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Sunday,
August 31, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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On Record Quota for women: Putting the cart before the horse |
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Ruling on two-child norm a step backward
He wrestles his way
up in politics
Seeing Indian women in a time of warp
Poetic outpourings in troubled times
Kashmir Diary
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On Record
CHAIRMAN-cum-Managing Director of Indian Airlines Sunil Arora, who also holds the additional charge of Managing Director, Air India, has been associated with civil aviation sector for almost four years now. He has taken up the responsibility of bringing the country’s domestic carrier Indian Airlines out of the red. But in his efforts he is looking at cooperation from the country’s international carrier Air-India and the Civil Aviation Ministry. In an exclusive interview to The Tribune, Mr Arora dwells on the need for synergy between the two government-owned airlines. Excerpts: Q: What are your plans for the future of Indian Airlines? A: IA has indeed come a long way since August 1, 1953 with its unique orange logo having the highest recall rates for the brand Indian Airlines. IA is fully geared for the future. IA’s broad strategy for the future centres on fleet renewal, technology, product upgradation and pricing. The underlying objectives are to ensure that IA increases its market share, continues to grow, remains the market leader in launching new, innovative products and gives the customer a good, reliable, value-for-money product. Q: Why is IA’s market share on the decline? A: To maintain and improve our market share, IA fully acknowledges the dire need for inducting capacity in areas where ours has dropped. In the last two years IA has leased eight A320 aircraft that have mainly served as replacement capacity for the A300’s that are being phased out. IA’s top priority now is to lease more aircraft till such time IA’s fleet acquisition and renewal programme gets Government approval. IA’s marketing thrust has been on being proactive rather than reactive. Airline seats are perishable just like hotel rooms. This makes pricing a very critical factor in the marketing mix. Indian Airlines has pioneered several pricing initiatives during the last two years. Right from the introduction of the Flexi Fares to the Apex fares, IA has given passengers direct price benefits and created new passenger segments in the domestic air travel market. Q: What is the response to these schemes? A: The market has received the schemes very well. With regard to the Apex fare scheme, IA is getting over a thousand passengers each day which is a new segment of traffic and translates to incremental revenues for the airline. The objective is to widen the domestic air market. IA will continue to bring such offers based on price elasticity. Q: What about service delivery especially on-board service? A: All the schemes derive substantial benefit for the airline when they are combined with delivery of efficient services at all airline inter-phases/interaction with passengers be it at the airport or inside the aircraft. IA’s computerised network system is being extended to all IA stations. This will give benefits like automated boarding passes, tele-check in, return and through check-in, city check-in and advance seat reservations. Corporate help desks are being set up to attend to specific needs of the corporate traveller. The passenger feedback system has been revamped and re-launched as REACH to make the interaction more effective. HRD initiatives are being undertaken to improve the service delivery at the front line staff level and with the in-flight crew. Presently, the cabin crew are undergoing in-flight service training. Fresh cabin crew have been inducted. Voice modulation training has been imparted in association with AIR for better in-flight announcements. Our efforts have yielded accolades that motivate us to give our best. Q: Would the new initiatives alone ensure sustained market leadership for IA in the face of reducing market share? A: IA’s initiatives are a source of deriving market strength but we do need to look into IA’s capacity induction. IA recognises that the need of the hour is induction of more capacity in routes where we have low capacity and frequency shares and consequently lower market shares. Q: What are IA’s achievements during the last 50 years? A: IAis proud of its record as it connects the length and breadth of the country ensuring economic, commercial and social links to 57 stations in the country and 17 overseas. It has the resilience and competence to survive in a highly competitive environment. IA has held on to market shares in spite of being capacity strapped. IA’s host of new products have widened and deepened the domestic market. It continues to fulfil its social obligations connecting remote and inaccessible areas of the country, and deploying sizeable capacity on uneconomic and low-yield routes. Recently, IA inducted ATR-42 turbo-prop aircraft exclusively dedicated to the North-East region. Q: Any plans to overcome them? A: The domestic industry has now reached a level of maturity and heading for consolidation. The aviation industry is faced with thin margins arising out of spiralling costs and sluggish demand. The overcapacity situation is of particular concern. This leads to inevitable pressure on yields. Meanwhile, the emergence of new segments such as the domestic leisure market, the Indian outbound market etc., will be the growth drivers of tomorrow. IA’s core strategy centres on fleet renewal and upgradation of its product. Q: How does IA cope with the dichotomy of being a PSUin a competitive market? A: The situation with which IA is faced makes it accountable both in terms of socio-economic responsibilities and financial performancel. But then, while evaluating financial performance the costs involved also need to be factored in. IA desires a level playing field for which conscious thought must be given during policy formulation. At the same time, if the PSU’s role is defined as that of a purely market-driven and profit-oriented set up, it should be governed only by commercial parameters. Q: Reasons for IA’s losses? A: IA’s fiscal performance has to be seen in the context of the environment it operates in. The past few years have been difficult for the industry. Input costs have been steadily rising, ATF and insurance being notable examples. Increased security costs and increases in airport user charges (in India they are among the highest in Asia), have also added to the burden. Despite an increase in revenue by about Rs 98 crore in the last fiscal, IA posted an overall loss. The Iraq war and the SARS crisis added further pressure. Q: Being in charge of both the national carriers, how do you propose to synergise their operations? A:
After assuming charge of Air- India,
I have been trying for greater synergy between both the national
carriers with the twin objectives of providing greater passenger
comfort and market share for both the national carriers. The
Commercial Directors of AI and AI with their respective Planning
Department officials have held joint meetings to work in tandem for
increasing the Indian market presence on the international routes of
South East Asia, Gulf and the Middle East through joint marketing and
sales initiatives. |
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Quota for women: Putting the cart before the horse With a population of 495.7 million and the threat of its declining further in view of female foeticide, a literacy rate of 54 per cent, only 28 per cent economically independent, a poor social security system and woeful health conditions with most suffering from anaemia and without access to even a primary health centre and the highest rate of maternity deaths in the world, greater than poorer countries like Pakistan and Bangladesh, it does appear the lawmakers are trying to put the cart before the horse. It’s like unknoting the problem from the wrong end. In Punjab, one-third of the 12,446 panchayats that went to the polls on June 29, 2003, elected women sarpanches. In an interview after the polls, almost all of them declared they would run the panchayats with the help of their husbands (most of whom had vacated their seats to make way for their women and, hence, wield power by proxy) and their “educated” sons, some even promised to use the “experience of their in-laws” in running day-to-day affairs! Mrs Prem Lata Sharma (45), a matriculate who was elected sarpanch of Naushahr village (Verka block, Amritsar), whose husband had led the panchayat for the past 25 years, wanted him to be by her side. If the attitude and role played by women in grassroots politics is any indicator, women are far from equipped for the job. Also, there is an inherent danger in providing quotas for women in Parliament. At best it could amount to tokenism and at worst concentration of power in the hands of a few political families. It would be incredibly optimistic to believe that genuine women activists would be allotted the party ticket for elections. Women whose fathers, husbands, sons or in-laws are sitting MPs will in all likelihood be the main beneficiaries of the quota system. Now, instead of one, two or more members of a family in politics will have a vote in legislation. This can be counter-productive, even subversive to the aim of enabling women greater participation in law-making. Just a few women at the top do not change gender equations. There is not a single women parliamentarian who has singularly worked for the uplift of women. There is another danger. The likely concentration of political power with a few women would further accentuate the line between the haves and the have nots. Certainly, a few privileged women at the top will only increase the difference between privileged and under-privileged women. The worst hit will be the Dalit women. Confided a retired a Dalit officer: “‘When it is difficult to find capable men in politics in our community, where will we find such women in case of women quota in Parliament?” The problem is two-fold: First, quota is likely to increase inequalities among women of political families and ordinary non-political families. And second, it is likely to further increase the chasm between upper caste (privileged) and Dalit (underprivileged) women. Political empowerment of women should begin at the party level. More women could be given the party ticket at the time of elections and more ministerial berths on assuming power. Women’s participation in critical decisions at the party level remains abysmally low. The contention is not that the women should not be empowered, but only a “critical” mass of women at the helm can achieve this goal. More than 50 years after Independence, twice as many girls die before the age of five compared to boys and 43 per cent of girls attend primary school compared to 62 per cent of boys. Mere lip-service to women’s empowerment will not improve matters. The government, NGOs and women activists would have to play a far more larger role to empower women of all strata to make choices for quality life. This became evident from a workshop for elected women sarpanches in Rajasthan held from February 28 to March 8, to coincide with the International Women's Week. According to a report, out of 42 participants 27 had never commuted by train. Amazingly, seven among them had never “seen” a train, clearly indicating the poverty of the chosen grassroots leaders. In this group, not more than 10 were literate. Most could not count up to 21! Compare this with educated urban women travelling often by air and already up on the ladder of power. Many are ignorant or indifferent to the face of the rural women. If they do show interest in the villagefolk, especially women’s causes, it is to gain support for elections. Their attitude is at best condescending. It lacks empathy. The Dalit women are at an even greater disadvantage — poor, illiterate, outcaste. Highly vulnerable, they have been the prime victims of atrocities. Reservation for Dalits has done little to help the status of Dalit men, what to speak of their women. Punjab has only two Dalit women as IAS officers. There is only one in the IPS cadre. The number of Dalits in the Punjab Civil Services is three, all men. Clearly, the benefits of the quota system have not percolated down to Dalit women. Now, with opposition to reservation of seats for Dalit women in Parliament, the power chasm between the privileged and underprivileged women is only likely to increase, this when the total percentage of SC/ST/OBC population of the country is 86 per cent! The question then is whom will the reservation for women in Parliament
benefit? The writer is a senior staffer of The Tribune |
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Ruling on two-child norm a step backward
Undoubtedly, development rather than punitive measures is more effective in curbing population growth. Already the educated amongst the middle class have realised that fewer children ensure a better quality of life. This awareness is spreading both in rural and urban areas. However, the unmet need in contraception and the high rates in maternal and child mortality and morbidity have inhibited accelerated achievement. The Family Planning Association of India, an affiliate of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, has always advocated planned parenthood by providing comprehensive quality clinical and non-clinical services through strategies that are non-coercive. Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh and Karnataka have, through a cocktail of non-coercive strategies, amply demonstrated declining population growth rates. In contrast, states in North India, Bihar, UP, Rajasthan and Madhya Pradesh, where more than 40 per cent of India’s population resides, all indicators of development are at their lowest ebb. Thus, a multi-pronged approach is imperative. The disastrous outcome of a burgeoning population is bad enough. What could be worse is the discernable differences between the disparaging growth rates in different regions of the country. These will have a snowballing effect towards a north-south divide in the country. The freeze till 2026 on a reallocation of parliamentary seats in the legislature, which is on the basis of population, has been introduced for those who have demonstrated success in curbing population. Clearly, why should they be penalised in representation to the country's legislative bodies? If more than half the country has demonstrated success in population stabilisation through changing demographic trends, why is there a need at this juncture to introduce stringent laws that will only push back the momentum? Recent history has shown that coercive policies and laws in this area have never worked. Our experience in FPAI has shown that a multi-dimensional approach towards family and community betterment with emphasis on literacy, education, skills development, income generation and women's development works more effectively than laws. Those for more stringent laws have always put forward the example of China’s one-child policy. However, the Chinese themselves are now backtracking a bit. China now restricts the number of children that couples can have to one in city residences and two for the rural population if their first child is a girl. However, the ethnic minorities are permitted two or three children because of their small population. As are those living in areas where they face harsh natural conditions. China has now also prohibited the use of ultra-sound technology for sex selective abortions to counteract the skewed sex-ratio. Interestingly, China has shifted its focus from compulsion to choices. The State Family Planning Commission is abandoning the birth quota in 32 counties in 22 of the country’s provinces. At the same time, the services in family planning clinics and health centres have been upgraded. If these are the emerging trends and consequences of the Chinese road map in controlling China’s population, why should India go the Chinese way? The writer is President, Family Planning Association of India, New Delhi |
He wrestles his way
up in politics Four decades back when the Jat Patriarch and former Prime Minister Chaudhary Charan Singh saw a young man jostling to meet him in a crowd of his party workers, his impromptu comment was: “Yeh chottey kad ka admi, bade kaam ka lagta hai”. With his long years of experience, Chaudhary Sahib had spotted the talent in this “little fellow” and, simultaneously, Mulayam Singh embarked on his turbulent political career. Fired by the idealism of Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia brand of socialism, he still acknowledges that “Doctor Sahib has been my inspiration”. His critics say he belied the great socialist leader’s ideals. Having come under tutelage of the Jat Patriarch, Mulayam Singh made his first mark in 1967; he hit the headlines by becoming the youngest member of country’s biggest assembly. Even farsighted Chaudhary Sahib did not imagine at that time that Mulayam Singh would ever become UP’s Chief Minister and that too for the third time. Nobody took Mulayam Singh seriously when he first became the Chief Minister and his government was thought to be a passing phase but he proved that his critics were wrong. In-built tenacity came to the fore when he rescued the Babri Masjid, which a year later Narasimha Rao Government could not protect. Even though Mulayam Singh saved the Babri Masjid, the bold step cost him his government in 1991 and brought the BJP in power in the sensitive state. Paradoxically, the same Babri Masjid brought him back to power in 1993; he was vindicated. Mulayam Singh’s tenacity in saving what has come to be known as disputed structure made him a hero in Muslims and he got a nickname “Maulana Mulayam Singh”. He became the Defense Minister in the United Front Government and was in the run for the Prime Minister's post when Deve Gowda government fell. The criticism against Mulayam has been that he let loose a virtual caste war in the regions of Agra and Avadh leading to confrontation between upper caste and lower caste. The charge of casteism has tarnished his socialist image and his adversaries openly hit out at him as an “opportunist” and “betrayer” of Dr Lohia’s ideals. Administratively also, his two terms in office were no better and governance remained at the low ebb. Mulayam Singh eschewed his aggressiveness when the Samajwadi Party-BSP coalition was formed and Mayawati acted as a super Chief Minister. Stoutly built, Mulayam Singh was a wrestler and his impressive performance at a bout against his powerful rival impressed the local socialist MLA, Nathu Singh and he became his first political “Guru”. Mulayam met Dr Lohia for the first time in 1966 when the socialist leader had come to Itawah to address a public meeting. Doctor Sahib always encouraged dedicated and committed young men, keen to join the socialist movement. He saw promise in Mulayam and picked him as a volunteer and backed his candidature in 1967 poll. Nobody thought that “this boy” had a chance against the formidable Congress rival. The young socialist sprang a surprise; he not only won by a huge margin but his rival lost his security deposit. Mulayam Singh was only 28 at that time; he became the youngest member of the UP Assembly. Mulayam Singh is the leader of his own type, truly home-bread with an absolutely rural background. He never saw a public school, nor he is aware of Oxford or Cambridge. Born in tiny “Safai” village of Itawah district, he studied in the village school and did his higher education in a district college. Second child of his parents, Mulayam has four brothers and a sister. He was married when he was studying. The death of his wife recently has shaken him but he remains a relentless fighter whether in personal life or in political
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Seeing Indian women in a time of warp
The issues I encountered were too many. Many walked up to me to tell me how they had to overcome broken marriages for they had burnt their bridges. They were literally cheated into marriages only to be domesticated or concubined! Demands for dowry continued unabated with related domestic violence, topped by alcoholic behaviours. To these have got added, and which did not exist in India for these women and parents is now their adolescent children confronting them with outside influence. Youngsters have lost their identity. They really do not know where they belong. All they want is to be free to make their right and wrong choices. Parents have lost control. In fact they are afraid to confront them lest they walk out. The conflict is highest with culturally protective mothers. Many of them do not know how to handle this defiance. I was informed that very many of them are heavily dependent on depressants prescribed by pharmaceutically controlled medical industry. Beyond their middle age there is nothing left for them to remain busy except perhaps either to attend or organise alcohol drenched birthday parties of their grand children or keep moving to bigger houses only to keep up with the joneses. I ran into a newspaper report in which a police officer of Indian origin was quoted saying: “Dialogue and community involvement is a must to save youth. Parents need to communicate with their children if they want to prevent them from getting involved in criminal activities. Parents of young teens now need to realise that they have to discuss these issues with them — not force their will on their children, because you get the backlash…In essence, what I believe is that our young people do not have an identity anymore”. The news also was talking of migrant (Indian) youth criminal gangs and problems of drug addiction. An advertised de-addiction centre was saying that services were available in English, Hindi etc. For me it was a worrisome trip. The onus of such scenarios I wondered had to be on the fathers and mothers in particular and the community at large. Along with fun and frolic what perhaps did not get adequate share was the real education on “values of life” also called “the Art of Living”. And in this there is no quick fix. It has to be role modeled. Parents and the community leaders need to lead the way. And I did see some signs of it. The debate has begun, meanwhile a lot has been
lost.
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Poetic outpourings in troubled times THE
invite for former Prime Minister V.P. Singh’s poetic outpourings on August 28 was rather elaborate and it had a prime ministerish look about — what with the signatures of four former prime ministers — Chandra Shekhar, P.V. Narasimha Rao, H.D. Deve Gowda and I.K. Gujral. I suppose these troubled times and a turbulent health graph has forced Singh to resort to poetry. Twice that I had visited his home and on the numerous occasions I had met him at Ajeet Cour’s Academy of Fine Arts And Literature (after all, he is the Chief Adviser to this forum), he looked a troubled man. No, not like the usual crop of today's politician but far from that set image of a politician, he is frail and has a troubled, sad look on his face. And when not writing, he is painting — they stare at you from the walls of his home. Isn't it time that he should come up with a formula for the average Indian? If he is troubled with the troubled times, what ways and means he should resort to, to escape from reality? Africa in focus Ghana’s Deputy Minister for Foreign Affairs Akwasi Osei-Adjei was in New Delhi to launch the annual business magazine of the Ghana High Commission titled “Ghana at 46”. This is edited by a young Indian journalist Harun Riaz. I do not want to get into details of the Indo-Ghana business ventures or the two upcoming trade fairs at Accra in which India has been given the special status of “guest nation”. But what seems worth highlighting is the fact that at last African countries are coming in sharp focus. In fact, as more literature is emerging from their end, one gets to know little known facts — UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan is a Ghanaian or the fact that the well known British company Cadbury imports 90 per cent of its cocoa from Ghana. For the release of this particular magazine, the special guest was Union Minister of State for External Affairs Vinod Khanna. I must mention here that after Delhi’s Lt-Governor Vijay Kapoor, he is the second most sought after chief guest. Being a former filmstar, Vinod Khanna’s dialogue delivery is smooth and he doesn't indulge in elaborate speeches. One of his typical opening line is “my brief is to be very brief...” Heard him repeat this line at the inaugural speeches rendered by him at a couple of functions. Trade with Bosnia Though India was one of the first countries in the world to have recognised Bosnia-Herzegovina in 1992, it is only this year that trade delegations between the two countries interacted with each other. The one from Bosnia came here a few months back and a four-member team from India goes there this week. Bosnia's Ambassador to India Zeljko Janjetovic is keen that Indians know more details about his country, other than the civil strife. For the ensuing film festival, he is keen that the film “No man’s land” which had won the Oscar and the story is based on the turmoil on Bosnia be screened
here. |
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Kashmir Diary TO
meet Nazir Ahmed Kashani is to get an impression of goodness, the sort one would expect from a saint. He looks directly at one with transparent, effusive warmth, without a hint of insincerity or insecurity. Indeed he seems so simple that his election as the Amir or Chief of Jammu and Kashmir's Jamaat-e-Islami about a month ago was difficult to believe. One can be sure he did not canvass support or even agree easily to take the responsibility. He was in fact persuaded by some of the oldest, most experienced members of Kashmir's Jamaat such as Karri Saifuddin, who was among the three Kashmiris who attended the convention that Jamaat's founder, Maulana Abul A'la Maududi, organised at his Dar-ul Islam commune near Pathankot in 1945. Kashani's election is a crucial milestone for the organisation, which functions independently from the Jamaat chapters in Pakistan and India, and the separate one based in Muzzafarbad. It marks the end of a two-decade long battle within, a battle not only between Ali Shah Geelani and the previous Amir, G.M. Butt, but also their respective ideas on Jamaat’s purpose and the ambit of its activities. This denouement, after which Geelani has sought to retire from Jamaat, is particularly significant in the context of contrary trends within other Islamic organisations around the globe. Jamaat is of course essentially pan-Islamic to the extent that Maududi argued against the Islamic nationalism that underpinned the creation of Pakistan. But its chief purpose is to reform Muslims and to preach Islam to non-Muslims. Geelani represented a far more politically activist vision, closer to what the Pakistan-based Jamaat has adopted. The debate in the Kashmir Jamaat goes back to at least 1969, when its councils discussed continuously for several days before agreeing to amend the constitution so that the organisation could contest elections. At that time, Saduddin argued that political platforms would allow Jamaat more extensive opportunities to reach out to people with its message. That, however, was not enough for some members and the debate developed into a bitter struggle over the past two decades. The battle could perhaps be dated to Saduddin's meeting with Pakistan President Zia-ul Haq on the way back from Haj in 1983. According to Ghulam Rasool Bhat, Saduddin's companion on that trip, it was Maulana Abdullah Bari, who had earlier been the Amir of the Azad Kashmir Jamaat, who persuaded Saduddin to meet Zia. Bhat says only that Zia told Saduddin the people of Kashmir must work for a resolution of the issue, but many in Srinagar believe that Saduddin turned down a suggestion from General Zia that Jamaat lead a militant struggle against India. Whatever may or may not have happened at that meeting, it is well known that Geelani and a few others began around that time to push for political activism beyond participation in elections and that Saduddin stood against that. However, so intense were the pressures that the ailing Saduddin suddenly resigned one day in 1985, appointing Geelani as acting Amir without waiting to organise an election. As it happened, Geelani was arrested the next day, Bhat became acting Amir and was formally elected soon after. So intense did the pressure remain, however, that Bhat too resigned before completing his three-year term and the council elected the mild-mannered Hakim Ghulam Nabi as Amir in 1987. Too docile to control his cadres, he could only watch as Geelani virtually took charge of the organisation in 1990 and several of its members became leading lights of Hizb-ul Mujahideen. After he was elected again to the post of Amir in 1997, Butt steered the Jamaat to a position of at least neutrality with regard to militancy but Geelani retained enough support within Jamaat's councils to continue the intransigent hard line that he forced the All Parties Hurriyat Conference to follow. Geelani acknowledged when I asked him a couple of months ago that he was not only isolated within Hurriyat and the Jamaat but that even the President of Pakistan had ceased to support him, preferring that the Hurriyat remain intact than break under the unyielding pressure of Geelani’s positions. Of course, the great challenge for Kashani now will be to keep a steady hand on the rudder, particularly if the Hurriyat takes a more central role over the next year or two to mould a resolution acceptable to all sides. He will have to guard against proving to be as genially ineffective as Hakim Ghulam Nabi
was. |
Life and life’s end are at the will of the Lord To Him have I surrendered my soul. — Guru Nanak Those who meditate on Him even once will see From fear of the noose of death they are free; A man who invokes Your name, Lord, Is freed of misery, evil and pain. — Guru Gobind Singh The remedy for weakness is not brooding over weakness, but thinking of strength. Teach men of the strength that is already within them. — Swami Vivekananda I sell mirrors in the city of the blind. Let me make the whole earth my paper, And all the forest trees my pen Let me make ink of seven seas But Hari’s glory I can’t pen — Kabir The need of the moment is not one religion, but mutual respect and tolerance of the devotees of the different religions. — Mahatma Gandhi  |
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TO
take up or not to take up women’s reservation in the legislature is the dilemma facing parliamentarians and women rights groups. It would be worthwhile to examine if women are themselves ready for this onerous task. A few indicators of women’s status in society vis-a-vis men will be useful.
THE Supreme Court judgment in the case of Haryana preventing couples with more than two children from standing for elected office appears to be a step backward. Those who will be affected by this judgment are the less privileged and marginalised — primarily women. Women earned the dispensation of 33 per cent of the electoral seats in panchayats after a struggle. By and large, determining the size of a family is usually not a woman’s prerogative. Worse, members of Parliament or State legislatures do not need full stops to family size.
POLITICS
is a weird game. Nobody thought barely a week back that Mulayam Singh Yadav can again become the Chief Minister of Uttar Pradesh but what was unimaginable has come true. Now that he takes over the rein of the most populous state of the union for the third time, the inevitable question comes to the fore; will he be able to steer the ungovernable state through? And, how long his government comprising desperate elements last? The answers to these questions will be forthcoming once the euphoria of Mayawati’s exit settles down. Though his parent had given him the name “Mulayam” (soft), he is tough in action and proved his critics wrong many times by sheer firmness of purpose. Mulayam Singh now faces the toughest challenge of his 36-year-long political career which saw many ups and downs. 
MY
recent visit to North America enabled me reach out to a large congregation of women from a particular part of India. And what did I see? I saw them in a time warp. In fact I felt many of them had actually slid back. Instead of moving over from Indian Standard Time (IST) to Eastern Time (ET) they were in Indian Static Time. (ISTaT). The “back home problems”, which I had professionally seen, (which many women did/do face) appeared to have aggravated here. And they literally had no fall back system.