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Saturday,
August 9, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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At issue is accountability Escape route for seniors Date with Martians |
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Towards durable peace with Pak
New-age mall road
More education, but where are jobs?
Kashmiris rooted
in their culture
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At issue is accountability THE
decision of the Parliament’s Public Accounts Committee not to submit a report on the “coffin scam” and other alleged improprieties in the Kargil purchases is unprecedented. But then, the refusal of the Ministry of Defence to provide it with the Central Vigilance Commission (CVC) report on the plea that it is “top secret” is also strange. Why the government has taken such an unusual stand is not really difficult to understand. Given that it had been indicted rather severely by the CAG, the government did not want to take the risk of the PAC validating the criticism or probing the “coffin scam” further. It apparently found it less damaging to argue that the CVC report was top secret and forwarding it to the PAC “would be prejudicial to the interest of the State”. Whatever the motives, it is bad in principle and a piquant situation has developed in Parliament. The findings of the CAG have been made public whereas “secrecy” has been claimed for the CVC’s findings. The impression that this step gives is that the government is either refusing to be accountable to Parliament - which sanctions money-spending — or is trying to diminish the authority of the PAC. The Opposition parties have lapped up the controversy with glee because it can not only embarrass the government but also convince the people about the necessity of their continuing boycott of Defence Minister George Fernandes. The aggressive noises made in Parliament are loud enough to indicate that it will miss no opportunity to pin down the government. Assembly elections are drawing near and the emotive issue of irregularities in the Kargil purchases can snowball into a poll plank. Unfortunately, the PAC is not the only authority that the government has recently come in conflict with. The Prime Minister’s giving a dressing down to the CAG also falls in the same category. His remarks that the CAG audit should not be a fault-finding exercise but a useful mechanism for correction and reconstruction were tailor-made to be construed as an attempt to undermine the CAG’s autonomy. Seen along with the PAC episode, the government line appears all the more imprudent. Public funds have to be spent according to the strictest norms of accountability and probity. The PAC and the CAG are the constitutional authorities entrusted with enforcing these norms. Any attempt to rein them in any way is unhealthy. It dilutes the principle of the executive’s accountability to Parliament, and hence to the people. |
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Escape route for seniors BUREAUCRATS have had the last laugh when the Rajya Sabha, too, passed the Central Vigilance Commission Bill on Thursday. A noteworthy feature of the Bill is that it retains the much-derided Single Directive provision. In simple terms, this provision protects officials above the rank of Joint Secretary from investigation and prosecution without the permission of the government. To put it in even simpler terms, under the Bill, it would be virtually impossible for the police to investigate corruption cases against senior officials. As for permission, who does not know that it too has to come from the upper reaches of the bureaucracy? The police would be able to take action only against the small fry in the administration and this goes against the very principle of equality before law. The Single Directive provision is, in fact, a tribute to the manipulative skills of the bureaucracy and an example of the extent to which it can go to protect its own flanks. What is amazing is that the bureaucracy has managed to circumvent even a Supreme Court directive to the government to do away with the special protection accorded to senior government staff. Immunity from investigation is something which the bureaucrats have been enjoying for far too long. The Criminal Procedure Code, 1974, and its 1898 predecessor provided for protection from investigative exposure. They got a jolt when in the hawala case, the Supreme Court examined the Single Directive to lay down that the requirement of prior sanction for even investigating civil servants was "arbitrary, unreasonable and overprotective". Thereafter, through ways subtle and not-so subtle, the bureaucrats forced the government to refer the matter to the Law Commission as a delaying tactics. But the Commission, too, concurred with the apex court's view. Newer and newer stalling techniques were employed to get around the problem until the then Law Minister, Mr Ram Jethmalani, blew the whistle. By then, they had managed to convince the government about the need to promulgate the Central Vigilance Commission ordinance, which retained in whole the Single Directive. The Bill shows how powerful bureaucrats are when it comes to protecting their interests. The CVC has been finding itself powerless to deal with senior officials it suspects of being corrupt. The Central Bureau of Investigation which has been brought under it knows only too well how difficult it is to get sanction from the government to prosecute an official. Such requests will also be handled by the officials who are pastmasters in letting unwanted proposals drift. Faced with such a situation, a helpless CVC hit upon the idea of posting the names of those officials whom it considered corrupt on its website. But it did not amount to punishment of the guilty. Nor was it a deterrent against corruption. It is unfortunate that the Vajpayee government, which claims to be against corruption at all levels, has been swayed by the bureaucrats to include the obnoxious provision in the Bill. |
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Date with Martians FOR
those who love to mix fact with fiction August 27 is going to be special. Mars will have its closest encounter with the earth in nearly 60,000 years. In inter-galactic terms a distance of 56 million kilometres between the two planets will be like 56 kilometres separating two points on the
earth. That is not an impossible distance to cover for spreading friendship and good cheer in the universe. But to be forewarned is to be forearmed, specially while planning a reception for inhabitants of a planet not known to be friendly to aliens. Ask John Carter, evidently a distant cousin of Harry Potter, who was sent all the way to Mars by Edgar Rice Burroughs in "A Princess of Mars", the first of a series of books on the same theme. The serious students of astronomy should take out their telescopes. The data they get will be valuable. With Mars all set to keep its date with the earth 20 days from now it could be virtual party-time for the Martians and earthlings considering the fund of goodwill John Carter created for the people from his own planet, by fighting for the green men against the red men before switching sides. He ended up falling in love with Deja Thoris, Princess of Helium. He died several deaths but remained ever young to tell the tale of his strange adventures. Americans are not going to forget the scare that a Halloween-eve broadcast in 1938 about the invasion of the earth by martians had created. People were found hiding in cellars! It turned out to be an adaptation of H. G. Wells novel "The War of the Worlds". But this time NASA scientists are ready to literally grab the opportunity to get data from as close a range as will be possible in centuries. A snag in an instrument in one of the rovers currently exploring Mars has spoiled the mood somewhat. They hope to rectify it in time. Of course, in 2287 Mars will come even closer to the earth. But it would be too late for the present generation of Earthlings, who would have perished several times over, to be interested in the facts and fiction associated with one of the most fascinating planets of the solar system. Most of the change we think we see in life is due to truths being in and out of favour.
— Robert Frost
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Towards durable peace with Pak ANOTHER episode of euphoria is currently being played in the perpetual theatre of Indo-Pakistan relations. A strong whiff of this euphoria emanates from our media — both visual and print — and ranges from a beaming new High Commissioner of Pakistan to prayers for the good health of Noor, who underwent heart surgery, and to warm and friendly sentiments expressed by travellers on the Lahore-Delhi bus. Parliamentary delegations from Pakistan effuse optimism. A business delegation is full of immense possibilities of cooperation in trade. Our Prime Minister would be attending the next SAARC summit in Islamabad. There is talk of a new turn, or even a new chapter, in our relations. Every right-thinking Indian — or, for that matter, Pakistani — would welcome these sentiments, and hope and pray that these would be translated into reality. We have waited a very long time to stop fighting and start living in peace, allowing our energies to be concentrated on the task of improving the quality of life of our respective peoples. But, is it at all possible? And, if possible, how should we go about building this edifice? Given our tragic history, we can only hope to build this edifice brick by brick. For this, we do not need to forget our past, but to learn from it. We need to ensure that cosmetic measures and false expectations do not distract us from concrete and achievable goals. It is an oft-repeated cliché that we are the same people, that the same blood flows in our veins etc. But, let us also recognise the reality that our two countries have developed in several different directions since 1947. India is a secular state, despite occasional aberrations. Notwithstanding Jinnah’s vision of a secular state with a Muslim majority, Pakistan is an Islamic state, a centre of Fundamentalism and “jehad”. While India became a founder and leading member of NAM, Pakistan joined Western military alliances in the hope of getting some leverage against us. India is the largest functioning democracy in the world. Armed forces are a major power centre in Pakistan, more or less, ruling the country, directly or indirectly, since 1958. And, the Armed forces, along with some other ruling classes of Pakistan, seem to have a stake in the continuation of tension with India. In this background, we have to remember that we have fought three wars (not to mention Kargil and Siachen) with Pakistan, and have been fighting a proxy war in J and K and elsewhere in our country for over a decade. We have also made several unsuccessful attempts to live as peaceful neighbours, as is evident from the summits at Tashkent, Simla, Lahore and Agra, to mention a few. Perhaps, the most comprehensive “attempt was at Simla, when Pakistan was defeated and demoralised. But, for whatever reasons, we decided not to extract any concessions, not even a final settlement of Kashmir. The agreement aimed at “the establishment of durable peace in the subcontinent” and outlined a series of measures to “restore and normalise relations between the two countries step by step”. Unfortunately, hardly any steps were ever taken and these hopes never materialised. Any restoration of diplomatic relations cannot be complete without the reopening of our consulate in Karachi (as also the Pakistani Consulate in Mumbai) which was closed by Pakistan several years ago. This is fully justified on purely functional grounds: most “muhajirs” seeking visas to visit their relations in India live in this city. Similarly, the staff strength of the High Commissions of both countries must be on a functional basis. If the only work is routine diplomatic or consular (visa), the strength should be accordingly small. Allowing Pakistan to have a large staff strength would only help the ISI to fill the mission with their operatives; this was indeed the case till recently. Also, we must insist that Pakistan follows international treaties and conventions on the treatment of our diplomatic staff, allowing them to discharge their legitimate duties, instead of harassing and even physically assaulting them, as has been the case in the past Much more than the physical resumption of travel facilities is required to develop people-to-people contacts, which are absolutely necessary for a better understanding between the two countries. To promote genuine tourism, ordinary citizens should be enabled, in fact encouraged, to travel across the border. Passport and visa regimes on both sides need to be liberalised, without compromising security. The two governments could consider instituting a system of “packaged tours” with selected travel agencies on both sides, to help make this possible. For this purpose, we should propose meetings between tourist officials of both countries. Trade and economic cooperation, at present minimal, has the potential of tremendous growth for mutual benefit. Moreover, this can promote interdependencies, generate wealth for both and contribute towards normal relations. But would Pakistan insist that we first resolve Kashmir to their satisfaction? In any case, we must take the initiative. The example of Sino-Indian relations is worthy of emulation in the Indo-Pakistan context. We can simultaneously discus Kashmir and areas of economic cooperation, making progress wherever possible. We must also continue to pursue the SAARC agenda for a Free Trade Zone in South Asia, despite Pakistan’s negative role. However, we should guard against projects like the gas pipeline from Iran or elsewhere via Pakistan, till we are absolutely sure of its security and continued reliability. Exchanges in the fields of science, culture and sports should not be allowed to become selective. Playing the occasional cricket or hockey match can be a good cosmetic exercise but cannot be a substitute for the very desirable goal of a broad development of relations in these fields. Nor should we be shy of discussing Jammu and Kashmir. Both countries have their respective points of view. Obviously, only a compromise can constitute a durable solution. But, can this be practical? Can this be made acceptable to the people? Ours is a democratically elected government representing the will of a billion people. Who does the General across the border represent? Can they afford to reach a compromise and make it stick? Or, alternatively, are they willing and able to move ahead, step by step, on normalising measures, create mutual trust, build favourable public opinion and then seek an acceptable solution? Hopefully, they would be. But serious doubts do persist. In any case, we must prepare for the worst case scenario if, despite our best efforts, and despite international pressure, the current Pakistani rulers are unable or unwilling to reach a “modus vivendi” with us. We have to “keep our powder dry”. Our war on terrorism has to be pursued relentlessly and without compromise. We must keep the international community informed of our efforts and Pakistani responses. Our own people should be constantly kept in the picture. Efforts must also be made to reach the people of Pakistan, over the heads of their rulers, in an effort to convince them of our sincerity in wanting to live in peace and friendship. And, last but not least, it is high time we identified ways and means, short of war, of being able to put enough pressure on Pakistan to make it see reason. Just in case! The writer is a former diplomat, who has served in many countries. |
New-age mall road Guru Dronacharya would probably trip if he had to step on an escalator in a hi-tech mall in present-day Gurgaon. He’d probably blink with disbelief at how his humble Guru Gaon or Guru Gram, gifted to him by Yudhisthir, has metamorphosed into a star in the galaxy of India’s new-age cities. The word gaon in its name, in fact, seemed incongruous for the most fashionable address on the urban map of Haryana, where I stayed recently, after a gap of 10 years. Vestiges of its rural past — among them a village called Sukhrali — were a mere speck on an urbanscape where multiplexes and skyscrapers jutted out for miles. From an upcoming satellite town about a decade back, it had leapfrogged into a happening colonnade of Greater Delhi. Though its transformation is a known reality, the enormity of change in the small town I’d seen on an earlier visit to my music teacher left me wonder-struck. In its journey towards sophistication, even the Mehrauli-Gurgaon Road — an umbilical chord linking this town to the Capital — now bore the stylised acronym of M.G. Road. Never mind if it enjoys none of the history that the grand M.G. Roads (Mahatma Gandhi Roads) of say, Delhi or Bangalore, are steeped in. It exuded enough contemporary chic by being home to some leading fashion houses. It also housed the choicest speciality restaurants. The non-descript galiyan I’d once wound my way through were now pulsating pathways boasting of many top addresses in the Capital region’s fashion, IT and corporate circuits. The swollen nouveau riche presence had cast ripples in the placid pond of its middle-class existence. With innovative glass and chrome structures having reshaped its architectural contours, Gurgaon seemed to steel (pun intended) a march over its slacker cousin cities. Thankfully, it hadn’t become another jungle of concrete. It boasted of enough tree-lined avenues so as not to look like a bald urban eyesore. Plush plazas, swanky apartments and sprawling eateries had brought to this Haryanavi hub a slice of New York and Los Angeles. The sweeping spread of Beverley Park, Belvedere and other plush localities — some with Italian marble interiors, Spanish wooden floorings, Portuguese-style foyers and Hollywood-type security — lent an out-of-the-country feel, while the Titanic-shaped Sahara Mall promised an out-of-the-world experience. Its bustling “mall road” redefined my shopping experience. Breezing into centrally cooled food bazaars, designer boutiques, and digital theatres on escalators was a truly uplifting experience! The charm of these plazas lay in the fact that they catered to both the salaried classes and the moneyed masses. Desi chaat shops rubbed shoulders with McDonald’s, pricey brand stores vied with bargain bazaars, and top jewellery labels shared space with Devdas-look imitation ornaments under one roof. The place resembled a promoters’ paradise. A dream beautifully packaged and marketed. Where sky-kissing apartments with fancy facades had colonised the imagination of house-hunting hordes. Where aggressive promoters had awakened the sleepy suburb to new possibilities. Where vigorously gyrating dancers staged a noisy road show to push even an ice-cream brand! Probably, Guru Dronacharya, who taught the techniques of archery to the Pandavas here, would today himself need a lesson or two in the art of marketing. But after taking a circle, literally and literary, of this throbbing urbanscape, I’m back to square one. To the question of its name. With due regard to its history, isn’t it time to drop the gaon in its nomenclature? Till then, maybe it can simply be shortened to a more hip and happening
GG! |
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More education, but where are jobs? “ I have been trying to get any job to make some living. My name has adorned the employment exchange registers since 1992 when I completed my matriculation. Till date I have not received any interview call letter. I keep adding to my qualifications,” says the 29-year-old. What is worse, he is an orphan and survives on the support he gets from his brothers and a small stipend as a member of the Scheduled Tribes. “ This education here has rendered me useless for any other avocation and cannot go back to my village, 175 km from the Rohtang Pass, deep into the valley”, he says wryly. There is then Neel Chand, 31, hailing from Shulling in the Lahul valley. After M.A in Sanskrit, he has enrolled for a Ph.D. “What to do? There are no jobs despite the tall claims about the propagation and spread of Sanskrit. If the jobs are there, one has to shell something from the pocket, say at least Rs 50,000, to become a teacher. Think, you have teachers in schools who have purchased their jobs. What moral standards can they maintain?” he asks in anguish. Son of a farmer, he feels that the present-day education leaves one confused and worthless. “ Education must accomplish two purposes. Make a person able to earn his livelihood and become knowledgeable. Tell me, is it doing so?” That question is asked by scores of senior students across the university and in this hill state. “Land-holdings are small and are dwindling. Parents are keen that their children should get some education and jobs. But education makes them more miserable as it leads them nowhere. Standards are poor and no skills are imparted. While the potential of the state is in tourism, horticulture, sheep and goat rearing and hydel energy, policies do not take care of these. Why can’t there be vocational education at the school level?” asks Kuldip Bhardwaj, a journalism student and President of the University Student Association. He blames bankrupt policies and poor governance for the poverty of education and ever-worsening employment situation. A state with a hydel potential of 21,000 MW, besides huge tourism prospects should not lag in employment generation. There are countless others. Vivek Sharma, 25, of Mamla village, 10 km from Shimla, is B.Sc; B.Ed and with a diploma in computer application. But no job. There is then Rajan Sharma, a first class M.A in sociology and doing Ph.D.” I don’t know what shall become of me”. A young woman, Nivratti Mohan, who is enrolled as a law student after her masters and wishes to compete for he civil services examination, feels that the ruling elite has let down the country. ‘Look, at one level the education standards are poor and then either you need a good recommendation or money to line up the pockets of those in authority to get anywhere”, she bemoans. But she has not lost faith as she feels that the youth has the power and potential to set things right. Ranjit Chauhan and Vishwa Bhushan squarely blam the political system as they narrate their tales of frustration for being denied jobs despite adequate qualifications. Meeting senior scholars and the unemployed youth who routinely seek admissions to various courses with the hope that the next course might click, reveals deep frustration. “ I was shocked at the lack of knowledge which many candidates showed when we were selecting students for a professional course. Not many were regular readers of any newspaper while they wished to be journalists. Many were already postgraduates. They just wish to take up one after another course thinking that this might provide them an opportunity for jobs ”, an academician said As one travels in this hill state, the distressing tale becomes grimmer. The registers at the employment exchanges daily add more numbers. By March this year, the number was nearing 9.5 lakh— 29,000 being postgraduates and another 80,000 graduates. The rest were with lower qualifications. In 2002, the exchanges could place just 2651 for employment. There is indeed some reasonable doubt about the numbers. Students assert that this is correct. But Education Minister Asha Kumari feels, “ Those who have self-employment are also registered as the desire for permanent government jobs is intense.” Asked to spell out plans for creating jobs for such a large army of the unemployed, Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh said: “Effective steps to create employment and self-employment in sectors like tourism, information and technology, industry and power. Liberal financial assistance is being made available for self work and youth clubs are being set up to train youth in various avocations”. He plans to make employment of Himahcalis in power and other industries attractive and mandatory. The government sector is saturated with employees and offers no hope. In January 2003 India Today-ORG-MARGMood of the Nation opinion poll showed 39 per cent respondents identified unemployment as the issue they were most concerned about, followed by rising prices (37 per cent) and government corruption (10 per cent). Sociologists feel that unemployment is leading fast to social tensions, crime and suicides. But the concern expressed in the Himachal Assembly early this month on the employment situation only supports the argument put forward by Mr Bhardwaj and others. A former minister, Mr Mohinder Singh, who moved a non-official resolution urged for the cultivation of opium in the middle level hills [some 28,000 hectares] to create employment. Other legislators supported him. But ultimately the resolution could not make it. Certainly some comment on the seriousness of the rulers to deal with the rising battalion of unemployed youth. |
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Kashmiris rooted
in their culture This has reference to the write-up of Raja Jaikrishan about the plight of Kashmiri Pandits
(July 28). The author has grossly distorted the facts. Whether it is the reasons of their displacement or their affinity for their roots, he does not seem to be even remotely concerned with the facts. And he has even been frequently self-contradictory. While Mr Jaikrishan says in the beginning that “the secessionist movement in the valley assumed the fundamentalist colour after India punished Pakistan for its misadventure on Kashmir by helping its eastern part to gain independence in 1971”, later on he tends to project that the disillusionment started because of the denial of jobs and admissions to Kashmiri Muslims. It is wrong to assume that the secessionist movement picked up after 1971. In fact, the 1971 war disillusioned the Kashmiris from secessionism and it was in the aftermath of this war that Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah disbanded his Plebiscite Front and joined the national mainstream and he got a massive mandate in 1977 Assembly elections, which everyone admits, were the most fair held so far in Jammu and Kashmir. In fact, the secessionist movement has fundamentalist origins only. These became intense and more manifest post-1987 after the sense of alienation over electoral malpractices intensified and tried to manifest itself in an armed rebellion. On the one hand, Mr Jaikrishan says that “the majority (meaning Muslims), unhappy with the state turned its ire against the Pandits”, which ultimately led to their exodus. On the other, he argues, “at the heart of the displacement of Kashmiri Pandits and a section of the Muslims is not the question of religious identity, but the economic crisis created by the raj of quotas and subsidies”. Similarly, he is grossly inaccurate in facts when he writes about Mr Jagmohan. It is pertinent to mention that Mr Jagmohan took over as the Governor of J&K on January 21, 1990, while the exodus had started in December 1999 only and till January 19, over 10,000 displaced Kashmiri Pandit families were registered with the Jammu and Kashmir Sahitya Samiti (constituted by the J&K government) as migrants (refugees). More importantly, the exodus followed a banner headline in a local vernacular Al Safa, which was issued on behalf of the Hizbul Mujahideen asking the Pandits to leave the valley within 48 hours. It appeared in the January 11, 1990 issue of the Al Safa. And the maximum migration took place on January 19, 1990, which Pandits observe as the “Holocaust Day”. Although the BJP came out whole-heartedly in support of the displaced Pandits, who were traditionally supporters of the Congress, they never subscribed to its agenda. The writer’s observation that it was the BJP which “helped them in the delivery of separatist and communal organisations like Panun Kashmir” is also wrong. While the displaced Pandits, particularly the youth, were driven towards the BJP at the initial stages of migration, later they got disillusioned as they felt that their plight was being misused by certain sections in the BJP. It is also wrong to assume, as the writer claims, “Pandits have largely abandoned their language, food, dress and endogamous character”. To straighten the record, the Kashmiri Pandits still speak Kashmiri with pride. They make their children speak Kashmiri only. They give their children typical Kashmiri names like Shihul, Poshmal, Shejar and the like. It is their culture which makes them look different from others. They still observe their festivals, particularly the
Shivratri. |
Abandon vices, practise virtues; and thus realise the reality of life. — Guru Nanak There is neither creation nor destruction, neither destiny nor free will, neither path nor achievement; this is the final truth. — Sri Ramana Maharshi You are a part of the Infinite. This is your nature. Hence you are your brother’s keeper. — Swami Vivekananda I am the resurrection and the life; he who believes in Me shall live even if he dies, and everyone who lives and believes in Me shall never die. — The Bible We created man. We know the promptings of his soul, and are closer to him than the vein of his neck. — The Koran Spirit is not born, nor deceases ever, has not come from any, or from it any. This Unborn, Eternal and Everlasting Ancient is not slain, be it slain the body. — Katha Upanishad  |
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Shamsher Singh from Miad village in the tribal Lahul and Sipti valley does not know when his nightmare of being without a job will end. This handicapped youth has completed a postgraduation in public administration and B. Ed. Now he has joined Himachal Pradesh University for a law degree.