O P I N I O N S

PERSPECTIVE

On Record
‘Garib ka raj’ our main poll issue: Paswan
by Prashant Sood
Lok Janshakti Party chief Ram Vilas Paswan takes pains to identify himself with the common man. A former Union Minister, Mr Paswan (57) began his legislative innings as an MLA in Bihar in 1969. A leading figure of the National Front and later the Janata Dal, Mr Paswan was a minister in the NDA government till he resigned in the aftermath of Gujarat riots and campaigned for the Congress in the State Assembly polls.

Farm workers in Punjab opting for other areas
by Ranjit Singh Ghuman
PUNJAB economy, according to Census 2001, experienced an unprecedented occupational change in recent period as nearly 16 per cent of its total workforce and 20 per cent of its total rural workforce moved from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors during 1991-2001.

OPED

Profile
Agriculture is Gill’s first love
by Harihar Swarup
When he was the Chief Election Commissioner, M.S. Gill, had raised debate on many controversial issues. However, soon after he was elected to Rajya Sabha, he himself became subject matter of a discussion. Should a retired Chief Election Commissioner be nominated by a political party to contest election?

Reflections
Danger zone: Men, women at work
by Kiran Bedi
I got watching a CNN programme on fidelity. I did not go away. I watched the whole of it. For it was evidently, very authentic in its analysis giving very studied facts. The anchor of the programme was candid in stating that, in the US, every one out of two marriages suffered from infidelity. In other words, 50 per cent of all marriages suffered from the “other man”, or the “other woman” factor.

Diversities — Delhi Letter
Sahitya Akademi jubilee fest starts sans Kalam
by Humra Quraishi
The Sahitya Akademi golden jubilee celebrations had to start this month with President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam doing the round of formalities. Though he had accepted the formal invitation, he expressed his inability to attend any public function till the elections are over. Consequently, the formal opening of the 50 years of the Akademi has been postponed till July, though the programmes are going on as scheduled.

• Refreshing film on women
• Flow of artists from Pakistan
• 20th Dhrupadh Samaroh

Kashmir Diary
Disparate group of secessionist leaders getting together
by David Devadas
“Humne bhi churian nahin pahen rakhi (we are not wearing bangles),” is the sort of macho line one would expect from a potboiler film, but I heard it last week from the lips of Shabir Shah, one of the best-known leaders of Kashmir’s secessionist movement. Clearly, Shah is a frustrated man. He is on the margins of the movement, while one of the warring factions of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference occupies centre-stage.

REFLECTIONS

PERSPECTIVE

On Record
‘Garib ka raj’ our main poll issue: Paswan
by Prashant Sood

Lok Janshakti Party chief Ram Vilas Paswan takes pains to identify himself with the common man. A former Union Minister, Mr Paswan (57) began his legislative innings as an MLA in Bihar in 1969. A leading figure of the National Front and later the Janata Dal, Mr Paswan was a minister in the NDA government till he resigned in the aftermath of Gujarat riots and campaigned for the Congress in the State Assembly polls. Having formed the LJP in November 2000, Mr Paswan has been striving to make the party’s presence felt outside Bihar. Mr Paswan, who has won Hajipur Lok Sabha seat with a record margin, was among those whom Sonia Gandhi met in her efforts to build alliances for the ensuing Lok Sabha elections.

A: When people get injured in the head, they have to forget the injuries on their feet. The prevailing situation in the country calls upon us to make sacrifices. That’s why we have forgotten our differences. I left the NDA government keeping in mind the interests of the country. The effort now is to prevent a division of the secular vote.

A: The election is not for the Bihar Assembly but for the Lok Sabha. The country is in bad shape and we hold the NDA and Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee responsible.

A: The LJP will contest about 40 seats in different parts of the country. Though we could have fought more seats, fighting elections is expensive. In Bihar, the final round of discussion has been held between the LJP, the Rashtriya Janata Dal, the Congress and the Left parties for seat adjustment. The LJP is talking to the Congress for seat adjustment in Uttar Pradesh, Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh. In other states, the LJP will fight on its own. We will contest at least six seats in Jharkhand, four in Assam, three in Jammu and Kashmir and one each in Orissa, Chhattisgarh, Andaman and Nicobar islands and Haryana. The party is finalising its candidates on three seats in Punjab.

The secular alliance in Bihar will win all the 40 Lok Sabha seats. The LJP has 12 per cent transferable vote of which nearly 9 per cent was transferred to the NDA in the last Lok Sabha elections. The RJD lost badly by losing about 4.5 per cent votes but this will be more than made up this time with the LJP on its side. Even otherwise, the vote share of the LJP, the RJD, the Congress and the Left parties is above 50 per cent in Bihar. The seat adjustment between various parties should be made in a manner that workers feel justice has been done.

A: A corrupt leader does not enjoy the support of the people. Ms Mayawati does not have a presence in Bihar and should first save her party in UP. She is veering towards the BJP to seek the ruling party’s help in the cases faced by her.

A: Our main issue will be "Garib ka raj" (power to the poor). We will work for removing unemployment and providing the right to good education and health. The NDA government has failed on every front and is trying to mislead people through "India Shining" campaign. India has not begun shining with the advent of NDA government. The campaign is as if there were no roads in the country before Mr Atal Bihari Vajpayee became the Prime Minister. The NDA government has misused public money with nearly Rs 500 crore spent on advertisements. Though the Election Commission raised objections, it made no difference to the Prime Minister. The country’s 99 per cent people do not understand the "feel-good" slogan of the government. The BJP, which is contesting about 350 seats, is making claims about winning 300 seats. Organisations like the Vishwa Hindu Parishad, Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and Bajrang Dal have been given a free run by the BJP-led government leading to vitiating the atmosphere. The policies of the government are for the rich. If the NDA comes back to power for five more years, it will be impossible for a poor man to fight elections.

Census reports indicate that 39 per cent families in the country have one-room houses. Over 50 lakh families in rural areas have to fetch water from sources like ponds and rivers. People have to stand in long queues outside the primary health centres. Crores of youth are without jobs.

On foreign policy, the NDA government seems to be a puppet of the US. It failed to strongly denounce the US attack on Iraq. The NDA government has ignored the legitimate rights of Palestinians.

This government thinks of friendly relations with Pakistan only during election time and land, rail and air routes with the neighbouring country are opened. Cricket matches are also given a green signal. The LJP has a programme for every section of society including the youth, women and weaker sections. We want to make the right to work a fundamental right, ease laws on taxation, give loans on easy terms to daily-wage earners and provide equal education to children from various sections. Our manifesto will detail the commitments of the party.

A: No, it is a fight between principles. On the one hand are those forces who want to take the country into the hands of foreign powers and, on the other, are those who want to establish the rule of the poor in the country.

A: They are raising this issue because they have nothing else to say. Had she wanted, Sonia Gandhi could have become Prime Minister in 1991.

A: Till now you have seen there is no possibility of this. I have left the NDA and I appeal to Socialist leaders in the ruling alliance to come out.

Farm workers in Punjab opting for other areas
by Ranjit Singh Ghuman

PUNJAB economy, according to Census 2001, experienced an unprecedented occupational change in recent period as nearly 16 per cent of its total workforce and 20 per cent of its total rural workforce moved from agriculture to non-agricultural sectors during 1991-2001.

The share of agricultural workers in total workforce of Punjab declined from 58.03 per cent in 1981 to 55.29 per cent in 1991 and to 39.40 per cent in 2001. Similarly, the proportion of rural agricultural workers in total rural workforce went down from 76.2 per cent in 1981 to 73.6 per cent in 1991 and to 53.5 per cent in 2001.

One may, however, get the impression that Punjab is no more an agrarian economy in terms of workforce composition. Such a quantum shift of workforce from farm to non-farm sectors during the post-reform decade, though a welcome change, has raised many serious doubts about the reliability of census data as the occupational change in the preceding decade was marginal.

The revolutionary shift of the workers from farm to non-farm sectors in Punjab is not compatible with its overriding rural character, in terms of the proportion of rural population and workforce, and the ground realities about the composition of workforce and employment scenario. Two-thirds of population and 70 per cent workers are still living in rural Punjab.

Compared to it, the share of agriculture and livestock (primary sector) in the net state domestic product (NSDP) declined from 44.09 per cent in 1991 to 40.20 per cent in 2001. Clearly, the sectoral occupational diversification did not lead to a corresponding diversification in output during the post-reform decade. The situation was contrary to it in the earlier period.

The growth rate of employment in Punjab was just 0.73 per cent per annum (much below the national average) during the Ninth Five-Year Plan (1997-2002) whereas its labour force grew at 2.27 per cent per annum during the same period.

Interestingly, employment growth rate in the organised sector (both public and private) in Punjab was just 0.86 per cent per annum during 1990-99. The growth rate of NSDP also went down from 5.07 per cent during the pre-reform decade to 4.28 per cent per annum during the post-reform decade. According to a Punjab Government study, 14.71 lakh (10.40 lakh rural and 4.31 lakh urban) persons were unemployed in Punjab in 1998. This figure might have gone much higher as employment generation in the state has almost been non-visible since then.

In addition, employment elasticity and the labour absorption capacity of agriculture sector have been declining since 1980s. The total employment in all crops declined from 48 million man days in 1983-84 to 43 million man days in 1996-97, an employment loss of 10.42 per cent during the span of 14 years. Approximately, 12.85 lakh agricultural workers (10.07 lakh cultivators and 2.78 lakh agricultural labourers) have been estimated as surplus.

This huge workforce can safely be termed as “unproductively employed” or as “disguisedly unemployed” in the Nurkseian sense. In economic terminology, marginal productivity of those workers is zero, implying that they are not contributing anything to agricultural output.

In view of high growth rate of labour force, huge backlog of unemployment, meagre growth of employment in the non-farm sector and shrinking employment opportunities in the farm sector, the unprecedented shift of workforce from farm to non-farm sectors (as reflected by Census data) seems untenable and unbelievable.

This raises many serious questions. One, where have such a large number of agricultural workers gone? Two, have they really found gainful employment in the non-farm sector or they are just the “working poors”? Three, is the shift of rural workforce from farm to non-farm sector due to “pull-effect” or due to “push effect”? Four, who are those workers entering into the rural non-farm sector (RNFS)? Five, have they become better-off than their earlier “employment”? And finally, would the employment in the RNFS be sustainable and help bail out Punjab of the grim unemployment scenario?

An empirical study of three villages, conducted by the author during 2003 (one each from Ferozepore, Faridkot and Moga districts) displays that only 16 per cent workers were employed in RNFS as against 46.5 per cent claimed by the Census 2001.

Most workers in the villages covered under the study entered RNFS because of the push-effect of agricultural sector and not due to the pull-effect of non-farm sector. The annual per capita mean earnings of majority of non-farm workers, engaged in the informal non-farm sector were, however, below the gross annual earnings of the top layer of marginal farmers.

Nevertheless, many of them, coming from marginal farmers, feel relatively better off compared to their earlier position as their land holdings were much below the top layer of marginal holdings. The non-farm workers, engaged in government service were, however, better off than the small and middle farmers. The development of rural non-farm sector in a systematic, remunerative and sustainable manner is sine qua non not only for shifting surplus agricultural workforce but also solving the menacing problem of rural unemployment in Punjab.

Since the present shifting of rural workers to the RNFS is largely due to push-effect, the RNFS would have to be developed keeping in view the level of per capita income in the state and the aspirations of the unemployed rural, especially educated, youth. Only then, the RNFS would have the necessary and critical minimum pull-effect.

Future development and growth of RNFS is possible only with the emergence of rural-based, rural-linked, urban-linked and urban-based enterprises and activities. n

The writer is Professor, Department of Economics, Punjabi University, Patiala

OPED

Profile
Agriculture is Gill’s first love
by Harihar Swarup

When he was the Chief Election Commissioner, M.S. Gill, had raised debate on many controversial issues. However, soon after he was elected to Rajya Sabha, he himself became subject matter of a discussion. Should a retired Chief Election Commissioner be nominated by a political party to contest election? Five years ago, Gill’s ebullient predecessor, T.N. Seshan kicked up a storm by joining the Congress party and filing nomination against L.K. Advani for Gandhi Nagar seat. Expectedly, Seshan was defeated but Gill has triumphantly entered the Rajya Sabha and thus became yet another former constitutional authority to enter Parliament.

Union Law Minister Arun Jaitley himself sought to raise a nation-wide debate on the issue. His contention is that the Election Commission is like a “political ombudsman with the responsibility of conducting a free and fair poll and its members should be detached from political parties”.

Noted jurist and Congress spokesman Kapil Sibal counters Jaitley’s contention saying that, on its part, the BJP gave Rajya Sabha seat to former Comptroller and Auditor-General (CAG) , T.N. Chaturvedi who was later appointed Governor of Karnataka. Wittingly or unwittingly, a debate has started on an important question but why should the Chief Election Commissioner be singled out ?

Besides the CEC, persons occupying high constitutional offices like that of Governor, Chief Justices of the Supreme Court and High Courts should be barred from accepting political gratis like Rajya Sabha seats or Lok Sabha and Assembly tickets. The National Democratic Alliance government, if it returns to power, proposes to evolve a consensus on the issue and bring forward a bill in the new Lok Sabha to achieve the objective.

Those who had seen Mr Gill in action as the CEC, attended his press conferences and briefings and, later, heard him from other fora expect him to enrich the Rajya Sabha with his vast experience, particularly on the election-related issues One of his major achievement as the CEC was initiation of a series of measures to minimise the role of candidates with criminal background and also elimination of non-serious nominees. The steps taken by him had yielded results election after election reducing the number of bogus candidates in fray. This may be further visible in the present elections.

While Seshan, his ham-handed style of functioning notwithstanding, had firmly established the supremacy and independence of the Commission, Gill quietly and steadily picked up the thread from his firebrand predecessor and consolidated the gains without raising controversies. Judging by India's size and enormity and its population, Gill has often described elections in this country as “mother of all polls”. Involving 600 million voters spread across the country is an Herculean task indeed.

Sixty eight-year old Gill is a bureaucrat having qualified for the Indian Administrative Service at an early age but agriculture remains his first love. He is highly qualified in this sphere having obtained a Ph.D degree in agriculture sciences. He is a writer too and his books make lucid reading, marked by clarity of thinking and expression. He is also an expert in co-operative movement and has done a lot of work in Punjab in this field.

“My interest in the development of the cooperative movement in Punjab”, says Gill "was first aroused by a reading of Sir Malcolm Darling’s classic study, “The Punjab Peasant in Prosperity and Debt” . Darling was passionately interested in the welfare of Punjab’s farmers. Subsequently, he read Calvert’s classic, “The Wealth and Welfare of the Punjab”. “Both Englishmen”, says Gill, “coincidentally from King’s College, Cambridge, had worked long years to lay the foundations of the cooperative movement in the Punjab”.

As an agriculture expert, Gill’s notable achievement was setting up and running the largest World Bank-supported Agriculture and Rural Development Programme at Sokoto in Nigeria. He spent five years (1980-85) in Nigeria as programme manager for the $500-million project.

Another passion of Gill is mountaineering. As the President of the Indian Mountaineering Foundation, he wrote two books — “Himalayan Wonderland” and “Travels in Lahul-Spiti and folk tales of Lahaul”.

Reflections
Danger zone: Men, women at work
by Kiran Bedi

I got watching a CNN programme on fidelity. I did not go away. I watched the whole of it. For it was evidently, very authentic in its analysis giving very studied facts. The anchor of the programme was candid in stating that, in the US, every one out of two marriages suffered from infidelity. In other words, 50 per cent of all marriages suffered from the “other man”, or the “other woman” factor.

And what is of equal concern is that the women are catching up. The work places are now being labeled as, “Danger Zone Men And Women At Work”. It’s also called the Coffee Cup Syndrome. For 62 per cent of all love affairs are according to the survey, start at the work place. It starts with, “come ones” to common deadlines/ work pressures, to sharing of secrets.

But every one is considered vulnerable. Even though fidelity is at the core of marriage. Monogamy is more a myth and an exception and adultery the rule in 50 per cent of all divorces. In fact the judges are now asking…”What besides adultery?”

Even though 90 per cent of the people say it is wrong yet there is evidence of a huge proliferation of “cheating hearts”.

What are the recognised traits of a cheating husband? He stays late at work: He looks forward to excessive travel and does not complain of it. They hope not to get caught. They try to follow the 50-mile rule. Which is keeping the person you are having an affair with, at least 50 miles away. And if caught just deny and deny…and keep telling yourself that I can get away.

For women most of these affairs start as friendships, which lead to unintentional love affairs. The relationships remove loneliness. They receive attention, affection, compliments, hearing all that they wanted to hear, out together for drinks, at secret rendezvous, which in most cases snowball to being all over each other.

The surveys further revealed how the Internet has fast become an electronic bedroom. It’s also called a “sexual smart book”. People with polygamous propensities will always find someone to do “sex chat”. Easy access to pornography and excessive indulgence in it with protection has become the cause of all two thirds of divorces, as reported. They were all cases of “crossing a line on line”.

An attempt was made to study if this kind of cheating was in our genes. And the answer was, yes! Animals too cheat always. Only one species was detected to be monogamous and it was the flat worm, which lives in the intestines of the fish.

Hence monogamy is a myth in the animal kingdom. It was found to be rare and did not come naturally. The fact is that infidelity is imprinted on our psyche. Females are polygamous for resources and the men for spread of their genes.

But this did not mean for humankind that the acting on impulses too was inevitable: Are we that unaware all the time? Are we that slave to our animal instinct? Then what is the intellect for? What is the discerning power in humankind for?

What is most needed is education the experts said: But what kind of education? I wondered are we talking of. And where: By whom? The challenge of marriage does not end with vows but in fact starts with it. We in the West and equally elsewhere need an introspection on these vital issues driving humankind more and more each day.

Any message for we Indians…?

Diversities — Delhi Letter
Sahitya Akademi jubilee fest starts sans Kalam
by Humra Quraishi

The Sahitya Akademi golden jubilee celebrations had to start this month with President A.P.J. Abdul Kalam doing the round of formalities. Though he had accepted the formal invitation, he expressed his inability to attend any public function till the elections are over. Consequently, the formal opening of the 50 years of the Akademi has been postponed till July, though the programmes are going on as scheduled.

The first was the international seminar on Mahabharata in New Delhi on Saturday (March 27). This would be followed by another on Kabir. The next in the row is a Indo-Pak mushiara — Jashne Bahar — to be held here on April 9 at the Modern School on Barakhamba Road.

The mushiara has been the brainchild of Urdu lover Kaamna Prasad. Each year she takes pains to invite poets from here and across the border for this annual mushiara, to keep alive this great tradition of this part of the sub-continent. A non-Muslim doing it again speaks so much of the very ethos of this land. Urdu anyway had been the link language of the masses of this land.

Refreshing film on women

It was refreshing to watch the screening of a documentary which portrays the killing of women in the garb of branding them as witches, the two special guests, Ram Jethmalani and Kamleshwar, spoke from their heart. Jethmalani said that till we change our social attitude towards women, Acts would be of little help. For the state machinery will react only if people stand up for their rights and the rights of the women.

Noted writer Kamleshwar spoke of the gravity of the times where the State-owned Doordarshan has failed to be an instrument of social change. He rightly maintained that though films have tried to spread social awareness to certain extent, television hasn’t.

Flow of artists from Pakistan

There is a big flow of artists and people from India to Pakistan and vice versa. The latest group of artists to visit us are Sufiana singers from Pakistan — Saeen Zahoor, Sher Miandad for the upcoming Bhakti Utsav due to be held here in the first week of April at Talkatora gardens.

Presented by the Delhi Government, it has drawn singers from each part of our country. Thankfully, there is no entry fee and more people would be able to hear these songs and music of devotion that would take you beyond. For bhakti is devotion of the spiritual, far beyond the religious kind.

Around the same time, another group of eight Pakistani parliamentarians and politicians will land here at the invitation of Nirmala Deshpande’s Association of People’s

of Asia. In fact, Dr Mohinder Singh of the National Institute of Punjabi Studies has invited this group for a get-together on April 2 at the Bhai Vir Singh Sadan lawns. He would be using the occasion to release the series of eight books on Punjab heritage that he has authored. Published by UBS, these books have great photographic captures by the well known photographer Sondeep Shankar.

20th Dhrupadh Samaroh

Renderings of “dhrupad” took place this week on the occasion of the Twentieth Dhrupad Samaroh. It’s a fascinating form of devotional music. The immensely fascinating aspect about it is that this singing tradition has been going on right from the time of the Mughal emperor Akbar. The latest in line is the young Wasifuddin Dagar who is keeping alive this unique tradition of devotional outreach, for dhrupad is described as the yoga of sound.

Kashmir Diary
Disparate group of secessionist leaders getting together
by David Devadas

“Humne bhi churian nahin pahen rakhi (we are not wearing bangles),” is the sort of macho line one would expect from a potboiler film, but I heard it last week from the lips of Shabir Shah, one of the best-known leaders of Kashmir’s secessionist movement. Clearly, Shah is a frustrated man. He is on the margins of the movement, while one of the warring factions of the All Parties Hurriyat Conference occupies centre-stage.

Shah is boiling with frustration as both India and Pakistan roll out red carpets for the group of Hurriyat leaders who played safe all these years. It is a sharp contrast from the past, when any Kashmiri leader consorting with India’s political leadership instantly became a pariah at the Pakistan High Commission. No doubt, Shah has bitter memories of the time when he was excoriated for having met the former prime minister V.P. Singh and the man who was then the leader of the Opposition in Parliament, Atal Bihari Vajpayee.”

“Obviously, we won't just sit at a window and watch the spectacle,” he says. Shah is not the only leader feeling rattled at the prospect of being left out in the cold. Others who played a more active role in the insurgency over the past decade-and-a-half are equally upset. So, a disparate grouping of secessionist leaders who have abhorred each other for years are gradually getting together. Meetings have been held over the past fortnight at which Shabir Shah, JKLF President Yasin Malik and the leaders of the Jamaat-e-Islami have got together. Simultaneously, Shah has had several meetings with Ali Shah Geelani, the dissident Jamaat leader who heads the rival faction of the Hurriyat Conference.

Geelani has disparaged Shah contemptuously for years but times have changed. The Government of India has given Geelani’s faction the cold shoulder and he must be rather sore that the Government of Pakistan is giving him no greater importance than to the rival faction. After all, Pakistan’s Information Minister had stated unambiguously at an iftar party at the Pakistan High Commission in New Delhi as recently as last November that, to Pakistan, the Hurriyat meant Geelani. At last week’s reception, it was the other faction that got royal treatment.

Surely, Geelani must feel used, having played a key role, and with fierce determination, all these years to carry other Hurriyat Conference leaders along his pro-Pakistan line. The problem, of course, is that, after the intense global pressure on Pakistan following the exposure of nuclear proliferation from there, Pakistan had little option but to fall in line with India’s decision to negotiate with the other faction. India could otherwise have prevented the summit of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation from going ahead in Islamabad this January, and Pakistan simply could not afford to be further isolated.

The problem with this situation is that Pakistan might not remain on the back foot. Although the overall mood across both countries has changed in favour of peace, the resentment among a significant section of Pakistanis — many of them in senior positions in government and the army — should not be ignored. That could dovetail with the angst that is building among those of Kashmir’s secessionist leaders who feel that they have wasted years in prison or in the battlefield. “We have put everything on the line,” as Shah said to me, adding that those who were engaged in talks would have problems if the people rejected them.

The implication is obvious: the Geelani faction of Hurriyat and the new grouping that Shah, Yasin and their newfound friends are putting together could campaign against any agreement by the Ansari faction, dubbing it a sell-out. The new grouping is being coordinated by the Jammu and Kashmir High Court Bar Association, which has considerable clout, and contains an array of powerful religious organisations — the Jamiat-e-Ahle-hadis and the Jamiat-e-Hamdaani, along with the Jamaat-e-Islami. These organisations can work through a formidable network of preachers across the valley. Plus, Agha Hasan Badgami, a leading light of the Geelani faction heads a family that exerts more clout among Kashmir’s Shias than Abbas Ansari, the chairman of the Hurriyat faction that is negotiating with the Government of India.

It would be dangerous therefore to ignore this nascent grouping at his critical juncture in the process to restore peace and normalcy in this unfortunate valley. It has seen more than its share of violence but sections within it remain inflammable.

REFLECTIONS

Who knows but that your neighbour is your better self wearing another body? See that you love him as you would love yourself.

— Kahlil Gibran

To understand intellectually is not to understand at all.

— J. Krishnamurti

He, the Lord, is not far off. He is here, close at hand.

— Guru Nanak

All spiritual disciplines are done to still the mind. The perfectly still mind is universal spirit.

— Swami Ramdas

Love is patient and mind; love is not jealous or boastful; it is not arrogant or rude.

— I. Corinthians