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Road to Kabul Schools without teachers |
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The wizard of spin
Editor’s Column
The song of dawn
Pakistan becomes a US protectorate Chatterati
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Road to Kabul Among the subjects Prime Minister Manmohan Singh and his Pakistani counterpart Shaukat Aziz discussed when the latter was in New Delhi recently was transit rights for India to Afghanistan and Iran through Pakistan. If the beginning that has been made leads to the signing of an agreement, it will amount to reopening the historical Silk Route, resulting in enormous economic gains to not only India but also Pakistan and the other countries in the region. Besides increasing the volume of trade, the use of land route is bound to bring down the cost of goods and services considerably. India may be trying to link the transit rights issue to the Iranian gas pipeline project passing through Pakistan. India's viewpoint is that it will be easier for New Delhi to join the pipeline project, benefiting both India and Pakistan considerably, provided it is allowed by Islamabad to transport Indian goods to Iran, Afghanistan and Central Asian republics though the land route. Pakistan may have similar advantages for trading with Bangladesh, using Indian roads. This will be another major confidence-building measure contributing to the success of the ongoing peace process. Pakistan's reluctance in this regard is based on the assumption that transit rights to India will help in increasing New Delhi's clout in Kabul, something too bitter to be swallowed by Islamabad. India cannot be denied the advantages it has under the prevailing circumstances. Pakistan should learn to live with the changing ground reality. But so far it has been mostly unhelpful whenever India has tried to fulfil its aid commitments to Afghanistan. India, which has been involved in the reconstruction of Afghanistan in a big way after the overthrow of the Taliban regime, had to use the circuitous route via Iran to transport goods and services to the war-ravaged country. Pakistan should shun its negative attitude and cooperate in bringing the Silk Route back into operation in the interest of trade, development and peace in the region. |
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Schools without teachers THERE has been a huge shortage of teachers in primary schools in rural Punjab. The shortage is estimated at 12,000 teachers and 5,000 principals. Naturally, it is the students who suffer the most. They also have to cope with the phenomenon of absenteeism rampant among schoolteachers posted in rural areas. A report carried in this newspaper last week shows that the Government Elementary School at Soyemajra, near Ropar, has been without any teacher. The only teacher in this school was transferred a few weeks ago. Twentyone children, who are on the rolls, attend the school and waste their time. There has been talk of closing down government schools with less than 20 students. This is, however, not a solution to any problem. What is obvious is that the government is not in a position to provide proper education even in the schools that have the requisite strength of students. Small wonder that the number of students in government primary schools has gone down drastically. This is attributed to the low standards of teaching in such schools, which is surprising, since the state reportedly spends as much as Rs 3,700 per student per annum. The teachers have their own complaints. Many of them have to go without pay from time to time, mainly due to bureaucratic hassles. The situation is so bad that there were not even 20 schoolteachers who could be named for the state awards on Teachers' Day this year. Not that the over 100,000 teachers in Punjab are not good enough. It is the process of selection that is primarily to blame. The bureaucratic approach to education is also to blame for the deteriorating standards of primary education. The government should immediately fill the vacancies of teachers and principals. There should also be a system to monitor the teaching in government schools and punish the non-performers. The future of the country depends on the kind of education it gives to its youngsters. Surely, they deserve a better deal than is the case in Punjab now. |
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The wizard of spin Some two months ago, when Anil Kumble became the second Indian bowler, after the legendary all-rounder Kapil Dev, to capture 400 wickets in Test cricket, there were nice and encouraging words. "Kumble still has a few years of cricket left in him and there is every likelihood of him overtaking Kapil Dev's record of 434 wickets," observed a commentator. Forget years, or even months, but in a matter of weeks, the leg spinner indeed, has overtaken Kapil's 434 to record a new high of 436 wickets. This is truly a triumph of performance over hope, though more hope it has certainly given rise to: that the 'spin doctor' would now go on to achieve a record of 500 Test wickets sooner rather than later. The spin master is now undisputedly India's No. 1, and he has reached the pinnacle a good 40 Tests before Kapil managed to set this mark over 10 years ago. At 34, with 15 years in international cricket, Kumble's continuing haul of Test wickets suggests that his best is yet to come. When Kapil was setting the pitches ablaze with his scorching performances in 1992, Kumble, who had made his Test debut in 1990, was put out to pasture because of an injury. For over a year and a half, he was out of the game. Although he returned and was in form, few expected him even as late as during the India-Pakistan contests to spin his way ahead with such masterly magic. Modest and a team man to the core, steadily he notched up successes, breaking one record after another, to scale unexpected heights. Keep going, Anil Kumble. |
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A proverb is one man’s wit and all men’s widsom. — Lord John Russel |
Editor’s Column
With the militants having unleashed a wave of violence and killings in the Valley, the nation was facing a serious situation in Kashmir. Besides deploying the security forces in numbers, the Union government did not know what else to do. That was over a decade ago, in the 1990s. Mr P.V.Narasimha Rao, now lying critically ill in the All India Institute of Medical Sciences, was the Prime Minister. It was too clear to everyone that Pakistan had sent from across the LoC armed men to incite insurgency and create a situation which could help it grab the Valley. A few ideas were floating around in Delhi as to what the government should do to deny the militants and Pakistan an opportunity to encash the fruits of the proxy war it had launched - but not too many. “Are you prepared to grant autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir?” I asked Mr Narasimha Rao in an interview for the Hindustan Times. "Yes, sky is the limit," he said in reply. He skirted a question on autonomy at a press conference he addressed a few days later at the Siri Fort auditorium but he reiterated in Parliament after a few weeks the "sky-is-the-limit" offer. He followed it up in talks with Mr Farooq Abdullah with a package he chose to announce for some strange reasons from Burkhina Faso during his African tour. Actually, Mr Narasimha Rao did not know what exactly to do to follow up his promise. Over a decade later the Union Government even now does not know what to do either. The Manmohan Singh government has reportedly now asked the Centre for Policy Research, a New Delhi think tank, to make an indepth study of the autonomy question. Apparently, this is to facilitate a detailed dialogue about an autonomy package in the near future. One reason for the slow movement on autonomy was frequent changes in governments in Delhi during the last few years. Some of them like those of Mr H.D.Devegowda and Mr Inder Gujral stayed for only a few months. Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee, who had much longer innings, announced a ceasefire to create an atmosphere for talks with different people in the State. New Delhi appointed Mr K.C.Pant as its interlocutor and later Mr N.N.Vohra for talks with various people in the State. The underlying idea for successive governments has been to give more autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir and find a solution within the framework of the Indian Constitution. It essentially involves an exercise to marry the unmet aspirations of the people of Kashmir with the settled policy of ensuring integrity of the Indian Union. There is a national consensus in the country that India cannot allow Pakisan to annex Kashmir or accept independence of Kashmir. There is also now a national consensus on giving more autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir. How much autonomy should be given to ensure the integrity of the Indian Union and at the same time satisfy the aspirations of the people of Kashmir is the essential question which has remained unanswered in Delhi. It is the lack of clarity on the quantum of autonomy that has been a continuing problem for different governments at the Centre as well as for their interlocutors who have been striving for bringing people from different streams to the negotiating table. No benchmarks seem to have been worked out, however. Dr Manmohan Singh made it clear during his last month's visit to Kashmir that no solution of Kashmir would be acceptable which involved a change in international boundaries or another division of the State. The message was meant for Pakistan as well as for the elements it likes to support in the Valley. He also stated during his visit that the Centre was prepared to talk to anyone who desired peace in the State. He said: "Anybody is welcome to come to the table without imposing any preconditions and start a process of dialogue. Imposing preconditions is not the way ahead for a sincere and honest process of dialogue". While there is scope for a clear policy on the quantum of autonomy, the Centre does not know how it should go about when politics in the Valley is most fractious and opinion on relationship with the rest of the Union sharply divergent. Unfortunately, too much emphasis has been given to having the Hurriyat on board while it is common knowledge that the organisation suffers from acute divisions and some of the Hurriyat elements take their cue from Pakistan and not from the people of Kashmir they claim to represent. The Centre has to talk to all sections of the people - the ruling PDP; its coalition partner, the Congress; the opposition National Conference led by Dr Farooq Abdullah and his son Omar Abdullah; Members of other political parties in the Assembly and outside; opinion leaders, intellectuals, NGOs and various ethnic groups like Gujars, Bakarwals; and others who all make the people of Kashmir. There is also a need for serious discussions with the people of the Jammu and Ladakh regions who have been seeking more autonomy themselves from the State government in Srinagar. This is not to say that talks should not be held with Hurriyat leaders, but to continue waiting for it endlessly would be neither wise, nor practical. It is better to start talks with those who are willing to come to the negotiating table and allow the Hurriyat leaders to join whenever they think they easily can. The dialogue cannot be allowed to become a hostage to the fluctuating opinion of warring Hurriyat leaders. The door need not be shut against them, but it should be left to them to decide when they would like to come forward for talks. There is virtually a national consensus that an exercise to redefine the relationship between Jammu and Kashmir and the rest of the Union would require fresh thinking about some aspects of a relationship anchored on Article 370. This means more power has to be given to the State government than it enjoys at present under Article 370. How much power has to be devolved will have to be negotiated with different sections of the State and society - but without losing more time. Dr Farooq Abdullah and his National Conference have at times sought the restoration of the pre-1953 status negotiated by his father, Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah, with Delhi. Dr Farooq Abdullah has lately been wanting the Autonomy Resolution he pushed through the State Legislative Assembly over four years ago to be the basis for discussion. While in power or otherwise, Dr Farooq Abdullah has never adopted a rigid position in his dealings with the Centre, however. Only a few in Kashmir want to become a part of Pakistan. There could be some in the State, including in the Hurriyat, who would like Kashmir to be a separate entity, independent of both India and Pakistan. But a large number of people would certainly like the State to remain within India - but with greater autonomy than it has enjoyed during the last 57 years. It is this section the Centre would certainly need to hold talks with. This would require evolving an agreed policy on the scope and quantum of autonomy and a clear mandate on the basis of which its interlocutor could go ahead with the talks with different sections of political spectrum in Jammu and Kashmir. There has been a view in the Central Government that the key to resolving the Kashmir question ultimately lies in a settlement with Pakistan. Certainly, a settlement with Pakistan will help, but none seems to be in sight in the foreseeable future. Even if it is, it cannot resolve India's own problem with the people of Jammu and Kashmir. India cannot simply regard Jammu and Kashmir as a part of the Union and not own the responsibility of winning over its alienated people. Giving more autonomy to Jammu and Kashmir and honest implementation of the promises made or yet to be made can provide a route to winning them over and ensuring peace in the State. And this, in turn, would be a fitting answer to Pakistan's designs on
Kashmir. |
The song of dawn
WE lived at the foot of Chuttipara, a mountainous rock that spread over a square kilometre. Legend has it that Ram and Sita spent some time in a cave on this rock during their ‘vanvas’. A bed-like piece of rock in the cave is believed to have served as the bed for the Prince of Ayodhya. On holidays, we children used to climb up the rock from where we had a panoramic view of Pathanamthitta town. We never dared to enter the cave for fear of the unknown. One morning, we woke up to hear that an idol of a god was found on the rock. The news spread like wildfire and people in thousands from far and near began flocking to the makeshift temple that was soon erected on the rock. The shrine acquired a powerful mike set donated by a rich devotee. It would come alive on the dot at 5 a.m. with a recorded Carnatic rendition. We would wake up with a jerk as one of the loudspeakers was directly pointed at us. My mother was the first to see an opportunity in the unsolicited alarm service of the temple. Why not ask us to get up and study? So it became a regular feature for us to get up at 5 hearing the devotional song. It might have been sacrilegious to blame the temple for our trouble but we were not stingy on that. Mother could only force us to open the books and not persuade us to read them. Often I pretended to be reading the books. Gradually, the inevitable happened. I began listening to the “stotras” that wafted through the air. The Sanskrit verses were all Greek to me. Yet, I began liking the mesmeric voice. It was “Sri Venkateswara Suprabhatam” sung by M.S. Subbulakshmi. Unconsciously, my tryst with Carnatic music had begun. It did not take long for me to become a fan of M.S. as she was widely known. My mornings were never complete if I did not hear her “Suprabhatam”. The routine continued for several years and I never found the “stotras” to Sri Venkateswara repetitive or a bore. With each listening, I felt that its appeal grew greater and greater for me. In fact, her renderings brought the realisation that language, religion and caste were no bar to enjoy good songs sung with sincerity and devotion. M.S. broke the stereotype that the North Indians did not like Carnatic music as her concerts, whether at Patiala or in Patna, were always a hit. Little did I realise then that she had also proved to the contrary that Christians did not like Hindu devotional songs. Even an agnostic like Jawaharlal Nehru never missed her concerts held in Delhi. It was at one such concert that he is believed to have told her, “What am I? A mere Prime Minister when you are the Queen of Music.” Once when Gandhiji insisted that she sing a particular bhajan for him, she tried to excuse herself by saying that she did not know it well. To that the Mahatma replied, “I would rather have the bhajan spoken by Subbulakshmi than sung by others.” M.S. has passed away but her music will always remain with
us.
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Pakistan becomes a US protectorate Pursuant to that recommendation Sec 4082 of the Act introduced in the Congress provides as follows:- (a) Sense of the Congress: It is the sense of the Congress that the United States should over a long-term period help to ensure a promising, stable and secure future for Pakistan and should in particular provide assistance to encourage and to enable Pakistan (1) To continue and improve upon its commitment to combating terrorism (2) To seek to resolve any outstanding difficulties with its neighbours and other countries in its region (3) To continue to make efforts to fully control its territory and borders (4) To progress towards becoming a more effective and participatory democracy (5) To participate more vigorously in the global market place and to continue to modernize its economy (6) To take all necessary steps to half the spread of weapons of mass destruction (7) To continue to reform the education system and 8. To, in other ways, implement a general strategy of moderation. (b) Strategy. Not later than 180 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the President shall transmit to Congress a detailed proposed strategy for the future, long term engagement of the United States with Pakistan. The strategy required by this sub section may contain a classified annex. This is an extraordinary piece of legislation for one country to undertake, in respect of another country. While this legislation lists out Pakistan’s obligations, it is silent on what that country will get in return. It is reasonable to assume that the return benefits for Pakistan will be in terms of economic and military aid. It is quite likely that this legislation will be considered by many Pakistanis as reducing Pakistan to the status of a protectorate of the US. It lays down conditions in respect of Pakistan’s security policy as well as domestic policy. There will be half yearly reports to the Congress and aid to Pakistan will be regulated on the basis of Islamabad’s fulfilment of the performance required of it by Washington. In the light of this impending enactment, it is not surprising that President Bush and the US Administration have committed themselves to supporting General Musharraf, who, in turn, should have pledged his services to ensure that Pakistan will implement a strategy of moderation, combat terrorism and reform its education system. In India the clause that the US should provide assistance to encourage and enable Pakistan to seek to resolve any outstanding difficulties with its neighbours and other countries in the region is bound to raise concern. The Pakistanis may interpret this clause to mean that there is an assurance by the US to help them to resolve the Kashmir issue in their favour. They interpreted an ambiguously worded US statement of 1962 to defend Pakisan to mean that even if they launched a proxy war through Operation Gibraltan and Operation Grand Slam any Indian counter-attacks, as happened at Lahore, required the US to come to their aid. It might also encourage Pakistan to demand more military equipment from the US. On the other hand, any concession to Pakistan on Kashmir is likely to be regarded by Jehadis as a victory for their terrorist campaign of 15 years and may embolden them to act elsewhere in the world. Therefore, it is not in the US interest to support any alteration of the territorial status quo in Kashmir. Through the present enactment, the US may be unwittingly involving itself in the Kashmir issue, though President Bush has been asserting that the US has no mediatory role. At least the Pakistanis are likely to interpret this clause in their favour, in this way. Such an interpretation and further arms supplies from the US to Pakistan, it is feared by Indians, may make Islamabad more intransigent in respect of Kashmir. Even though the US Act emphasises the Pakistani commitment to fight terrorism, General Musharraf has often sought to argue that terrorism in Kashmir is freedom struggle. Therefore, there is a possibility of Pakistan stepping up cross-border terrorism. As against this, one could envisage the possibility that the US will exercise continuous control on Pakistan and keep it on tight leash, While it is difficult to predict in which way the future developments would turn, India would not be able to deal with Pakistan in future without involving the US. Washington considers India a strategic partner. Consequently one hopes the US leadership will keep India informed about its own strategy to steer Pakistan towards moderation. The long history of Pakistan, its going nuclear in spite of the Pressler amendment, its nurturing Taliban, Al Qaeda and Jehadism against the US interests should warn the US to keep extra vigil on Pakistani strategy. Pakistan has succeded in portraying itself as an ally opportunistically used and then abandoned. Above all, this US strategy vis-a-vis Pakistan envisaged in this Act is dependant solely on one man — General Musharraf. That has its enormous risks for the US, India and Pakistan. Last time when the sole person on whom the US depended, General Zia died, Jehadim rose in Pakistan. |
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Chatterati
Guests from Pakistan
As India-Pakistan friendship really seems to be the flavour of the season, we had legal eagles from both countries gather in the Capital too. R.K. Anand had hosted a dinner to welcome the Bar Association and compare notes. So, of course, some good-natured ribbing was in order. Prior to this the judges and members of the bar of Pakistan played a friendly cricket match. What would we do if both these nations were not crazy about this sport? The game was won over by the guests. Sufi music by the Wadali brothers played in the background. The guests were bowled over by Bollywood actress Nagma. Well, also bridging the borders at the Qutab Minar lawns a three-day all song festival was enjoyed by actress Juhi Chawla and filmmaker Mira Nair. Bollywood really seems to be doing its two bits for peace. Amjad Sabri paid tribute to his famous father Gulam Fareed Sabri.
Back to square one
Sangma left the Congress thinking it is a sinking ship under the leadership of a foreigner. The poor guy is back to square one. He left the Congress in protest against Sonia Gandhi, joined the Nationalist Congress Party and then left the Nationalist Congress Party when the NCP joined hands with the Congress. After that, Sangma drifted to Mamta Banerjee and lost everything in the process. The other one-time heavyweight politician, V.C. Shukla of the “kissa kursi ka” fame, is at a complete loss. Indications are that he may also join the NCP. As these poor guys seem to have burnt their boats completely within the Congress. VC for the first time, in his 48 years of political career and the ripe old age of 76, is at a loose end. Actually, if they had stuck around, they would also have been, made Governor or head of some commissions as is every loyal of the first family is today being awarded. On the other hand, Khurana sending feelers to the RJD and Laloo promising him a Rajya Sabha seat, has got him back to the BJP forefront.
Settling personal scores
The whole country is perturbed, it seems, at the spat between Laloo and Ram Vilas Paswan which is completely unconstitutional. Accusations of corruption and criminality are freely traded which violate the basic norms of political prophecy. Not only does this kind of sparing discredit the
government but also both are officers of the state and had taken up the oath to uphold the Constitution. How can any minister refer to file he has information about that implicates a colleague when shouldn’t he turn over the file to the appropriate authority for action if there is anything wrong? Jaya Bachchan dropping hints about fresh trouble for the Gandhis if her husband ever decided to spill the beans. The Amar Singh and Anil Ambani network in the central hall trying to gain sympathy over family matters. Also as Laloo shouts himself hoarse on the Gauri Advani’s shameful letter kissa. At this the the old-timers are completely dismayed by the way Parliament is being converted into a forum for settling personal scores. |
Begin your work when the hour is calm and bright, when the stars are holy and auspicious. Let all men bear witness to the preparations you make lest they believe that someone else did it for you —The Mahabharata I think God is telling us something with AIDS, giving us an opportunity to show our love. People with AIDS have awakened the tender love in whose who had perhaps shut it out and forgotten it. —Mother Teresa When one can control the mind, the pleasure derived is indescribable. Not even climbing the highest mountain or sailing the roughest seas successfully can compare with it. Not even finding a treasure of gold or winning a kingdom can give the same pleasure. —The Bhagavadgita It was the use of sword that made the fields clear for the exercise of sewa which the Gurus and their disciples performed for the upliftment of mankind. —
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Following the 9/11 commission report, the US Congress is enacting legislation to implement the recommendations of the commission. The commission in its recommendations had focussed attention on the need for the US helping Pakistan to develop a promising, stable and secure future.