives of Balwaristan to take part in Indo-Pakistan discussions. Of late, learning from China, Pakistan is now settling Punjabis and Pathans in Hunza, Gilgit and Skardu areas to change their composition again causing discontentment. Incidentally, Pakistan does not allow any bus service to Skardu area from the Indian side while it allows bus services to other parts of so called Azad Kashmir. The second serious problem that confronts Pakistan is that of Baluchistan. Baluchistan province has been agitating for a long time against the Central government for not earmarking adequate funds for its development. The Baluchis feel and not without reason, that Punjab gets the maximum share of revenue allocations from the Central government. As of today, there is almost full scale insurgency in Balochistan. The agitation cum insurgency was started in Baluchistan ever since gas was discovered in Bugti area in early fifties, which is generally being utilized by Punjab and Sind, while the Baluchis have been demanding their share from the Pakistan government as well as autonomy for Baluchistan. North of Baluchistan, there is Wazirstan in the Frontier province where the Pathan chiefs and their tribal followers are demanding autonomy to their area, as well as demanding more funds for their development. They possess weapons and are fighting out the Pakistan Army, Pakistan para military forces like Frontier Scouts and the local police. Pakistan may have to face the consequences for encouraging Talibans to go to Afghanistan and to J&K, as they seem to be creating security problems along the Pakistan Afghan border which had been quiet and under the Pakistan influence since 1947. Incidentally, the Baluch Regiment of Pakistan Army has only 50% Baluchis while the remainder are from Punjab and NWFP. The internal problems of Pakistan are becoming quite serious and do pre-occupy the Pakistan government The Pakistan press highlights terrorism, and violent agitations in some parts of India, with J&K always an emotive issue. A pre-occupied Pakistan is likely to continue its terrorist activities in J&K and India, in order to cover up its own serious internal problems. It would be pragmatic on India’s part to be prepared for a long and bitter terrorist campaign, the peace efforts not withstanding.
The writer is Director, Strategic Research Centre, Chandigarh
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“Love of country begins with
love of family” President Vladimir Putin has promised cash bonuses to Russian women who give birth to two children or more in order to reverse what he says is the gravest problem facing contemporary Russia: a declining population. He used his annual state of the nation address yesterday to warn that Russia’s population of 143 million is declining by an average rate of 700,000 each year, a figure comparable to the population of Bahrain. The problem is regarded as a national security issue since large swaths of Siberia and the far east of Russia are dangerously under-populated. It is an anomaly that has stoked fears among ordinary Russians that they will one day be usurped by migrant workers from neighbouring China whose population-packed territory is considerably smaller than Russia’s, the world’s largest country. Mr Putin made no mention of such fears yesterday but warned the problem had become “critical.” “The most acute problem in modern-day Russia is demography,” he told the country’s great and good in the Kremlin’s Marble Hall to frequent outbursts of frenzied applause. “We have to stimulate the birth of a second child in every family. This is what we need to resolve this problem: first, a lower death rate; second, an efficient migration policy; and third, a higher birth rate.” Statistics show that around eighty Russians die every hour, often due to preventable lifestyle diseases such as alcoholism, and that life expectancy for Russian men is just 59 years of age. Mr Putin conceded that poverty was putting many would-be mothers off and promised to dip into the country’s growing pot of oil revenues to tackle the problem. “What stops a woman deciding to have a second child?” he asked. “Poor living conditions, limited income (and) sometimes, God help us, the thought of whether they will be able to feed the child or not.” Mr Putin’s solution was a ten-year plan that it is estimated will cost the Kremlin 80m pounds a year. Quoting the country’s most famous living writer Aleksander Solzhenitsyn, he called for the revival of “ancient caring attitudes” towards the family and the home arguing that love of country begins with love of family. Under Mr Putin’s proposals, which are due to take affect from January 1 of next year, women who give birth to a second child will receive a one-off cash bonus of 250,000 roubles. In a country where many scrape by on a monthly wage equivalent to just 160 pounds, the bonus is a generous one. Child benefit will also be increased, from the current level of 700 roubles a month to 1,500 roubles for the first child in the family. Women who give birth to a second child can lay claim to a further 3,000 roubles a month and will receive financial help with childcare facilities. Though he devoted much of his speech to domestic issues, Mr Putin also found time to subtly deal with harsh criticism of his policies from Washington. He made it clear too that Russia was actively rearming and was poised to substantially boost military spending which he said was currently 25 times lower than Washington’s.
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News analysis The Assam poll outcome can be expected to have a positive bearing on the ongoing peace talks with the banned terrorist outfit, United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA). For the first time since the formation of ULFA on April 7, 1979, it did not give the polls a boycott call. With the Congress led coalition now all set to form the next government in Assam, with Tarun Gogoi again at the helm, peace talks should go forward. Mr Gogoi has shown enough sagacity in the past by not creating a hindrance to the mediating initiative by Gnanpith award winning author and professor of Delhi University, Indira Goswami, who is better known in Assam as Mamoni Raisom Goswami. While both the Centre and ULFA agree to restore peace in Assam, the only obstacle to working out the modalities is ULFA`s insistence on including the issue of “sovereignty” in the talks. Sources in the state home department in Assam disclosed that on their part the ULFA leadership was buying time, in order to await the outcome of the ongoing peace talks with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN), which is also raising the demand for a “sovereign Nagaland”. The reasons behind ULFA`s reported eagerness to see the outcome of the ongoing peace talks with NSCN (Isak-Muivah faction) is obvious. The NSCN is known as the mother organisation of all extremist outfits in the North East and its relationship with ULFA dates back to 1986. NSCN has not only had trained the ULFA cadres in the use of arms, but ULFA also had traded in arms with the help of NSCN. On its part, NSCN was linked to the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) of Myanmar for supply of arms and other logistic support. The ULFA`s links with NSCN and in turn the latter’s links with KIA only justified the pragmatism shown by the erstwhile NDA government in opening up dialogues with the military Junta in Myanmar, against opposition by the left and other forces, to restore the historic Indo-Burma relationship. The initiative by Mrs. Goswami, way back in November 2004, when everyone was sceptical of the outcome of her attempt, finally took shape in August last year when ULFA chairman Arvind Rajkhowa declared the formation of a 11 member People`s Consultative Group (PCG), headed by Indira Goswami, to continue negotiations with the centre on behalf of it . The PCG comprises personalities ranging from intellectuals and journalists of local newspapers, to social activists and the childhood friend of ULFA “commander-in-chief” Paresh Barua, Rebati Phukun. Two rounds of negotiations have already taken place between the centre and PCG, and the Prime Minister took part in the first meeting himself, to reflect the seriousness on his part. Even though the modalities are yet to be worked out as to how the ULFA leadership will come overground to take part in the talks in place of the PCG, the talks are reportedly heading in the right direction. The ULFA`s willingness for talks are believed to be primarily based on two factors. ULFA received a major setback following the military operations in Bhutan in December 2003, which had destroyed all its camps there. Most of its top leadership reportedly were forced to function from unspecified locations in Bangladesh. The second setback for ULFA was the improved relations between Myanmar and Delhi as ULFA was in the process of relocating its camps in Myanmar. The Myanmar government assured India of destroying militant camps of Indian origin on the soil of that country.
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From the pages of FUTURE OF KASHMIR
On the question of Kashmir’s future we kept ourselves deliberately in a state of quiescence during Mahatma Gandhi’s visit to the Happy Valley. We must at the very outset declare that we do not agree with Mahatma Gandhi when he says that “the question should be decided between the two Dominions, the Maharaja Saheb and the Kashmiris.” If in the case of no other State consultations between the two Dominions and the Ruler and the people have been prescribed, why should they be prescribed in the case of Kashmir? The moment the two Dominions enter into a discussion regarding the future of any State there is every likelihood of Pandora’s box being opened. Again, when Mr Jinnah has unequivocally proclaimed that he does not want to interfere with the free exercise of its will by a State, why should he be invited to go against this good and sound policy? Every State (that is its Ruler and its people) should be free to adopt the course which strikes it as correct and wise.
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Do you know a man who does not wish for his own success by unfair means? Do you know a man who does not wish to be rich by defrauding others? He is truly a good man well on his way to scaling the peaks of wisdom. —The Buddha The person to whom a real injury has been caused has the right to redress by bringing the offender to law or himself dealing out suitable punishment to him; and when he forgoes his right and forgives the offender, he does him a real good. —The Koran None has found way to true conduct without cherishing the
holy word. — Guru Nanak If you have no Guru, then pray to God with a loving heart. He will let you know what
he is like. —Ramakrishna
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