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Mahajan’s mea culpa Speed and surprise |
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Capital rape
Japan’s interest in India
Rationed fair-mindedness
The rot in Railways Peace possible in Assam China lowers bamboo curtain
From the pages of
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Mahajan’s mea culpa AT last BJP general secretary Pramod Mahajan has said in so many words what should have been conceded right during the Gujarat riots: they were a “black spot for any civilised society”. This has been the assessment of all right-thinking people all along. In good measure, party spokesman Arun Jaitley has asserted that what Mr Mahajan has written in the latest issue of BJP Today only reflects the “party line” on the Gujarat riots. “Both Atal Bihari Vajpayee and L.K. Advani have described the Godhra incident and its aftermath as extremely unfortunate. There is nothing in the article that is against the party line,” he has claimed. Okay, so the thesis is that Mr Vajpayee, Mr Advani and Mr Mahajan are on the same wave length. Wonderful! This convergence should be taken to its logical conclusion by sacking the Gujarat Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi, because mere expression of regret carries no meaning. There is nothing that stops the BJP from erasing the “black spot” if there is such “unanimity” among the leadership as is claimed. One can only hope that the party is mature enough to know that Mr Modi had proved to be a millstone round its neck during the last Lok Sabha election. As long as he is retained in power, the party will face a credibility crisis. Vast sections of voters belonging to both the majority and minority communities will have difficulty in reconciling themselves to a person like Mr Modi calling the shots in Gujarat. This is because he is guilty not only of not taking action against the rioters but also of instigating them. Every now and then the BJP has to face embarrassment on account of the Chief Minister’s track record, the refusal of the US to grant him visa being one such instance. And each time the BJP swears by secularism, as distinct from pseudo-secularism, its critics fling Gujarat at it. If the party is sincere in its view on the Gujarat riots, it should take two steps to make it credible – drop the Chief Minister and ensure that the victims of the riots are rehabilitated and the perpetrators of the violence are given deterrent punishment. So long as these two do not happen, articles by Mr Mahajan and endorsements by Mr Jaitley will make no sense. |
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Speed and surprise OPERATION Vajra Shakti, the 10-day Army exercise which concluded on Monday, is the first major exercise conducted after the release of the new Army doctrine in October last. The doctrine rightly emphasises speed and surprise, and the need for developing a “homespun” variety of the Revolution in Military Affairs (RMA). The exercise on the banks of the Sutlej, conducted along with an air element provided by the Indian Air Force, explored new tactical concepts and deployed a variety of modern technologies. The RMA, along with other related acronyms like C4I2SR, have been bandied about increasingly in strategic affairs literature ever since the first Gulf War. Though the acronyms are a mouthful, and some of the energetic speculation applies more to a child’s video game than the real world of conflict, they refer to genuine changes driven by advances in information technology. C4I2SR is Command, Control, Communications, Computers, Information, Intelligence, Surveillance and Reconnaissance, and is all about creating a “system of systems” with which to win even without fighting, and if necessary, triumph over the enemy in an actual engagement. Sensors, weapon systems and even the foot soldier in the front line can be networked in real-time or close to real time using “sensor-to-shooter” links. Multiple targets can be acquired quickly and fire-power delivered not only more precisely, but also from stand-off range. While it is heartening that these changes have been taken note of by all the three services and efforts are on to integrate the available technologies, one cannot lose sight of the fact that there is almost total import dependence for RMA type systems. Increased private partnership in defence research is a truly viable option worth pushing for. There is now a small, robust computer in the hands of the army soldier, the SATHI, short for situational awareness and tactical hand-held information, developed by a private company. A revolution is called for first in the various agencies of the Defence Research and Development Organisation, and the defence public sector units. |
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Capital rape THE national capital, and people elsewhere in the country too, may be shocked and outraged by yet another rape, this time of a Delhi University student in the early hours of May 8, but the Delhi police couldn’t care less. How else can this audacious crime — abduction and rape of a student by four men inside a car, right opposite a police post in an area bustling with people, traffic and activity at all hours – be explained? It should never have happened in the first place, in any civilised city. But since Delhi, which is also the national capital of crime and rape, does not exactly fit the term “civilised”, the police would be expected to be ever in a state of high alert to prevent such depredations as the one at Dhaula Kuan on Sunday. Far from being alert, it looks like they were sleeping on the job. It is the wilful negligence that enabled the four criminals to drag the struggling student into their car in full public view, speed away, rape her and, two hours later, return to drop her at the same spot. And all this while the cops were blissfully looking away; not only the ones in the police post but also those who keep moving about the highway in their patrol cars. Even more shocking is the delay in nabbing the attackers. It is not enough to apprehend the criminals who deserve to be meted out the severest punishment. This time, it is important that the policemen too be prosecuted for their culpability. In not rushing to the scene of crime and rescuing the girl and seizing her abductors then and there, the negligence of the police is akin to aiding the crime and criminals. At a different level, the spectators present may not be guilty but they are also responsible, for not raising an alarm or intervening. The public is held back, on occasion, by fear or indifference, but, often, by a retrograde mindset — that women ought not to be out at night, or attired in a way that attracts attention. Such men and their mindsets that condone rape by suggesting that the victims were “asking for it” are equally to blame for rapists getting emboldened. |
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Marriage is the waste-paper basket of the emotions. — Sidney Webb |
Japan’s interest in India
BEING an ardent worshipper at Tokyo’s Yasukuni Shrine for war heroes, Mr Junichiro Koizumi cannot have needed any reminding of Indian sympathy during World War-II as he and Dr Manmohan Singh promised to usher in “the new Asian era”. Subhas Chandra Bose was one factor in the historical connection. Another was Jawaharlal Nehru’s refusal to attend the 1951 San Francisco Peace Conference, of which Dr Singh reminded the Japanese Prime Minister. But perhaps the most poignant was Radha Benode Pal’s dissenting verdict at the Tokyo War Crimes trial. It provides a human backdrop to the pursuit of a common political goal as both countries seek their place in the sun. Pal was not just one of the 11 judges at what was formally known as the International Military Tribunal for the Far East. He was the only one with any exposure to international law. The only other Asian on the Bench, a Filipino jurist, was compromised for he had suffered as a prisoner of the Japanese. The Bench’s Australian chairman was implacably opposed to Japan. In this hostile ambience, Pal displayed great courage by describing the proceedings as “victor’s justice”. He alone found the 25 Japanese defendants — all of whom are honoured today in the Yasukuni Shrine — not guilty. He was also the only judge to mention Hiroshima and Nagasaki. However, Pal was not allowed to read out his 1,235-word dissenting verdict. Nor could it be published during the seven years of the American occupation of Japan. He paid for his courage when a vacancy occurred in the International Court of Justice at The Hague. Though Pal was the obvious candidate, American displeasure was reflected in the choice of Pakistan’s Sir Zafarullah Khan, who had already obliged the United States. This historical context has to be remembered in assessing India-Japan relations today. Of course, there is no such thing as gratitude in diplomacy. Even national memory is evanescent. But, clearly, Mr Koizumi banked on India’s support and sympathy, which explains the purpose of the visit. For probably the first time since Pal’s verdict in 1949 and Nehru’s refusal to sign a general victor’s treaty that bore the insufferable John Foster Dulles’s imprimatur, India is again in a position to render the Japanese a service. Otherwise, relations might have continued to be marked by benign neglect. Japan’s outrage when India went nuclear in May 1998 only partly explains this phenomenon. The truth is that India ranked low in Japan’s priorities as long as the so-called Hindu rate of growth promised no dividends, at home or abroad. True, Dr Singh was Finance Minister in the early nineties when Japanese loans saved India from bankruptcy. Since then India has outstripped China and Indonesia to become the biggest recipient of Japanese aid. But this was compassion. Refusing to be dazzled by the “Shining India” slogan, hardheaded Japanese businessmen and politicians saw little future in cooperation with such a sluggish economy. Annual trade has languished at a measly $4 billion since 1997, and Japanese banks and manufacturers lag far behind South Korean corporations like Samsung and Hyundai in India. Even a special luxury train to tour Buddhist sites failed to attract Japanese tourists. Prime Ministerial visits are also infrequent. Mr Koizumi’s took place after a gap of four years, which was nothing compared to the 23 years from 1961 to 1984 when no Japanese Prime Minister set foot in this country. Indian Prime Ministers have visited Tokyo far more frequently. Explaining Japan’s refusal to admit India to the Asia-Pacific Economic Countries’ forum, a Tokyo diplomat claimed, only half jokingly, that a country wasn’t regarded as Asian if imperial Japanese forces had not occupied it during World War II. Now, says Ambassador Yasukuni Enoki, “Japan is willing to recognise India as a major power in Asia.” Why? The reasons are easily cited. India’s economy is doing better. Cold War estrangement forgotten, India and the US, which remains Japan’s strongest anchor in global affairs, are strategic partners. Though still the world’s second biggest, Japan’s own economy is less robust than before. Finally, the searing row with China just when Japan was beginning to emerge from political isolation could threaten its hopes of a higher Asian and global salience. An obvious congruence of interests lies in the demand by Japan and India — and the two other so-called G-4 countries, Germany and Brazil — for full membership of the United Nations Security Council. Pakistan objects to India’s candidacy, China to Japan’s. China and Pakistan are allies. Faced with this impediment, Japan has embarked on a dual strategy. Globally, it seeks a Security Council in which four new full-fledged members will automatically diminish the consequence of the existing Big Five, including China. Regionally, Japan wants a functional and not geographic East Asian Community, including India, Australia and the US, which will also mean less clout for today’s biggest kid on the Asian block, again China. Of course, India and Japan are both careful to stress that there is no question of ganging up on China. But events and strategies have their own logic and convey their own message. The months ahead will see some effort certainly to realise the promise of the rather cumbrously titled “India-Japan partnership in the new Asian era: Strategic orientation of India-Japan global partnership”. But the eight-point agenda seems to promise miracles. Trade is expected to blossom to $20 billion in just five years. Investment will boom from virtually nothing. Ironic in the wake of Japan’s tragic Amagasaki crash, the Japanese will build in India a $5 billion fully computerised railway signalling system. Even more ironic, given their response to Pokhran II, the Japanese will cooperate in proliferation control, in addition to maritime and energy security. Plans for in effect a joint diplomatic campaign for UN reform more accurately disclose what now binds the two countries. Some accuse New Delhi of wasting its time and energy in chasing the empty symbol of Security Council membership, but this is what brings India and Japan closest now. A framework resolution for the UN General Assembly’s 60th session in September might be as relevant to bilateral ties as the eight-fold way with its Buddhist overtones. A concern for Asian dignity explained Nehru’s rejection of the victor’s peace terms that the Western powers laid down. As one of the wartime allies, India was entitled to attend the San Francisco conference. But, as Dr Singh recalled, India waived reparation claims in 1951 and signed a separate treaty that Nehru thought would better respect Japan’s honour and international prestige. The same concern inspires the quest for full membership of the Security Council. Denial by others with vested interests does not make the demand any less valid. But it is worth stressing that Japan would never have sought India’s cooperation — nor would Mr Koizumi have come to New Delhi — if the economy had not shown promise. Foreign policy, like charity, begins at
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Rationed fair-mindedness IN the British days it used to be said commonly that there was no parallel to the evenhandedness and impartiality of the British when it was a question of dealing with a matter as between two Indian. When, however, the issue was one concerning an Indian and an Englishman as adversaries, then their sense of justice would be held firmly in abeyance and instead the scales weighted in favour of the Englishman as a matter of course. To take an instance, the principle of equal pay for equal work was flaunted as inviolate in theory but in practice the career of the ICS men started with a clear breach of it. All through their service Englishmen were given a sizeable additional allowance payable to them in England, as compared with the emoluments of the Indian officers. That, of course, was never talked of too much and was a hush-hush affair and few people came to know about it. Again, the competitive examination for the service used to be held every year in Delhi in January and a few months later in London, and the actual appointments were made by following a slightly different procedure in regard to the two examinations. From the Delhi examination a very limited number of candidates, usually three or fours were selected right from the top of the merit-list and were as a rule almost all from the majority community. Thereafter the minority communities’ candidates were “nominated” to the service howsoever low their position on the list, the other candidates above them were passed over. In one year, for instance, the first minority candidate was 73rd on the list and was taken leaving out some 70 other candidates in positions higher than his. For the London examination, however, the system of nominations was not considered appropriate. So if in a particular year 15 vacancies were fixed for Englishmen and the last Englishman was 20th on the list, then all the Indian candidates above him were also appointed without any of them being left out as in India. This no-nomination policy in London, though sound in principle in its own way, had an adverse effect on the Delhi recruitment. If in London more Indians succeeded than envisaged in the over-all plan, then the Indian open competition vacancies were reduced to the extent of the increase, so that the total number taken in the London and Delhi examinations combined together was not exceeded. (The only exception in the matter of nominations in London was during the two World-Wars when no examination was at all possible. Then nominations alone were made there on a very limited scale). I expect in a manner of speaking fair-mindedness can be regarded as an opposite of abstinence, which as some one observed, is an excellent thing, provided it is practised in moderation of fair-mindedness, on the other hand, you can never have too much: the more of it there is the more welcome it
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The rot in Railways IT’S all a question of leadership, and if Indian Railways’ safety record is so dismal with a major train mishap claiming scores of lives every year, the blame has to be squarely laid at the very top, viz, the minister himself. Undoubtedly, it’s a measure of confidence which the successive PMs have reposed in the capability of the railway management to bravely continue to bear the cross of the likes of Jaffer Sharief, Janeshar Mishra, Ram Vilas Paswan, Mamata Banerjee, Nitish Kumar, and to cap it all, Laloo Prasad Yadav. Unfortunately, this confidence over the last decade and a half with the string of political heavyweights occupying the august chair in Rail Bhavan has cost the nation dearly. Unmindful of the long-term interests of this vital piece of infrastructure in sustaining the nation’s economic and industrial growth, they have had their own populist agenda, in the process setting a very poor example of leadership with which to inspire its 1.7 million-strong work force. Starting with the project uni-gauge, a bottomless pit into which crores have been sunk with scores of unremunerative lines being converted from narrow and metre to broad gauge, hundreds of new projects have been promised on the floor of the Lok Sabha unmindful of their viability. The backlog of such projects in the pipeline is a whopping Rs 30,000 crore, which would take any where from 10 to 20 years to complete depending on the availability of financial resources. The string of train accidents over the last one decade, mostly attributed to human failure, is one of the key indicators of how deep the rot of disillusionment with the political leadership and indiscipline that has set in. Undoubtedly it’s a trickle-down effect, and the 1.7 million staff seldom fail to note what their top executive viz. the minister does or does not do. Nitish Kumar ignored sane advice from innumerable sources and went ahead with the creation of eight new railway zones, almost doubling the existing ones from nine to 17, and the consequent overhead costs. Ostensibly to improve efficiency, it was basically to win some valuable political allies in the states where new zonal headquarters and additional seats of power have now emerged. They are equally aware that replacing plastic cups with kulhars made from mud are mere political gimmicks and are not for the long haul. Nor are the shenanigans of Laloo in the recent episode in Gujarat have missed their eagle eyes, thanks to the electronic media catching each and very byte in all its gory details. Add to that the fact that flaunting one’s political connections is de-rigeur, and over the years the staff rarely gets sacked for being held responsible for major acts of dereliction of duty, we have a pretty grim situation on the staff discipline front. Apparently, Samlaya is another instance of callous neglect of simple safety precautions and gross irresponsible working on part of the maintenance and operation staff, which has cost 20 passengers their lives. Undoubtedly more than three decades of industrial peace is a record which any organisation, especially one with a 1.7 million workers would indeed be proud of. However, it’s also an indicator of how chummy the relations between the organised labour and the management have become, leading to some very disturbing weaknesses developing in maintaining staff discipline and accountability in day-to-day working. Often punishment meted out to staff, if any, for major acts of indiscipline and dereliction of duty seldom acts as a deterrent to others. Labour participation in the IR management started in 1979 with the setting up of the Corporate Enterprise Group (CEG) at which the top echelons of the management along with those of the labour and staff unions, officers association etc met periodically at various levels, to sort out major issues. The CEG, re-christened as PREM (Participation of Railway Employees in Management), has now emerged as a powerful tool to effect far-reaching changes by involving staff and their co-operation in decision making at all levels. However, it may not remain so peaceful any more, for Lalu is determined to carry out some far-reaching changes to jack up the safety record. He is determined to put the screws on the top echelons viz. the Divisional and even General Managers for train accidents of a serious nature. As a result in the near future, a marked increase in monitoring of all types of maintenance, operational activities and consequent punishment of staff for not conforming to the rules and regulations will emerge. Undoubtedly, an opportunity for some overzealous union office-bearer to call it harassment of staff and lead to some major conflicts in the near future. With its new-found clout parties of the Left would not be far behind jumping to the defence of the labour. However, some major shake-up and churning in management-staff relations could prove to be a blessing in disguise, since it may at least result in improved safety performance! The writer is a former member (Mechanical), of the Railway Board. |
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Peace possible in Assam ASSAM has been suffering from insurgency since 1979. Twentyfive years have passed but no solution could be found to bring peace in this beautiful state. Assam, once the main oil producing state of the country, has been neglected for long. Economically, it was backward in spite of the availability of oil, forests, water resources and fertile land. Illegal migrations from Bangladesh increased and it became a threat to the culture and traditions of the local population. In 1979 the United Liberation Front of Assam (ULFA) was formed. It raised the voice for economic uplift and amend to illegal migration from Bangladesh. Ulfa gained strength and came in contact with foreign agencies which funded insurgent activities. Till the mid-nineties, ULFA had full support of the public. Slowly the power of money, gun and the influence of foreign agencies sidelined the cause for which the organisation was raised. ULFA established camps in Bhutan and the leadership shifted to Bangladesh. The illegal migration from Bangladesh was no more a point of concern for ULFA and huge money collected through extortions was spent either on buying arms or invested outside Assam. The killing of innocents, specially Sanjoy Ghosh, a social worker, annoyed the public. Arbindo Rajkhowa, Chairman of ULFA during the Kargil operation, made a statement that their movement was similar to mujahedeens fighting in J&K, when soldiers from Assam were laying their lives in Kargil. This affected ULFA adversely and they started losing public support. Many incidents took place when villagers faced the militants and hacked them to death. But this menace still remained. From 1998 to 2003 ULFA remained under tremendous pressure. The organisation could hardly conduct any operations and even extortions had come down. The intensive operation by the security forces put a resource crunch and militants could not take food supplies to their camps in Bhutan. Militant genuinely started showing a desire to surrender and a large number surrendered. Bandh calls by ULFA had no effect and an open defiance to ULFA demands from the public was noticed. The Government of India started pressuring the King of Bhutan to dislodge militants from Bhutan. This was the time when Paresh Baruah the self styled commander in chief of ULFA did show his desire for talks, but there was a delay on the part of the Central Government to respond to it. The officials in power and sitting away from ground realities failed to understand the seriousness of the opportunity. A chance was lost for a peaceful settlement. Peace can be brought back to Assam. The people of Assam have suffered enough. Its economy has not progressed and the business lobby is hesitant to have new ventures in Assam. It is the strong culture and traditions of Assamese, which has given them the strength to suffer insurgency for the last 25 years. They deserve peace and prosperity. The governments of India and Assam must make a proper strategy, implement it and monitor it closely to deal with this menace. |
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China lowers bamboo curtain YOU could call it panda diplomacy. A historic visit by the leader of Taiwan’s opposition party, Lien Chan, to the Chinese mainland has ended with Beijing making the island a series of goodwill gestures, including the gift of two giant pandas. The exotic animals are regarded as the ultimate Chinese diplomatic favour, and capped the ground-breaking tour described by Mr Lien, the leader of the Kuomintang, as a “journey of peace”, which finished yesterday “very happily, smoothly and successfully”. But there were concerns in Taiwan that the gesture could be a Chinese trick. Chen Yunlin, the director of the Chinese Communist Party’s Taiwan Work Office, said he hoped the peace offering, widely anticipated by both sides, would not be rebuffed out of concerns for its political implications. “We hope the pandas, with their tame nature, air of nobleness and cuddly looks will bring joy and laughter to the Taiwan compatriots, children in particular,” he said. But Joseph Wu, a leading Taiwanese policymaker, said Taipei was likely to be suspicious of Chinese diplomacy and would not welcome any gifts from Beijing if it were felt they were attempts to downgrade the island’s status as a sovereign and democratic state. A similar offer was rejected years ago by Taipei for fear it was part of a plot to forge ahead with plans for unification. China views the island as a renegade province. “If we accept the pandas that means we’re admitting ourselves we’re a local government,” said Hsu Kuo-yung, a lawmaker with the ruling Democratic Progressive Party. “Our lovely next generation is more important than these two lovely animals.” Important dignitaries visiting the country during the Cold War used to be regular recipients of pandas, lasting reminders of Chinese diplomacy in action. Most exports are now loaned rather than given. China and Taiwan have reportedly discussed the gesture 10 times since 1992 but the island had neither been unable to provide a protected environment for the endangered species, nor felt the political motivations behind the gifts to be suitably neutral. Hinting at the benefits Taipei might expect from reconciling with China, Beijing also announced the lifting of a ban on Chinese tourists travelling to the island and offered zero import tariffs on locally grown fruits. But the friendly appearances of the diplomatic grand finale to Mr Lien’s trip were undermined yesterday when Hu Jintao, the Chinese President, declined an invitation from Taiwan’s President, Chen Shui-bian, to visit the island and see for himself “a sovereign, independent country”. Taiwanese leader is under pressure to seize back initiative from the opposition Kuomintang, also known as the Nationalist Party, and improve ties with Beijing. But Beijing has ruled out any thaw in relations until the Taiwanese ruling party abandons calls for formal independence and endorses a 1992 declaration that the island, together with the mainland country, form “One China”. The Taiwanese government is fervently in favour of formal independence for the island, while MrLien’s opposition Kuomintang is fighting to rouse support for unification with the communist mainland. —
The Independent |
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From the pages of Missionaries and merchants THOSE incorrigible busy-bodies, the Christian Missionary and the British Merchant, have been working tooth and nail to induce the Government of India to impose upon King Theebaw and his subjects the boon of a free trade, however, much the latter may be unwilling to receive the boon. But the meaning of their kindness to the Burmese sovereign reaches further, and may be said to include a prospective annexation of his territories to the British dominions. This is no doubt a pious wish both on the part of the Missionary and the Merchant, who have ever been the pioneers of salvation and civilisation in all barbarous and superstitious countries. Ask these estimable gentlemen and they will respond in one voice that the semi-civilised, Pagan State of Ava does not deserve one moment’s continuance. But what about the vast population for whom these busy bodies manifest so much anxiety? |
When the senses contact sense objects, a person experiences cold or heat, pleasure or pain. These experiences are fleeting; they come and go. Bear them patiently. — Shri Krishna (Bhagavad Gita) May the water, herbs, vegetables and the entire universe be full of peace. — Rig Veda In tribulation, immediately draw near to God with confidence, and you will receive strength, enlightenment, and instruction. — Saint John of The Cross  |
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