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BJP banks on Vajpayee factor, Cong on party in
saddle
Third front eludes Himachal
Farmers more interested in harvest than poll
GRAPHIC: APRIL 26 LOK SABHA POLLING - AN OVERVIEW
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ENCOUNTER: Pondicherry Lok Sabha Seat
Q. With your father Mohan Kumaramangalam, being
a Communist who later joined the Congress, how come you are in the BJP?
A:
Politics today is different from what it was during my father’s time. He left
the CPI because he was disillusioned. I remember my father’s statement when he
joined the Congress. He had said, “If you cannot fight them from outside, then
fight them from inside.” I too believe in it. One cannot rise in the Congress
unless one is a significant sycophant. So, I opted for the BJP. Q: Though you
have been made in charge of Pondicherry by the BJP in April 2002, you are still
considered as an outsider while your opponent M. Ramadass of the PMK is a local
man. How do you rate your chances of winning? A: Here the wave is against the
PMK and the caste factor does not play an active role in Pondicherry during
elections. PMK founder S. Ramadoss has a bad reputation and Rajnikanth fans are
helping me. More than 50 per cent of the voters are women and it is to my
advantage. It is an uphill task but conditions are favourable. Moreover, it is
ironic that I am an outsider but their prime ministerial candidate Sonia Gandhi
is an insider. Q: This is a Congress stronghold. So had your opponent been
from the Congress? A: It is a Congress stronghold and a Congress candidate
would have been a tough fight for me. But now the Congress here is in doldrums.
Their workers are not willing to work for the PMK because they had sided with
Rajiv Gandhi’s killers. Q: What is your poll plank? A: There are many –
achievements of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) government, lack of
credibility of the PMK and the Congress backing Rajiv Gandhi’s killers. Q:
There are many who call the BJP a communal party. What do you think? A: The BJP
is considered a communal party, but gradually more and more centrists within the
party are taking charge. We cannot afford to be aggressive against a religious
minority. We have to survive as a national party and also address their
problems. Q: Then how do you address the issue of Ram temple in Ayodhya? A:
The Ram temple has to be built. But the place has to be decided by consensus.
The Supreme Court cannot force anybody. A more sustainable solution will come
through mutual discussion and negotiation. Q: What kinds of problems are you
facing while campaigning? A: Too much of corrupt practices in the election
campaign here. The opponents are distributing money among the voters and liquor
if flowing like water.
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PMK’s Ramadass banks on support from poor Q: The sitting Congress MP has been denied ticket. Are Congress workers working for you? A: You are meeting me at a Youth Congress office on the outskirts of Pondicherry. All of them are working and I will get the traditional Congress votes. Former Congress MP M.O.H. Farooq is also working for me. Q: Till a few months ago, your party was part of the NDA government. So how can you criticise the BJP’s actions? A: We are having no problems in criticising the NDA government’s policies. The BJP did not implement many measures like the national agenda for governance and instead tried to implement a set of policies which was their own agenda. That was why we left the NDA along with the DMK and the MDMK. Our objective is to establish a secular government, which will bring required changes in the economic policies of the Centre. We should focus more on human welfare and development than have a mechanical growth rate approach. We are against disinvestments. It should be selective and profit-making PSUs should not be sold. Q: Your party had been accused of supporting the LTTE, which killed Rajiv Gandhi. What is your stand on the LTTE? A: We sympathise with the cause of the Tamils in Sri Lanka. Morally, I do not support the LTTE. But I do not want to enter into this controversy. Q: You belong to the fishermen community but majority of your voters are Vanniyars. Are you getting support from them? A: In fact 52 per cent of the voters are Vanniyars. All downtrodden, Vanniyars, fishermen and Scheduled Castes have congregated under the banner of the PMK. Ours is a political party and not a casteist party. I am getting support from all poor people. Q: What about the Rajnikanth fan factor? A: Rajnikanth’s fans are spread in various political parties and they will vote according to their politics. They will not vote according to what a film actor says. It is a non-issue here. Rajnikanth should know what is his strength. Q: Your opponent is a woman and majority of the electorate are women. How do you rate your chances of winning? A: Lalithaa is not known to many women in Pondicherry. And the kind of support I am getting from the Congress, it will not at all be a tough fight. It will be cakewalk for me.
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BJP banks on Vajpayee factor, Cong on party in
saddle
The congress is trying to take full advantage of being the party in power and with a good four years to go. It is striving hard to convince the people that voting the for the congress would be in their overall interest as development of their areas, transfers and other petty problems were the concerns of the state. It was also underlining the fact that providing funds to the states was a constitutional obligation of the Centre and that the Vajpayee Government had not granted any special favour to Himachal Pradesh by giving financial assistance. Aware of the fact that the “party in ruling” could weigh on the minds of the voters, the BJP leaders are publicly declaring that the Virbhadra Singh government would be sacked as soon as the NDA returned to power at the Centre. The BJP rhetoric is being countered by the Congress by asserting that in a federal setup a democratically elected government could not be dismissed at the whims of political leaders. The BJP is also banking on the Vajpayee factor to neutralise the “party in power” factor by referring to the unprecedented financial assistance given to state and the mega projects like the Rohtang tunnel and the Parbati hydel project work on which got underway during his rule. No other Prime Minister, even when the congress was in power both at the centre and in the state, showered such largesse. The issue of corruption, which proved an effective weapon against the Dhumal Government in the Assembly poll, has lost its cutting edge, though the recruitment scam and other cases of corruption continue to be a major concern among the youth. The congress is claiming that its crusade against corruption had yielded result. Dr S.D. Sharma, a former Vice-Chancellor of Himachal Pradesh University had resigned following his indictment by two inquiries and Mr S.M. Katwal, a former Chairman of the Himachal Subordinate Services Selection Board had gone into hiding to evade arrest in the recruitment scam. The BJP on the other hand, dismisses the much-publicised crusade against corruption as a sham and nothing more than a vilification campaign to tarnish the image of opposition leaders.
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Third front eludes Himachal
Dharamsala, April, 24 With the virtual dilution of the HVC, the hill state has once again exhibited its preference for the two-party system, unlike some of the other states where regional outfits have been able to make an impact. The defunct HVC has been able to put up only one candidate from the Kangra Lok Sabha seat, after the former Communication Minister announced its merger with the Congress. The only time when Himachal polity looked like having a viable third front was when Mr Sukh Ram floated the HVC in 1997. His party emerged as a power broker when in the 1998 Assembly poll, the HVC managed to win five seats and was instrumental in the formation of the BJP-led government. By winning five seats, the HVC was able to make a dent in the Congress vote bank and damaged the prospects of many of their candidates. Apart from this, there have been only stray victories for parties like the Janata Dal (JD) and CPM and, that too, only in the Assembly poll. Except for the HVC, which won the Shimla parliamentary seat, the fringe parties have hardly made an impact in the Lok Sabha elections. Even this time, though parties like the BSP, SP, JD(S) and HVC have fielded their candidates, they are likely to have a mere token presence in the absence of a party cadre. Although leaders like Ms Mayawati and Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav have made occasional trips, especially to the lower parts of Himachal to raise party units, their efforts have not yielded any results. “I agree that the HVC would have a mere token presence in the elections, but that is mainly due to Mr Sukh Ram’s singular concern to promote his son, as a result of which many leaders had already deserted the party,” feels an HVC leader. After performing well in the 1993 poll, a stage had come in 1998 wherein the HVC had almost become a non-entity in the political scenario, as the lone seat that fell in the HVC kitty’s was that of Mr Sukh Ram. Political analysts too feel that with the virtual dilution of the HVC, the hope of a third front emerging in Himachal as a viable alternative to the Congress and BJP has been lost.
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Sailing not smooth for Shekhar in Ballia
Ballia, April 24 Political observers say it will not be smooth sailing for the former Prime Minister, who is in the fray on the Samajwadi Janata Party ticket this time for the eighth time to the Lok Sabha. Despite the support of the Congress, the SP and CPI (M), he is facing difficulties as all 13 rivals in the fray including Parmatmanand Tiwari of the Bharatiya Janata Party, Kapildev Yadav of the Bahujan Samaj Party and even some SP leaders including some Ministers are openly campaigning against him. For the first time in his long political career, the former Prime Minister is camping in his home turf after filing his nomination papers on April 6, while in previous elections he would generally come here just two days before campaigning ended. This time, Chandra Shekhar is addressing dozens of public rallies and is trying to convince the people that a vote for him translates into a vote for a national stalwart whose presence in the 14th Lok Sabha is essential. The supporters of the former Prime Minister are also displaying posters and banners appealing to the voters that a vote for him means a vote for Sonia Gandhi and Mulayam Singh Yadav. Chandra Shekhar is known for his unimpeachable reputation in the country but surprisingly, he does not enjoy the same regard in his own district or among the electorate. Residents of Ballia say they are victims of ‘’non-performance’’ and total negligence from their elected representative. In Ballia, the people’s main grouse is that Chandra Shekhar dismisses the common problems and issues which concern his constituents. He clearly tells them that ‘’to construct the road and sewage lines is not the job of an MP. It is the responsibility of the local people. I am a national leader and think about the whole nation.’’ — UNI
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It will be Dullo versus Libra here
Out of the nine segments, only Chamkaur Sahib and Dhuri are represented by Akali candidates while Kharar, Samrala, Khanna, Nabha, Amloh, Sirhind and Morinda are represented by the Congress. Ropar, however, is not part of this constituency. The two main parties here are the SAD and the Congress. The electorate has, over the years, given equal opportunity to candidates of both parties to represent it at the Centre. The 1977 elections saw the largest voter turnout in the constituency at 77.13 per cent. In the 1999 elections, the Shamsher Singh Dullo won the Ropar seat, defeating SAD candidate Satwinder Kaur. This time again, Mr Dullo is in the fray and is pitted against Mr Sukhdev Singh Libra (SAD). Mr Libra had defeated Mr Dullo during the legislative assembly elections in 1985. This victory is the driving force of his campaign. Mr Dullo has been an MLA for two terms. Also in the reckoning are Mr Maan Singh Manhera (BSP) whose driving force is his performance during the 1998 elections. Mr Bhag Singh Surtapuri of the Akali Dal (Amritsar) and Mr Surjan Singh Rahi, an Independent, supported by the Akali Dal opponent, Mr Ravi Inder Singh, will eat into the Congress and the Akali Dal vote bank here.
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Talhan still alive for Dalits
Jalandhar, April 24 Both the BSP and the BJP, which were at the forefront to take up the issue at the national level after Dalits were allegedly denied representation in the Shahid Baba Nihal Singh Gurdwara at Talhan and the subsequent violence in Talhan and Jalandhar, are treading cautiously this time. None of the leaders from these parties has touched the issue during rallies or campaigns. The Talhan incident is still lurking in the minds of Dalits, particularly, in the rural areas. They feel that they were subjected to indifference and torture. “We are not making it our poll issue but during our visits to the rural areas, people question us about it. This means that they have not forgotten it. Not only this, the boycott of Dalits in about 14 villages, including Bhattian, Pandori Khajoor, and Hasanpur, can cast its shadow on the poll,” Pawan Tinu, BSP candidate from Phillaur, said. He, however, did not specify why the BSP had not made it a poll issue. BJP leader Vijay Sampla agreed that the Talhan issue was still alive in the rural areas and could affect the poll prospects of the candidates.
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Factors at Play
Ferozepore, April 24 And realising very well their strong vote bank, the community members have wasted no time in announcing support for any candidate who would get their over 50 years old demand of being included in the list of Scheduled Castes. Rai Sikh is a relatively modern name for a community referred to as the Sirkibandhs or Mahatam Sirkibandhs in the records. The term Sirkibandhs is taboo and no member likes being called by that name. Sirkibandh was a term used for those tribes who used to live on the banks of rivers, rivulets and even large ponds. The members had embraced Sikhism during the time of Guru Gobind Singh. They soon became popular warriors. However, the Rai Sikhs were included in Scheduled Tribe (ST) category whereas Sirkibandhs were enlisted in the Scheduled Caste (SC) category for reservation purposes after Independence. This has a direct bearing on the status of the community. The STs get a reservation of 5 per cent in Punjab, where they have to compete with over 70 other castes for getting admissions in academic institutions and secure government jobs. The SCs, on the other hand, get a reservation of 25 per cent with competition among 35-odd castes only. The community is fighting for this change of category since Independence. Says Dr Satnam Singh, president of the All-India Rai Sikh Mehatam Sirkibandh Welfare Association (a non-political organisation), “It would give us four times more job opportunities. We don’t like being called Sirkibandhs. The name of the association, however, includes it for easy comprehension to the authorities.” The community feels that this is the only way of their social uplift. Over the years, they have got political representation but most of them are still living in poverty because of lack of opportunities. The community members have tried to avail themselves of the benefit by filling their caste as Sirkibandh in reservation column. However, when a candidate belonging to a reserved category challenges it in court, he usually wins. Since Independence, the community has been demanding this bit it was only after 1972 that the demand gained momentum on a political stage. Mehtaab Singh, MLA of the community in 1972, raised it at several platforms. Since then, it has been an issue to attract, votes but the promise is yet to be fulfilled. Knowing well that the Lok Sabha poll would send a person to the Centre, the deciding authority on the issue, the parliamentary elections are very important for the community. The SAD-BJP combine and Congress have been making their claims over the issue. All candidates have been approaching the Rai Sikh community with assurances of change of category. The Congress government headed by Beant Singh in 1994 had taken up the issue with the Centre government, but after his death, there has not been much follow-up. The then SAD-BJP government under Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal had on the advice of the Centre got a study done by researchers at Punjabi University, Patiala, on the veracity of the demand. The study had recommended the change of category. However, it is the present Congress government in the state which officially recommended it to the Central Government. The Rai Sikh community was responsible for the victory of BSP candidate Mohan Singh Phallianwala twice in the Lok Sabha elections.
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Christians dejected, but not despaired
Dhariwal (Gurdaspur) April 24 Or what else should explain their sorry plight even when they have been participating in all political and democratic processes more actively than others? Their votes matter in this constituency, which has the largest number of Christian voters in Punjab. While they claim that they constitute over 1.5 lakh votes, independent estimates put it above one lakh. The Christians here get plenty of visitors with plenty of promises, only to be broken later. The Christians’ long-pending demand is that those having converted from the Scheduled Caste section of the society should retain SC status. “Such promises have been made for all these years in all these elections, but nothing has reached us so far”, regrets Mr Vitor Masih, a middle-aged resident of Dhariwal, who is an employee with the Punjab Government. His regret is shared by Mr Munir Masih, the self-proclaimed founder-head of the Hosanna Masihi Kalishiya Fellowship sect. He claims that the sect is a reformist movement among the Christians. However, Mr Munwar Masih, a cousin of Munir Masih and leading activist of the Shiromani Akali Dal differs a bit. Munwar was the party candidate from Gurdaspur Assembly segment in the 2002 elections. He lost to Khushal Behal of the Congress. There is a feeling among his supporters that the BJP workers did not support him and that was the reason for his defeat. But Munwar tends to downplay this resentment. He is campaigning for the alliance candidate, Mr Vinod Khanna. The Congress has also propped up some members of the community like Mr Salamat Masih, who contested on the party ticket from the Dhariwal Assembly segment in 2002. Mr Kamal Bakshi, member of the Services Selection Board is also a Congress leader of the area. But by and large, the Christian community continues to remain downtrodden. Only a few well educated members manage to get jobs, while most others have to satisfy themselves with menial jobs. Placed at a socially and economically disadvantageous position, with their lifestyle and other avenues no better than the Scheduled Castes, they have to compete with the members of the general category who are better placed. Their demand for retaining the SC status while remaining Christians remains a long-pending demand. Interestingly, voter turnout of the members of this community is larger than the others.
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Farmers more interested in harvest than poll
Bathinda, April 24 Ms Kushal Bhora (Congress-CPI), Ms Paramjit Kaur (SAD-BJP) and Mr Sarbjit Singh (SAD-Amritsar), who are contesting for the first time, are banking on the performance of their kin who had earlier represented this constituency in Parliament, apart from the mass base of their respective parties. The other candidates, include Mr Gurnam Singh (BSP) and Mr Gurpreet Singh (General Samaj Party). Ms Bhora is the widow of Bhan Singh Bhora who represented this seat twice as a CPI candidate. Ms Paramjit Kaur is the daughter of the late Dhana Singh Gulshan who represented this seat twice as an SAD candidate. Mr Sarbjit Singh, is the son of one of the assassins of Indira Gandhi and grandson of Sucha Singh Maloa who represented this seat once as the Akali Dal (Amritsar) candidate. Though the candidates are making efforts to reach out to the maximum number of voters, the voters are evincing little interest. Farmers, who constitute more than 70 per cent of the electoral strength of this constituency, are busy with wheat harvest. Voters in the urban areas are unhappy with the repeated failure of their representatives to deliver the goods. Most of the candidates have been holding small meetings instead of big rallies. As far as campaigning is concerned, the Congress-CPI candidate has been facing problems as a large section of the Congress leadership from Bathinda and Mansa districts, falling in the Bathinda constituency, are yet to gear up for her campaign. The SAD president, Mr Parkash Singh Badal, on the other hand has been taking keen interest and has made the SAD and BJP leadership to campaign for its candidate. However, groupism in the district unit of the SAD and the BJP has been troubling Ms Paramjit Kaur. Mr Sarbjit Singh has been seeking votes on the performance of his party president, Mr Simranjit Singh Mann in the Sangrur parliamentary seat.
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Electioneering coloured with blood in J&K
Jammu, April 24 A series of gun and grenade attacks and IED explosions during the first phase of election in the Jammu and Baramula constituencies and the spurt in violence in Srinagar, where polling would be held on Monday, indicates that the militants are out to spill more blood during the remaining three phases of elections. However, as compared to the earlier Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, the terrorists were not in a position to virtually capture and openly threaten the electorate outside the polling booths. But their call for a boycott of the elections has worked to some extent as the separatist groups have backed it. As far as the polling for the Srinagar constituency is concerned, observers are keeping their fingers crossed over the response that the boycott call might evoke and the level of violence. Fear has gripped the residents following the terrorist attack on the Congress headquarters in the high security zone of Residence Road where the militants had targeted the residence of the Chief Minister and recently attacked the office of the Press Information Bureau (PIB) and the state Information Department. The Lok Sabha elections have further focused light on the vulnerability of the ruling coalition partners that have chosen to face one another in the poll. The trend started with the Congress and PDP fielding their candidates against each other in the Baramula constituency of Kashmir. Thereafter, Mr Bhim Singh, who is chairman of the Panthers Party that is a partner in the ruling coalition, has fielded himself as a candidate against the Congress in the Udhampur constituency. The matter did not halt there and Mr Mohammad Yousuf Tarigami, an MLA of the CPM, who played a key role in getting Mufti Sayeed installed as Chief Minister, has filed his own papers against Ms Mehbooba Mufti, PDP chief and daughter of the Mufti, in the Anantnag constituency. Although the Panthers Party has fielded its candidates against those of its coalition partners in other constituencies also, but they might not be in a position to cut much ice. With the coalition partners crossing their swords during the crucial election, the National Conference (NC) that was being considered virtually a spent force after the 2002 Assembly elections, seems to have staged a come back as far as the people’s response to their election rallies is concerned. As things are shaping up, the election results might not affect the coalition, but fresh equations among the partners might be decided. Much mudslinging has been done between the PDP and the Congress following the terrorist attack at an election rally in Uri that claimed 11 lives. Charges have been traded publicly between two cabinet ministers, Mr Muzaffar Hussain Beig and Mr Taj Mohiuddin, of these parties on the Uri episode. The groupism within the BJP has re-surfaced following the first phase of election in Jammu when five party men, including Mr Chander Mohan Sharma, a member of the state executive of the party and a former vice-president of the organisation, were expelled from the primary membership of the party. Interestingly, “peace and a solution to the Kashmir problem” is the election slogan of all political parties and the terrorist and separatist groups in the Kashmir valley. All are speaking the same language as far as the Kashmir issue was concerned. The BJP has managed to create a dent in the Congress by fielding Dr Iftikhar Sadiq as its candidate in Srinagar. Mr Sadiq is grand son of late Mr G.M.Sadiq, who was Chief Minister for a long period and was the backbone of the Congress in the sate. While there was not a very formidable candidate against Mr Omar Abdullah, chief of the NC, at Srinagar, but much would depend on the trend of polling and the response to the call for poll boycott. At the same time, Ms Mehbooba Mufti, has been forced to put in extra efforts as the presence of Mr Tarigami in the fray in Anantnag has made the nights sleepless for her. Due to presence of Mr Tarigami, the contest has become triangular there and Dr Mehboob Beg of the NC was trying to take benefit of the split in the coalition. Similarly, Mr Chaman Lal Gupta, the BJP candidate and minister of state for defence, was also banking on the division of the votes of the Congress between Mr Lal Singh, Health Minister and Mr Bhim Singh (PP) in Udhampur. The poll scenario for the lone seat of Leh in the tribal area of Ladakh is quiet as no national level political party, except the BJP has fielded its candidate against the nominee of the Ladakh Union Territory Front (LUTF), Mr Thupstan Chhewang. The BJP has fielded Mr Sonam Paljor and the NC has not yet jumped into the fray in the frontier region. There are indications that the NC activists might also support the candidate of the LUTF.
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Poll fever skips Darjeeling
Darjeeling, April 24 At Kurseong, about 33 km from Darjeeling, a small procession of largely students could be seen carrying BJP and TMC flags and raising slogans in Nepali. They are campaigning for Dr G.S. Yonzone, a former principal of Kalimpong Government College and BJP candidate of who has been chosen against the will of a section BJP workers. They have also put up Mr Sanjay Thakuri as candidate. He has the support of the party’s district secretary. The Congress candidate, Mr Nawa Norbullah, is from the hills while CPM contestant Moni Thapa is a school teacher in the plains. She has replaced S.P. Leepcha, MP, annoying a section of the CPM workers. There is brisk activity as locals prepare for the tourist season. The GNLF chief, Subhas Ghising, is putting more emphasis on tourism to fill the party’s coffers. The tourists have started visiting the hills town and the locally are least bothered about the elections that are to be held on May 10. Residents of Darjeeling, Kalimpong and Kurseong, the three Assembly constituencies, do not even know if the elections will be held at all. In 1989, the elections were held after much bloodshed in the hills over the Gorkha land movement and Inderjit, a journalist who had played a vital role in bringing about a solution to the problem by persuading Indira Gandhi to agree to the proposal of formation of a separate hill council in Darjeeling, had been given the Darjeeling Lok Sabha seat as a prize by Ghising.
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60 women candidates in 2nd phase
New Delhi, April
24 Uttar Pradesh accounts for the maximum number, with 16 female candidates out of the total 421 contesting for the 32 Lok Sabha seats. Maharashtra has the second highest number of 13 women contestants among 202 candidates for the 24 Lok Sabha seats. — UNI
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This mason is serious about politics
Hoshiarpur, April 24 He is a mason and earns Rs 200 per day. He says that he campaigns from 5 am to about 9 am and goes from door to door. He then goes to work and resumes the campaign after 5 pm. He says that he is a well-known mason and work comes to him easily. Talking about his campaign expenditure, he says that he has deposited Rs 10,000 as security with the returning officer. He has got wall posters, hand bills and cloth banners printed and is canvassing with the help of loudspeakers. In his affidavit, he has said that he has Rs 70,000 cash with him and a joint fixed deposit of Rs 2 lakh with his wife who has gold jewellery worth Rs 30,000. He will ensure regular jobs for daily wage earners if he wins, he adds.
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Shimla, April 24
Despite support from the Congress, the Samajwadi Party and
Communist Party of India (M), former Prime Minister Chandra Shekhar seems to be
losing ground in his traditional Ballia constituency as the charge of
non-development appears to be sticking on him.
Ropar, April 24