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At the cutting edge Arms and votes Stalemate in Goa |
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Al-Jazeera for sale
Straight from the heart
Fierce battle for Haryana Assembly Delhi Durbar
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At the cutting edge PROVING all apprehensions wrong, Jammu and Kashmir voters have cast their ballot in large numbers in the first phase of civic polls in Baramulla and Kupwara, held after a gap of 27 years. The large turnout despite the threat of the gun and boycott calls by separatists is about the best news to come out of the State in a long time. Such massive participation would have been remarkable even in a totally peaceful State. Since it took place in troubled towns like Baramulla, it was simply unbelievable. With two candidates having been killed by the terrorists and many others attacked, it was feared that the voter turnout would be extremely low. Imagine people jostling with each other to vote first! Long queues were seen almost everywhere. Apparently, the hold of the terrorists is on the wane. People want development in their area and would brook no interference even from the killers. What was even more refreshing was the fact that women and youth took part in the elections enthusiastically. And a large number of Independents contested despite the repeated threats to eliminate them. This unusual development has a hidden message for the elected representatives as well. People are sick and tired of lack of basic necessities like water and electricity. That is what made them defy the militant diktats. Members of municipal corporations and committees which will now be formed better make sure that they deliver otherwise the voters may hound them as earnestly as they took part in the elections. What must be remembered is that only the first phase of the six-phase elections is over. Much will depend on polling in Srinagar, Pulwama and Anantnag districts in the coming days which are hotbeds of terrorism. Public enthusiasm can be sustained only if security arrangements continue to be effective without being obtrusive. Even otherwise, panchayat elections in far-flung areas which are to be held in the near future and state and parliamentary elections which will follow in the coming years will be the real test of the situation. The future of Kashmir was not the vital issue in the present elections; it was the local issues that mattered at the cutting edge of politics. |
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Arms and votes DESPITE the shadow of arms and uncertainty looming large over Iraq, over 60 per cent of the 14 million voters defied insurgents’ bullets to opt for democracy. The percentage of the votes polled in the Shia-majority areas was much higher, whereas the turnout in most Sunni-dominated cities was poor. This indicates how things will shape in new Iraq. The Shias, the majority community, are obviously enthusiastic about seeing the day when they will get their due share in power. The Sunnis, the rulers of Iraq till the overthrow of the Saddam regime in 2003, are bound to feel uncomfortable at the turn of events. They will have to learn to live with the changing scenario. Their areas are the recruiting grounds for the insurgents. The Sunnis’ support to such elements, whatever the reasons, will take them nowhere. Violence breeds more violence, benefiting none at the end. The onset of democracy in Iraq may also end the marginalisation of the Kurds, who suffered the maximum under the rule of Saddam Hussein’s Ba’ath Party. For the first time in the history of Iraq they will be in a position to influence the course of events in their country. The interim constitution has an
arrangement for a regional parliament for the Kurdish zone in northern Iraq. The Kurds also cast their vote for this legislature on Sunday besides exercising their franchise for the 275-member National Assembly and 18 provincial assemblies. Iraq will have an elected interim government in a week or so when the poll results will be officially announced. Most probably, it will be dominated by leaders having the blessings of Grand Ayatullah Ali Sistani. He is well known for his pro-Iran leanings. This means the new government in Iraq may not function in accordance with the plans prepared in Washington, though it cannot afford to ignore US wishes at the initial stage. How the Bush administration manages the situation remains to be seen. The US does not have to worry about its interests so long as it has troops in adequate strength stationed in Iraq. Keeping the circumstances aside, democracy-lovers all over the world must be happy on seeing the seeds of democracy having been sown in the heart of the Arab world. |
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Stalemate in Goa GOA, the little state known for its lovely beaches, is again back to the politics of instability. The fear of defections has always haunted every Chief Minister and the present incumbent, Mr Manohar Parrickar, is no exception. But it goes to his credit that he could give a new thrust to development because of the four-year stability of his government. This is in sharp contrast to the change of as many as 12 Congress chief ministers in the state between 1990 and 2000. Mr Parrickar, who belongs to the Bharatiya Janata Party, has been ruling the state since October 2000. The BJP won the mid-term poll in June 2002. Incidentally, his tenure in office coincided with that of the Atal Bihari Vajpayee government at the Centre. After the National Democratic Alliance’s defeat in the Lok Sabha elections, doubts arose on his continuation. However, the sudden revolt in the party leading to the resignation of four BJP MLAs in the 40-member House was quite unexpected. Governor J.C. Jamir has rightly directed Mr Parrickar to seek a vote of confidence on the floor of the State Assembly as doubts have arisen on his government’s majority support. His directive is in conformity with the guidelines of the Supreme Court in the S.R. Bommai case and the recommendations of the Sarkaria Commission on Centre-State relations, the Administrative Reforms Commission, the Governors’ Conference and the All-India Speakers’ Conference. Apparently, with elections to Haryana, Bihar and Jharkhand fast approaching, the Centre would like the Governor to act strictly in accordance with the Constitution and the various recommendations, without associating itself with the destabilisation game in the state. It would be premature to comment on the outcome of the vote of confidence. However, notwithstanding the state Congress’ claim, Tourism Minister and the lone United Goa Democratic Party member, Mr Mathany Saldhana’s firm decision on Monday to support Mr Parrickar might help the Chief Minister’s prospects. However, things will not be the same again for Mr Parrickar. Even if he wins this time, there could be renewed attempts to dislodge him. Consequently, he will have to walk a difficult tightrope. This is bound to affect the day-to-day governance of the state. |
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Some praise at morning what they blame at night; — Alexander Pope
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Al-Jazeera for sale QATAR'S
tentative decision to look for buyers for its famed pan-Arab Arabic language
24-hour television channel Al-Jazeera under intense American pressure is an indication of the Bush administration’s high stake in it. Washington is pulling out all stops in managing Iraq and the wider West Asia. President George W. Bush’s assertion of his priority in spreading democracy and liberty around the world on his re-election is a goal that can be compromised, rather embarrassingly so, weeks after his oratorical flight of fancy. The truth is that Al-Jazeera has been a thorn in America’s side in prosecuting wars in Afghanistan and Iraq at the same time as the Arab world revelled in finding its voice in a revolution that has matched Nasser’s pan-Arab revolution. Here was born a channel that had broken all Arab taboos in broadcasting both sides of an argument, reporting on dissident views and provided a forum for vociferous debate. Others had attempted to cut through the deadly boring formula of official Arabic channels by going abroad — to London or Rome — to entice Arab viewers. Al-Jazeera broadcast from the capital of Doha in Qatar in the Arabian Gulf with a verve and enthusiasm unmatched by the other channels. Al-Jazeera’s birth in 1996 was, in a sense, fortuitous. A failed BBC attempt at running an Arabic-language service left a pool of trained Arabic television staff. Qatar’s ruler, Sheikh Hamid bin Khalifa al-Thani, saw his opportunity and “loaned” $ 150 million to start the channel. And Al-Jazeera has grown from strength to strength, with an audience estimated at up to 50 million. It is careful not to criticise the host government but is otherwise cheeky and irreverent and has initiated a stormy series of debates presenting different and opposing views. Qatar took out an insurance policy after launching Al-Jazeera. It was one of the very few Arab states to court Israel and, above all, spread out the welcome mat for the United States to set up its biggest military base in the region. In fact, the American headquarters in Doha was the launching pad and control centre of America’s Iraq war and the main briefing centre for it. Even for many veterans in the game of diplomacy, the Qatar ruler’s balancing act evoked cries of admiration. At one stroke, the Arab world found that it had its own alternative voice to the BBC and CNN, the latter having launched the era of television wars in the 1991 American-led operation against Iraq. But the US administration, far from welcoming the radical step the Arab world had taken to inject freedom of expression into the ether, was often petulant about the new channel, when not being downright hostile, because the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq were being reported through other eyes. American views and statements were visually challenged every day and the focus of coverage was not to US liking. Soon Al-Jazeera became the darling of the Arab world. American officials said Al-Jazeera was “inflammatory” and biased because it broadcast Osama bin Laden’s statements, focused on civilian deaths in Iraq, a subject glossed over by Western channels. As Arabs and sons of the soil, the Arabic channel’s reporters repeatedly scooped other channels; CNN’s response and later of other Western channels was to buy Jazeera footage. It is only now that the BBC is reporting that the number of civilian Iraqi dead from operations of American-led forces was in excess of civilians killed through terrorist acts, a fact that was clear long ago to anyone watching Al-Jazeera. American complaints kept piling up even while stronger methods were applied to make life difficult for Al-Jazeera. Its Kabul office, as later its office in Baghdad, was bombed killing a reporter. One of its photographers was jailed for more than two months and the Iraqi interim government threw out the channel last August. If the US demurred, it was in a whisper. There were other problems. Arab governments ranging from Saudi Arabia and Iran to Egypt, among many others, made vociferous protests over the channel’s reporting and interviewing dissidents. Worse, from a financial point of view, was the reluctance of multinational companies to advertise on an ideal forum because they did not wish to offend Arab governments. Although technically independent, the Qatar ruler has had to give an annual subvention of $ 100 million a year. And Al-Jazeera is planning to begin an English-language channel on November 1. According to an official Al-Jazeera spokesman last Sunday, the day the report of its proposed sale appeared in the New York Times, a decision was taken 14 months ago to look for buyers. It has now been decided to rule on the issue one way or the other by the end of the year. The stipulation, he said, would be that the channel would maintain an independent editorial policy. So sensational has been the success of Al-Jazeera in the Arab world that other Arabic-language channels have spouted, all of them seeking a slice of the cake. But none of the newcomers has matched the popularity of Al-Jazeera. The American-launched Arabic television channel has a very small audience, inevitable in view of its sponsorship. Reporting in print and on television in the Arab world is so circumscribed by rules, taboos and no-go areas that Saudis decided many years ago to go to the West to appeal to a wider Arab audience. Saudi-owned newspapers and magazines have, indeed, reaped a rich harvest through their ventures, the caveat always being that critical or honest reporting of the region excludes developments in Saudi Arabia. But never before had a renaissance in the Arab world reached the level of Al-Jazeera. It has its own Arab ambience, with panellists walking out of live television debates and American officials, including Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and Colin Powell, being given their say. This hive of activities is located in a modest building in Doha I had occasion to visit last August. Psychologically, President Bush’s jihad to spread freedom and liberty could not have had a worse beginning in the Arab world he has proclaimed he will save. The pressure being piled on tiny Qatar, despite the state’s propitiatory offering of a military base, sends a message every Arab
understands. |
Straight from the heart THERE was a certain elemental roughness and rawness about the audience. The atmosphere of the place was of peaceful anarchy — dilapidated buses, no toilet facilities, and tough looking people with sullen expressions going about in a slovenly and aimless manner. It was reminiscent of my younger days while visiting a rural police station. I had been invited to speak to a group of conductors and drivers at the roadways workshop. The subject was on improving public dealing and dealing with free customers (police personnel), I was asked to speak in Punjabi. I told them that they were the most important segment of society catering to the largest section of the public. They had tremendous responsibility with little influence and facilities and their job was much tougher than that of policemen. The audience warmed up. They told me how the policemen routinely misbehaved, and were boorish, ill-mannered, foul mouthed and needlessly arrogant. I told them formerly it was written “Sawari apne mall asbab ki khud zimmedar hai (the passenger is responsible for his belongings)” . One of them said that it is still written there but considering the plight of roadways buses, they should also write, “Sawari apne jaan ki khud zimmedar hai” (the passenger is responsible for his own life). The other fellow quipped poetically: “Zindge ek khilona hai”. They told me that the policeman not only used the free facility, but also misused and abused it. They extended the facility to their friends and relatives. And many of them kept on using the facility after retirement. Any lady travelling alone was routinely harassed. Once when a conductor tried to intervene the policeman turned to him and asked him. “Teri bhen lagdi hai!” (Is she your sister? Then they talked about policemen’s love of liquor and “kukad” (chicken). At any wayside “dhaba” they always demand “chicken”. One of them mused philosophically. “Pata nahi, kukad da nasal khatam kyon nahi ho gayee (wonder why the breed of chicken has not become extinct in Punjab)”. There was a genial laughter in the class. They talked about the callousness of bosses, lack of promotion, long driving hours, ill health, shortage of leave and competition from well-connected private operators. When I asked them why they don’t complain to the higher authorities, one of them commented that valour is fool’s answer to wisdom and before the belly even Gods go down. The world is neither flat nor round but crooked, and money is the first and last reality. As I thanked them for a very animated interaction, one of them got up and said that it was the first time that a senior police officer was standing and they were sitting comfortably. And then he added, ‘Sirjee tussa sade naal idan gal baat keete hai jiven tussa sare umar conductori-driveri kitti hove.’ (You have talked to us as if you have been a conductor or driver all your life). Rest of them clapped. I narrated this to my wife, she remarked that she wanted to invite the gentleman for dinner because a fact that she had learnt after wasting a lifetime (sarri umar gaal ke) the wiseman had sensed in a span of 75 minutes. How I wished she had met some conductor or driver before she met
me. |
Fierce battle for Haryana Assembly
AS Haryana is all set for the Assembly elections on February 3, the ruling Indian National Lok Dal (INLD) of Chief Minister Om Prakash Chautala and the Opposition Congress are engaged in a fierce fight to control the political destiny of the state for the next five years. Encouraged by its unexpected success in the last Lok Sabha elections when it picked up nine out of the 10 seats in the state, the Congress is contesting the Assembly elections with confidence. If the INLD is encountering a strong anti-incumbency sentiment, the Congress is a divided house. About 30 of its rebels are in the fray as Independents, most of whom are creating problems for official party candidates. The Lok Sabha election results left the INLD shell-shocked. It failed to win a single seat. Both sons of Mr Chautala, Ajay and Abhey, lost the election from Bhiwani and Kurukshetra, respectively. The party workers were as demoralised as men of a defeated army. It goes to the credit of the INLD leadership that it has been able to motivate party workers in many constituencies to actively participate in the electioneering. One reason for the INLD's return from the brink of a possible rout is a change in the political scenario of the state after the Lok Sabha elections. The Haryana Vikas Party (HVP) of the former Chief Minister, Mr Bansi Lal, merged with the Congress. Many who would have migrated from the INLD to the HVP or the BJP, could not do so. The HVP shop had downed its shutters. If the BJP had formed a government at the Centre, many leaders from the HVP and the INLD would have taken shelter in it. Its immediate future in the state also does not seem bright. Members of the INLD, a hardcore anti-Congress lot, which has always voted against the tricolour party, were left with no alternative but to swim or sink with their own party. Now they want to make the best of the situation and salvage as much as possible, so that the party's hopes for a comeback in the ensuing elections are kept alive. It is no secret that Mr Chautala always wanted to prove himself as a better administrator than Mr Bansi Lal and a clever politician than Mr Bhajan Lal. In his zeal to outshine Mr Bansi Lal as an administrator, he accepted the advice of certain bureaucrats and introduced "reforms" which soon made him unpopular. Interestingly, bureaucrats who advised him to "downsize" the administration, themselves got cushy post-retirement jobs. After its defeat in the Lok Sabha elections, the INLD reversed many of its earlier policies. The buzzword changed from "no freebies" to "all freebies"; and from "downsizing" to "fattening" the administration. The old-age pension was increased from Rs 200 a month to Rs 300, with a promise of another increase of Rs 100 after the poll. Unemployment allowance was introduced. The government abolished the Rs 500 fee charged from each applicant for a job. Several promises made years ago were implemented. The increase in the old-age pension has helped the INLD. The Congress is unable to effectively counter the INLD propaganda that the former would reduce the pension on coming to power. Most beneficiaries of the old-age pension are likely to remain loyal to the INLD. People also admit that amenities like roads in villages have improved under the INLD rule. Even then, what has made the INLD unpopular? It is the centralisation of power (and its fruits) in the hands of the Chautala family. The people had realised immediately after the INLD came to power that none other than the family has any say. Party MLAs and other functionaries also strengthened this impression. They never hesitated in expressing their helplessness before their supporters. They would unabashedly tell them to go either to Mr Chautala or his sons to get their problems redressed. The party soon became synonymous with the Chautalas, and the other leaders were simply inconsequential. During the Lok Sabha elections, in many constituencies when the local MLAs sought votes for the party candidates, they were bluntly told by voters that when they could not solve their problems why they were seeking their votes. To counter anti-incumbency, Mr Chautala denied tickets to about half of the sitting MLAs, including a few Ministers. But this has not helped much. The MLAs had not remained a buffer between the grassroot workers and the leadership. If the leadership took credit for all good things done, it was also the centre of popular ire. Ministers like Prof Sampat Singh and Mr Ashok Arora, who enjoy excellent goodwill, are facing a tough time in their constituencies. The Congress is a divided house. It has not projected its chief ministerial candidate. In different regions, different leaders project themselves as the prospective chief ministers. If in the old Rohtak district region, Mr Bhupinder Singh Hooda is projected as CM candidate, in Jind Mr Birender Singh and Mr Randeep Singh Surjewala seem to be the claimants for the top post. If among the non-Jats, Mr Bhajan Lal is the tallest leader, a voice is being raised from north Haryana that the Chief Minister should be from that region. While its opponents ridicule the Congress for not being able to project a single leader, the party's strategy is apparently paying dividend. All leaders are wooing voters in their areas of influence. The BJP, which is going alone in the elections after 14 years, hopes that its performance now would help it become an alternative to the Congress in 2010. This is possible only if the party is able to share with the Congress the benefits of the anti-incumbency against the INLD. The party will be happy if it is able to even marginally improve its tally of six in the 2000 elections. The Haryana voter votes decisively. He does not believe in fractured mandate. And when it punishes someone, it punishes hard. |
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Delhi Durbar THE BJP, which is battling to save its prestige in the forthcoming assembly elections in Bihar, Jharkhand and Haryana, is finding it difficult to raise funds to meet election expenses. Funds, which used to flow when the BJP was in power at the Centre, has seemingly dried up and it is finding it difficult to raise substantial resources for the party. Though the party has adequate funds to manage the ensuing elections, the possibility of early Assembly elections in Uttar Pradesh, with the Congress demanding President's Rule there, the party leadership is worried about the depleting coffers. Modi, Smriti
patch up A patch up between Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi and BJP leader Smriti Irani has taken place in the glare of TV cameras. As a member of the BJP national executive, Smriti had attacked Modi for his role in 2002 riots. She, however, was quick to apologise under pressure from certain quarters in the BJP. The patch up between the Gujarat Chief Minister and Smriti came about recently at a dinner hosted by BJP president and former Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani recently. Modi described Smriti as Gujarat's "beti". The Modi-Smriti patch up was occasioned by a special screening of a documentary made by Advani's daughter Pratibha. There were several shows of the documentary and those present in the first instance were BJP stalwarts like former Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee and in subsequent sessions Union Agriculture Minister Sharad Pawar and Union Home Minister Shivraj Patil. Kamal Nath’s
advice Union Commerce Minister Kamal Nath's advice to retailers at the recent Images Fashion Forum 2005 in Mumbai was to stay away from the government. He told the gathering of retailers seeking "parentage" that like the IT sector which is flourishing they must aspire to keep away from the government. Elaborating his theme, he observed that ever since the government set up the Department of Sports, the country is yet to win a World Cup. IT too has benefited from not being adopted by some ministry. He went on to say in lighter vein that if there was a department of beauty pageants, there might be no Indian beauty queens. Kapil Dev and fashion An avid golfer now and former Test cricketer Kapil Dev is overjoyed at the possibility of having fashion wear for sportspersons. Hailing the announcement of a likely fusion of sports and fashion at the Images Fashion Forum 2005 in Mumbai, Kapil Dev said that it would be a welcome step should the designers give sports stars a new look. Kapil, who attributes his suave looks to his designer outfits, had the audience in splits when he recalled how once he was mistaken for a domestic help.
**** Contributed by Girja Shankar Kaura, S. Satyanarayanan, Gaurav Choudhury and Smriti Kak |
It is skill that is to be determined in combat. Strength, perseverance, wit and courage are to be tested in combat. Pride and status are not at issue. So the humblest warrior may engage with the proudest. — The Mahabharata Civil disobedience means capacity for unlimited suffering without the intoxicating excitement of killing. — Mahatma Gandhi Greed must be converted into yearning for associating oneself with God, Guru and Sadh Sangat. — Guru Nanak You may do a hundred physical exercise to strengthen your body but it will still remain as fragile as a china cup, vulnerable to illnesses. Make your mind strong like a fortress by controlling your thoughts. Then no temptation will succeed in contaminating you and leading you astray. — The Buddha  |
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