Swami Dharamdev, head of the Pataudi Dham Hari Mandir, is the INLD nominee for this seat. He wants to improve the politial and social culture of the country which he feels can be achieved by influencing parliamentarians.

A. My desire is that only good people are returned to Parliament. I will take initiative to meet political personalities in Parliament and lay stress on the issue.

Mr Anil Rao, a new face in electoral politics is the general secretary of the Haryana Vikas Party (HVP) and its nominee for the Mahendergarh parliamentary seat. He is credited for the revival of the party, especially in the Ahirwal belt.

A. Youths of the area are not finding avenues to keep them busy. Due to urbanisation, their land is being acquired and they need assurance. A conducive atmosphere should be created so that crime does not seem productive to them.

BJP-JD (U) pact queers Cong pitch
Girja Shankar Kaura
Tribune News Service

Banswara, April 15
The BJP’s decision to let the JD (U), field its candidate from this Scheduled Tribe reserved constituency seems to have queered the pitch for the Congress, which was till now sitting pretty with no unity in the Opposition.

The Congress faces this unusual situation as the Banswara reserved constituency has always remained the party stronghold. Only in the last round of Assembly elections was the BJP able to get some footing here. It won in four of the eight assembly segments falling under this parliamentary constituency.

This performance apparently also encouraged the BJP to field its own candidate for the Lok Sabha poll this time, which was opposed by the JD(U) as the Socialists and the erstwhile Swatantra Party have always had an influence over this region, which also includes Dungarpur.

The history of this constituency points out that it has been a Congress stronghold mainly because the Opposition has remained fractured. In 1979 and 1989, the Congress lost the elections here as the Opposition, including the BJP and the Socialists, put up a combined candidate.

The situation seemed to be bright again for the Congress this time till the BJP and the JD (U) fought over which of them would get to field its candidate from here. As the Congress had announced its candidate Prabhu Lal Rawat in the beginning, the party seemed to be ahead in the race initially.

However, with the differences between the two parties having been sorted out and the JD (U) getting the right to field its candidate, Jeet Malkat, the Congress will have to work harder in the region to regain its supremacy. The BJP seems to have succumbed to the JD (U) pressure only with the thought of ensuring that the seat should not go to the Congress but to the NDA even if it is through one of its allies.

BJP workers here said the party was keen to field its candidate as over the years its cadres had done a lot of work in the region and now the party had a standing. This was also visible in the Assembly elections four months ago.

Of the eight Assembly segments, the BJP chose to field its candidates in five and was a winner in four. On the other hand, for the first time the Congress managed to defeat the Socialists in their own stronghold in Danpur. This was precisely why the BJP was keen to take over the charge from the JD (U).

However, there were prolonged talks between JD (U) leader George Fernandes and the BJP leader from Rajasthan, Mr Jaswant Singh, following which the matters were sorted out. Earlier, the BJP had shown its inclination to fight the elections by proposing the name of Dhan Singh Rawat but the JD (U) created a situation for a three-cornered fight by announcing the name of Jeet Malkat as its candidate from here.

This situation had the Congress sitting pretty. While it has lost a lot of ground to the BJP in the region over the past few years, a divided opposition in a three-cornered contest would have given the Congress an advantage.

J&K electorate’s dilemma — to vote or not to vote?
Ehsan Fazili
Tribune News Service

Srinagar, April 15
It is election time again in Jammu and Kashmir and people in the Kashmir valley particularly are faced with the question of whether to vote or not. They have been facing the same question, particularly in all five elections (three to Lok Sabha and two to Assembly) held in the trouble-torn state since 1996. The state was under President’s rule between 1990 and 1996.

However, this time, the elections are different in two ways. Firstly, it would be a test of the coalition government. Differences among the alliance partners have further deepened with many of them joining the fray.

Secondly, these would be a reflection on the role of both the state and Central governments over the development of improving Indo-Pak relations and resolving Kashmir issue. It began with Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee extending the hand of friendship to Pakistan from Srinagar on April 18 last year. Whether that mood and warmth in bilateral relations, both at the political level and people’s level has been strengthened or dissolved in suspicions and hostilities will also be testified by these elections. Political observers here feel that the return of the BJP at the Centre would lead to the fall of coalition government in Jammu and Kashmir, as it would not like the coalition government in the state with the Congress as its main ally.

Another reason ascribed to this theory is that senior BJP leader and Deputy Prime Minister L. K. Advani has favoured simultaneous elections to Parliament and the state Assemblies.

The coalition government comprising the Peoples Democratic Party (16), Congress (20), Panthers Party (4), CPM (2) and 11-member Peoples Democratic Forum took over on November 2, 2002, after a rigorous exercise of formulating a working alliance. This came into being as a single force against the “anti-people” policies of the National Conference that got 28 seats in the 87-member House. The NC chose to remain in the Opposition even as it emerged as the single largest party.

After nearly 18 months of the coalition government, the opposition National Conference has many points against the ruling coalition. These include failures in disbanding the SOG, providing jobs and checking the human rights violations during the past one and a half years. The National Conference has been critical of the government for its failure in getting the controversial Permanent Residents (Disqualification) Bill passed. On the other hand, the coalition is also faced with internal bickering as its main allies — the Congress, CPM and Panthers Party — have also joined the fray.

Ghulam Rasool Kar of the Congress has filed his nomination from the Baramula constituency against the agreement with the PDP for sharing the seats. It had earlier been decided that the PDP would contest all three seats in the valley while the Congress would contest the remaining three seats in the Jammu and Ladakh regions.

The Panthers Party has also fielded its candidate in Jammu, while CPM leader M. Y. Tarigami, though not in the government, has decided to contest against the PDP from the Anantnag constituency.

While the mainstream political parties have been engaged in their efforts to woo voters in their favour, the separatists, though divided, are engaged in an anti-election campaign. The Hurriyat Conference (Abbas) was the last to join. The JKLF chairman, Mohammad Yaseen Malik, who was already engaged in signature campaign in support of its stand, has been the first to launch the anti-election campaign across the valley.

After the breaking up of Hurriyat Conference into two, each led by Geelani and Abbas Ansari, the JKLF leader, Malik here last week announced that it was not associated with any faction of the APHC. The senior separatist leader and APHC chairman, Syed Ali Shah Geelani, who disassociated himself from the Hurriyat Conference led by Moulvi Abbas Ansari last year, has vehemently launched the anti-poll campaign and has distributed posters and other material “educating people on the futility of poll exercise”.

The Abbas led faction of the APHC, which had second round of talks with deputy Prime Minister has of late joined the anti-poll camp.

However, without a clear “poll boycott” call it has asked the people to stay away from elections saying that it was not an answer to the problem towards solution of Kashmir issue. It is yet to come forward and go to the people with its campaign on non-participation in elections. Shabir Ahmad Shah, chairman of the Democratic Freedom Party (DFP) is also engaged in the anti-poll exercise and facing repeated prevention by the police.

On the other hand, the poll exercises have reactivated various political parties in the valley. The National Conference, which remained in power for over 27 years in Jammu and Kashmir, except for seven years of President’s rule in early militancy, was relegated to the Opposition in the last Assembly elections.

Having got 28 members in the 87-member House, it enjoys the status of the largest party in the Assembly and is in the Opposition, as it chose to remain and not get support of any other party to return to power.

The Peoples Democratic Party (PPD) of the Chief Minister, Mufti Mohammad Sayeed, came into being after he parted ways with the Congress. His party got only 16 members and had to enter into an alliance with the Congress with 20 members and other splinter parties to form the coalition government.

Govinda cancels road shows
Tribune News Service

Mumbai, April 15
The election campaign of actor Govinda, Congress candidate in the Mumbai North Lok Sabha constituency, has run into trouble with the movie star deciding not to do any road shows in the last leg of his election campaign.

Justifying his decision, Govinda told reporters on Thursday that he was concerned about the safety of women and young children who throng his his cavalcade. “I am worried about the safety of the women and children who throw themselves at my vehicle,” Govinda said. The actor further insisted that he would like to avoid a replay of the Lucknow tragedy where 21 women and a child died in a stampede at a BJP function to distribute free saris.

However, Congress sources say that there have been differences between Govinda’s managers and party leaders over the conduct of his campaign.

Govinda, who is contesting against Union Petroleum Minister Ram Naik, has been accused of missing election meetings due to his tardy nature. Senior party leaders, including Maharashtra’s Minister of State for Home Kripashankar Singh, have not shown up at Govinda’s rallies in the past few days amidst speculation that the actor kept them waiting for hours.

Media reports also said Govinda had written to Congress President Sonia Gandhi asking her to intervene on his behalf. Govinda is known to leave home only after spending several hours doing poojas. The actor, however, defended his working style. “I have always maintained that though I arrived late on the film sets, I often finish eight hours’ work in four hours,” Govinda said.

The actor, however, promised to mend his ways, saying that he would begin meeting party workers and media persons at dawn.

Advantage LDF in Kerala
John Mary

Thiruvananthapuram, April 15
Congress infighting, drought and desertion by two traditionally pro-Congress community organisations have botched the ruling United Democratic Front prospects even as it lends an early advantage to the Left Front in the Parliament elections in Kerala on May 10.

The filing of nominations starts on Friday, leaving 23 days for the D-day.

The close-knit LDF has wound up the first round of election conventions, leaving the United Democratic Front far behind.

It’s perhaps a realisation of the mess that has prompted Chief Minister A.K. Antony to lead his team on a fortnight-long vehicle rally, starting from Kasargod on April 20 and concluding in Thiruvananthapuram on May 4.

Coupled with the drought and the resultant crop loss, a perceptible failure of Antony to deliver a clean administration raises the anti-incumbency factor. Roughly, 300 debt-ridden farmers have committed suicide since April, 2000.

UDF convener Oommen Chandy tried to put on a brave face. “There is no hiding the reality. But as the campaign picks up, our workers will ignore petty quarrels and close ranks on larger national issues. We will not have to toil as much because the masses are anti-Marxist”, said Chandy.

It might just be a pious wish of the skipper. The major talking point in the elections is the ugly drama that attended the candidate’s selection and veteran K. Karunakaran’s progeny politics.

This has spawned a middle class revulsion towards the Karunakaran family that might spill over and impact on the entire Congress line-up.

The UDF is also smarting under the blow dealt by the unexpected decision of the influential Nair Service Society to issue specific directives to the Nair community members, which might go against the UDF.

Going one step further, the pro-backward Sree Narayna Dharma Paripalana Yogam has decided to back the Left Front in 12 out of the 20 constituencies. Antony, who avoids being seen as kowtowing to the community leaders, had to call on SNDP leader Vellapally Natesan on the pretext of enquiring after his health.

The LDF also comes off with younger and newer faces unlike the Congress, for which the seat allocation has been a mere arithmetic exercise, ignoring the winnability factor in most seats.

But Left leaders’ questioning the Rajya Sabha election of Muslim League nominee and Gulf-based businessman P.V. Abdul Wahab might cost the LDF the support of families of nearly 1.3 million non-resident Keralites. There has been a dip in the total electorate from 22 million in 1999 to 20.8 million. New voters are least enthused by the elections. With the ban on campus politics, many first-time voters among college students have not even collected their voter ID cards.

One major difference this time is the BJP’s resolve to raise its overall vote share from the last Lok Sabha election’s 6.56 per cent than bank its votes on preferred candidates of the other two fronts. It has but meek hopes of making inroads into the strictly bipolar politics, ranged between the UDF and the LDF.

The overall poll scene is bereft of a serious debate on real development issues. This is not to undermine people’s initiatives in the northern districts over Coke’s groundwater exploitation and the menace of the endosulfan pesticide in Kasargod.

Muzaffarpur: George need not worry
V. Krishna Ananth

Muzaffarpur, April 15
Surinder Singh owns at least 45 bighas of fertile land on the outskirts of Muzaffarpur and is happy with the bumper harvest this season. A Rajput by caste, Surinder Singh will vote for George Fernandes this time. He has known George from 1977, when he won the elections from here (being in jail) and the spurt in industrial development in this constituency since then. He is hopeful that Muzaffarpur will benefit if the NDA convener is elected again.

Subodh Narain, once again in the same village, is a Malla by caste. He, too, is firm on voting for the Janata Dal (United) President but for a different reason. He says that George was born to a Christian father but his mother was a Malla (a backward caste engaged in rowing boats) by caste!

Well, the political discourse in the North Bihar constituencies has always been dominated by the caste factor. And Muzaffarpur, too, was no exception since 1996 when Capt Jainarain Prasad Nishad won continuously. He was Laloo Yadav’s nominee in 1996. He became a Cabinet Minister in the United Front Ministry. He remained in the same party in 1998 and won from here. But in 1999, he moved over to the Janata Dal (United) and retained the seat. Capt Nishad had firmed up this time to fight on behalf of Laloo Yadav against Fernandes. But then, Nishad, according to political pundits here, was assured of some important postion by the BJP leadership and this put an end to Laloo Yadav’s hopes of humbling George.

And Laloo Yadav was left with little choice. So he nominated Bhagwan Lal Sahani, until recently the man in charge of the RSS activities in the North Bihar districts. Sahani’s past is indeed a source of embarrassment to the Muslim minorities, considerable in strength in Muzaffarpur and known to be the RJD’s support base. The discomfort is indeed palpable in localities inside the town where the minority community lives in a ghetto. The community, by and large, is engaged in baking breads and buns in Muzaffarpur.

“We know that the BJP as a party represents a dangerous ideology and that was in full play in Gujarat. But what do we do here when the choice is between an ally of the BJP and a former RSS pracharak?” This was how Mubarak Hussain, owner of a relatively large-sized bakery in the town reacted. And Hussain feels that George Fernandes should win from here. The reason: “We need industries to come here and George saab’s record between 1977 and 1996 is worth recalling in this context.”

True, the caste rhetoric that is all pervasive in North Bihar is virtually absent in Muzaffarpur. And Mr Fernandes, thanks to his stature, will sail through from here. He was instrumental as Union Industries Minister (in the Janata Cabinet) for the setting up of a manufacturing unit by the IDPL and the Kanti plant under the NTPC. The people here also remember him for having played a role in the setting up of a Doordarshan Kendra in Muzaffarpur. This was even before one such came up in Patna. The industrial estate in Muzaffarpur, with hundreds of small-scale units still functioning, is listed as his contribution. The people expect similar measures if he is elected and hence will vote for him.

Just 2 women made it to LS from Himachal
Tribune News Service

Shimla, April 15
Major political parties have been crying hoarse over 33 per cent reservation to women in Parliament and state legislatures. However, when it comes to granting the ticket they invariably hand out a raw deal to the fair sex.

The extent to which women had been neglected could be judged from the fact that since 1952, when the first general election was held, only two women from Himachal had made it to the Lok Sabha. Incidentally, both of them had a royal background.

Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur was the first women to enter the House from Mandi in 1952. Thereafter, Rani Chandresh Kumari won from Kangra in 1984,

The BJP and its earlier incarnation, the Jan Sangh, never fielded any woman candidate in the Lok Sabha poll. The congress favoured the fair sex on three more occasions, besides the 1952 and 1984 Lok Sabha poll. Its nominee, Mrs Chandresh Kumari, unsuccessfully contested the Kangra seat in 1989 and 1991.

Subsequently, the party fielded Rani Pratibha Singh from Mandi in 1998. She lost to Mr Maheshwar Singh of the BJP. All women candidates fielded by the party have been from ruling families of erstwhile princely states.

General impression among the political parties is that women candidate were less likely to make it to the winning post.

This impression is strengthened by record. While Raj Kumari Amrit Kaur was lucky to contest the first-ever election on the Congress ticket when there was virtually no opposition, Mrs Chandresh Kumari managed to enter the lok Sabha riding the sympathy wave in the wake of Mrs Indira Gandhi’s assassination in 1984. She lost on the other two occasions.

Rani Pratibha Singh’s electoral debut in 1998 was also unsuccessful. She is again in the fray from Mandi against Mr Maheshwar Singh of the BJP.

Marxism in shadow of masjid
L. H. Naqvi
Tribune News Service

Kanpur, April 15
Can Marxism strike roots under the shadow of a masjid? It actually did on Saturday when Ms Subhashni Ali set up her campaign office in a building in Colonelganj that shares a wall with the local mosque. The setting sun saw the masjid spread its shadow on the building. Allah be praised.

Although the CPM has cleared her name for the Kanpur seat, Ms Ali’s close associates are not sure about her chances of winning. They whispered among themselves how she would actually help the Bharatiya Janata Party candidate by cutting into the votes of the sitting Congress member, Shriprakash Jaiswal.

But she was in a defiant mood when she came to address a motley group of what looked like out-of-job youngsters, some wearing the tell-tale Muslim skull cap. The neighbourhood had been with electricity for the past four days. The host had managed to nick a little power from the “hospital line” for a single low-Watt light bulb. In the middle of her speech, the muezzin called the faithful to prayer. She turned around to cast an irritated look at her host, wanting to know whether she should continue. The skull-capped youngsters made no sign of leaving for the masjid. For a short while, the muezzin’s call and comrade Subhashni Ali’s speech vied for attention. What the mixing of the words of the azan and Ms Ali’s Leftist rhetoric produced was an interesting cocktail of sounds signifying nothing.

That the skull caps missed their namaz for Ms Ali’s speech would baffle the most astute student of Marxism and Islam. Did it indicate a wave in favour of Ms Ali? Banish the thought. In these hot summer days, people would do anything to beat the heat in a city without electricity. Even listen to unintelligible Marxist jargon.

The fact of the matter is that the comrades of Kanpur still live in an era when workers formed unions for fighting exploitation. For years, the late S. M. Banerjee kept the red flag flying for the cause of the workers. But things have changed. The textile mills have closed down or moved out. Kanpur continues to be the commercial hub of UP, but as part of the global village, it finds the Left parties’ concern for the rights of the workers a bit out of place and irritating.

The only time Ms Ali won was in 1989. That too on the strength of the virulent anti-Rajiv Gandhi wave that the combined opposition under Mr V. P. Singh had managed to whip up.

The locals have placed their money on the BJP. Mr Jaiswal has a good image. But the aggressive campaign that Haji Mushtaq Solanki is running on Samajwadi ticket may damage the Congress candidate’s chances of re-election. And if Ms Ali is not talked out of throwing her hat in the electoral ring, she too will cut into the Congress votes. Kanpur has a strong Dalit presence but not enough for the BSP to make a battle of it. A two-way split can only work to the advantage of the saffron party.

BJP ropes in Indians abroad
Prashant Sood
Tribune News Service

Raipur, April 15
If the Congress is in desperate search for campaigners in Chhattisgarh, the BJP is pushing even its overseas friends in the election heat. Mr Chandrakant Patel, a general secretary of the Overseas Friends of the BJP (USA), will campaign for the BJP in the state.

A native of Chhattisgarh, Mr Patel denied he was making any financial contribution to the BJP’s electoral effort. He said 19 other members of the OFBJP (USA) would also campaign for the BJP in different parts of the country, mainly through press conferences and radio and TV interviews.

The OFBJP had released an advertisement in the newspapers read by the Indian community in the USA on the lines of the “India Shining” campaign of the BJP-led government. The advertisement, bearing photographs of Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee, Deputy Prime Minister L. K. Advani and BJP chief Venkiah Naidu, exhorted the NRIs to join the campaign. “Time to give another chance to the NDA government to finish the unfinished tasks and make India a superpower by 2020,” it said.

Youth Cong members quit
Tribune News Service

Rohtak, April 15
Several office-bearers of the Haryana Youth Congress (HYC) today quit their posts in protest against the denial of ticket to Mr Randeep Singh Surjewala, IYC president who resigned yesterday.

Mr Tejbir Singh, general secretary of the HYC, claimed that he had resigned from his post along with more than 20 others, including several office-bearers of the district units of the organisation. They would continue to be members of the organisation. If loyal party leaders continued to be ignored, the morale of workers would be affected, he said.

Poll time brings in peddlers
Ravi Bhushan Puri

Pathankot, April 15
With an eye on the Lok Sabha elections, drug peddlers, who were earlier forced to shift to other places, have reportedly become active in and around the town once more.

Though the police has recently arrested several persons on the charge of drug trafficking, more than 200 are still suspected to be active in the trade of smuggling and selling drugs and illicit liquor in the Chakki river khud on the Pathankot-Damtal road.

A visit to the place revealed addicts and peddlers in a filthy environment. According to sources, the peddlers purchase illicit liquor at Rs 15 per bottle and sell it for Rs 25.

The major supply centres, say the sources, are Chhani Beli, Mazra, Dida and adjoining areas. Poor labourers and stone-crusher workers are the main target of the traffickers.

During election days the daily turnover of this trade increases manifold due to politicians allegedly using liquor and other intoxicants to woo voters.

The liquor mafia use loudspeakers installed in the hilly terrain to convey warnings through specific signals in the case of raids by the police.

BRIEFLY

Dharamendra files papers

BIKANER: Film actor Dharamendra on Thursday filed his nomination from the Bikaner Lok Sabha constituency in Rajasthan as a BJP candidate amidst much fanfare. Dharamendra has been fielded against Congress’ sitting MP Rameshwarlal Dudi in this traditional Jat belt of the desert state which has always voted for the Congress except once. Dharamendra’s actor son, Sunny Deol, and some local BJP leaders were by his side when he filed his nomination for the May 5 election. — PTI

Raghuvansh Singh’s worth

PATNA: RJD national Vice-President Raghuvansh Prasad Singh’s net worth is around Rs 48.02 lakh with Rs 2,500 in cash in hand, Rs 69,185.50 deposits in banks, financial institutions, non-banking financial companies and investment of Rs 19,000 in bonds, debentures and shares in companies. Mr Raghuvansh Prasad Singh, who is seeking a fourth-term from Vaishali, has taken National savings certificates worth Rs 20,000 and owns a Maruti Zen, according to the affidavit submitted by him while filing his nomination papers for Vaishali. He has agricultural land the market value of which is Rs 36.69 lakh and a house in Patna worth Rs 10 lakh. — PTI