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Sunday,
March 2, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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ON RECORD
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Islamism
in the context of US designs in Iraq: retracing a false trail
Mix of Jones &
genes
Shekhawat
sets new conventions
Degradation
of Kashmir’s lakes
Of food
& basics of life
Alisha
to tie the knots with a Lebanese
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ON RECORD Nowadays Mufti Sayeed is working on
another new idea — "investment for peace" — asserting
that he stands for "peace with dignity". For the past few
days he has been meeting the captains of industry in different parts
of the country, trying to convince them that by investing in the
strife-torn border state they will be serving a laudable national
cause — the establishment of peace with the help of
development-related activities. On February 25 he was in Chandigarh
on an invitation from the CII for an interaction programme. He
discussed his programmes, policies and achievements with The Tribune,
mostly without aides and in an exclusive atmosphere. He was a picture
of confidence throughout the interview. Excerpts: Q:
Immediately after your government was formed on November 2, 2002, you
came out with the "healing touch" mantra to help restore
peace in J&K. How far has your policy been helpful? A: The
healing touch policy has definitely helped a lot in transforming the
social and security climate in the state. In a democracy one has to
fight a battle of ideas. All other methods had been tried but failed
to bring peace to Jammu and Kashmir. I am trying the healing touch
formula because I am convinced that this will bring the desired
results. This is how I can change the people’s mindset, which is the
need of the hour. No one should mistake it for a soft policy towards
terrorism. Terrorism is like fish. It can survive so long as it is in
water (its support base). We have to see that it is taken away from
water. But there should be no human rights violation in the process of
anti-terrorist operations. My government will not allow any human
rights violations. The government has spent over Rs 7 crore on the
rehabilitation of such terrorism-hit persons as widows, orphans and
senior citizens. It has plans to do more. Q: You have finally
disbanded the Special Operations Group (SOG) despite resistance from
various quarters. This was one of the promises made in your party’s
(People’s Democratic Party’s) election manifesto. Do you really
think that the force had no usefulness in controlling terrorism? A: The
SOG has been disbanded because of its own actions. It had earned a bad
name for its functioning. In any case, it had to go. I want to send
across the message that the security forces, though engaged in a very
difficult task, have to be accountable for their actions. After all,
we are a democracy. People should not be harassed in the course of the
fight for terrorism. We want peace with dignity. Q: You have
tackled the Ladakhis' grievances by empowering the Leh Autonomous Hill
Development Council. What are the plans regarding the grievances of
the people of the Jammu region who too feel being discriminated
against in matters of development schemes, etc? A: No, I don’t
feel so. There is no such plan as yet. Q: You are on record to
have welcomed the appointment of Mr N.N. Vohra as the Centre's
interlocutor for holding discussions with various groups in J&K,
besides the state government. Is there any further progress that has
been made on this front? A: We are in the process of discussing
different matters. The modalities are being fixed. It requires a long
time to begin such a significant process. We are hopeful of positive
and encouraging results. Q: It is learnt that your government will
come out with a new industrial policy soon. What will be its main
thrust areas? A: We wish to revive industrial activity in a big
way. We are greatly interested in promoting the food processing
industry, floriculture, information technology, pharmaceuticals, power
generation, etc, besides tourism. We are getting good response from
business houses. We are sure of an investment of approximately Rs
1,000 crore at this stage. Q: Kashmir's willow is well-known for
its use in making world class cricket bats. Is there any scheme to
promote willow-related units in the valley, especially in the context
of its export potential? Is there any plan to promote sports goods
manufacturing and exploit its export potential? A: There are
reports of untoward activity in this field. We are trying to prevent
it. We are seeking upgradation of technology in the sports goods
industry. But so far no investor has come to us for this purpose. We
understand that there is a great scope for its growth in J and K. But
it is at the level of cottage industry today. Q: You are seeking
large investments in Jammu and Kashmir, saying that this will help
promote a national cause — establishment of peace in the
terrorism-hit state. Are you sure that investments will drive the
terrorists out of the state? Do you think that terrorists have been
able to do their destructive job because of the unavailability of job
opportunities? A: Of course. I realise that people want peace and
development. There are fewer job opportunities. We have to provide
adequate employment avenues. That is why they have voted for my party
so overwhelmingly. There are plans to recruit a large number of job
aspirants for the police, the Army and teaching in schools. Some
people may get jobs in the railways and the corporate sector too. As
terrorism is on its deathbed, there is a revival in tourist interest.
People prefer package tour offers. It is heartening to note that over
five million people visited the Vaishno Devi shrine this year. Tourism
is a great multiplier. We expect middle class tourists in large
numbers to the state. Q: What is the unemployment position in the
state? A: It is a terrible situation. People want nothing but
peace and jobs. Q: Besides the sports goods industry, you say that
you are looking for investments for power generation, infrastructure
development, the food processing industry, information
technology-related units, the biotechnology industry, etc. What are
the incentives you have offered? Can you disclose the names of some
major industrial groups which have shown interest so far? A: We
are getting a lot of enquiries from big and small houses. Gradually,
investors are showing interest in our state. After all, we are asking
for investment for a national cause. Fighting terrorism by creating
employment opportunities is a great national cause. It will be
definitely an investment in peace. We are going to introduce a single
window system with various tax and other concessions. Q: According
to our information, J&K exports goods worth Rs 700 crore and
imports goods worth Rs 8,000 crore annually? How can this big gap be
narrowed down? A: We are trying our best to increase our exports
by stressing on handicrafts, fruit processing and other industries. Q:
Reports say that the state government has no funds even to pay the
salaries of its 3.65 lakh employees. Is the situation the same even
today? A: This is not the correct picture. There are ways to
manage the situation. And we know it. Q: What are the immediate
plans to bring the state out of the debt-trap? What is the current
position of the government's bank overdrafts. A: (Gives a
smile.) That is not a problem. Don’t worry about this. Q:
The state has 18 loss-making PSUs which require Rs 60 crore to sustain
them every year. How many are going to be sold off to the private
sector soon? A: No, no. This is not the exact situation. (His
aides explain that all of these units are not making losses.) We have
SIDCO, J & K Cements, J & K Minerals, etc, which are doing
very well. Efforts are on to improve the functioning of those in
trouble. In any case, we don’t intend to sell any of our state
units. They are there to help realise social causes too. Q: Why
has the budget presentation been deferred till the first quarter of
the financial year? A: We have to set our financial house in
order. It takes time. Only the other day we took up the reins of
power. Q: Can J&K be made self-reliant in terms of financial
resources? If yes, kindly let us know how? A: We have to work
hard. It is a difficult task ahead. We need big funds every year even
for our debt servicing. But the Central Government is there to help
us. The Reserve Bank of India will also help the Government of Jammu
and Kashmir. |
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SPECIAL FOCUS WHEN the National Security Council does the worst-case analysis in a US attack on Iraq, what do its members tell themselves about Pakistan? You know, the world's second-biggest Muslim country, the one with the nuclear weapons. Do they ever worry that the backlash elsewhere against an American invasion of Iraq might include the overthrow of Pakistan’s pro-Western ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, by Islamist officers in his own armed forces, or are they so high on hubris and self-righteousness that they don't even consider that possibility? General Musharraf first came to the world’s notice by infiltrating Pakistani troops into the Indian-controlled Kargil mountains of Kashmir in the winter of 1998-99, causing a battle that ended with over a thousand soldiers dead and a humiliating withdrawal by Pakistan. Musharraf blamed the civilian Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif for backing down (from an incursion that he had never authorised), and six months later he overthrew him. How to become an international pariah in three easy steps — but then came the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Suddenly the highest US priority was to get at Afghanistan and destroy the headquarters of the al-Qaeda terrorists who had murdered over 3,000 Americans — which put Musharraf on the spot. Not only was Pakistan's territory needed for a US military operation in landlocked Afghanistan, but the Taliban, the radical Islamist group that ran Afghanistan and let al-Qaeda's leaders live there, were largely the creation of Pakistan's Inter-Service Intelligence (ISI). Musharraf hesitated only hours before throwing in his lot with President George W. Bush. The rewards were large and immediate. Suddenly Musharraf was a “respected national leader” rather than a usurping general who had destroyed Pakistan’s fragile democracy. The US sanctions that had been imposed after India and Pakistan both tested nuclear weapons in 1998 were lifted at once, and copious American aid flowed into the financially stricken country. When Musharraf tried to legitimise his rule with a stage-managed election last October, European Union observers said it was “seriously flawed” — but the US State Department spokesman, Richard Boucher, called it “a credible representation of the full range of opinion in the country.” Musharraf's decision involved big risks, of course. It meant abandoning the commanding position that Pakistan had built up in Afghanistan through the ISI's patronage of the Taliban, and upsetting millions of militant Islamists in Pakistan who revere Osama bin Laden, al-Qaeda's founder. More importantly, there was the risk of a military coup within an army that has a significant number of Islamist officers in the senior ranks. But Musharraf placed his bet and did not flinch, and so far he has done just fine. American troops in Pakistan keep a very low profile, and the army remains obedient to Musharraf. Near-monthly attacks by Islamist terrorists against resident foreigners and Pakistan's 3 per cent Christian minority have killed dozens in the past year, and bin Laden is probably hiding with some of his many admirers among Karachi's 14 million people — but so far, so good. So far, however, does not include a US invasion of Iraq and its possible ramifications, including Israeli participation in the war, tens of thousands of Arab civilian casualties in Iraq, and the overthrow of pro-Western governments elsewhere in the Arab world. Can Musharraf survive the upheavals that are probably just around the corner? It matters a lot, because Pakistan has dozens of nuclear weapons while no Arab state has any. It matters much less to the rest of the world than people imagine if the Egyptian or Saudi Arabian regimes, say, were to be overthrown by Islamist revolutions in reaction to Mr Bush’s conquest of Iraq. Arabians would have to go on selling their oil at world market prices under any conceivable post-Saudi regime, because they live off the proceeds, just as the Egyptians would have to keep the Suez Canal open because they need the revenue. Israel might have a somewhat harder time if these two large Arab states fell into the hands of its Islamist enemies, but its military superiority in the region is so overwhelming that it could easily deal with them. The Arabs cannot challenge Israel successfully, and the other four-fifths of the world's Muslims mostly feel only a distant sympathy for fellow Muslims in a desperate situation. Most non-Arab Muslims have a much smaller sense of grievance against the world than the Arabs, because their recent history has not been such a disastrous record of defeat and failure on every front. They have never fought for the Arabs in the past, and they will not do so now — with the single, potentially vital exception of Pakistan. Pakistanis have a profound sense of grievance against both India and the West for their defeats and failures over the past 50 years, and the only thing that holds the disparate ethnic groups of the country together is their shared commitment to Islam. An Islamist coup in Pakistan in the event of a US attack on Iraq would probably have enough popular support to survive — and despite its obsessive fixation on India, Pakistan is a country which, under Islamist rule, might well share its nuclear weapons with like-minded Islamist states in the Arab world. Of course, there aren't any Islamist states in the Arab world right now. But next month's war may fix that, too. The writer is a London-based journalist and political commentator. |
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The dilemma of Pakistan THE Anglo-US’ apparent determination to attack Iraq has confronted their friend Pakistan with the most excruciating dilemma of its history. This dilemma is seen on both the government and people's levels. General Musharraf’s Jamali government cannot afford to incur the displeasure of the USA and the United Kingdom by taking a clear-cut position against war on Iraq. Nor can it incur the wrath of fundamentalist forces within the country by supporting an attack on Iraq. Worse, Islamabad cannot take a neutral stand either. On February 19, the Urdu BBC reported in its 8.30 p.m. bulletin that Information Minister Sheikh Rashid said Pakistan was against attack on Iraq. Significantly, the Pakistan TV in its main Urdu bulletin the same day at 10.30 p.m. (IST) didn't carry this important statement. On the people’s level, fundamentalists whom anti-US slogans have elevated from electoral nonentities to Pakistan’s most powerful force, are single-mindedly or, if you permit, “jehadily” opposed to the attack on Iraq. As against them, liberal and secular forces do not know how to oppose the Anglo-US intentions without appearing to be at one with fundamentalist forces. This was evident on February 14, when the whole world resounded with an anti-war cry and in Pakistan there were thin processions organised by NGOs, human rights bodies and some other secular forces. Religious parties kept away. Clearly, non-fundamentalist parties and organisations preferred to stay out. Some of them didn't want to rub Americans on the wrong side. Pakistan has never faced this kind of dilemma. In 1956, Pakistani rulers had no hesitation in supporting the British government against Egypt during the Suez crisis and in 1991 then Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif and the Army felt no compunctions in being a part of the US-led forces against Iraq. Pakistani writers like Munir Ahmed link the sacking of Ms Benazir Bhutto's government by President Ghulam Ishaq Khan on August 8, 1990, to the preparations for the attack on Iraq. According to him, Ishaq Khan was believed to be close to the American CIA and the Army supported US intentions to attack Iraq. Ms Bhutto had to pay for opposing the stand taken by Ishaq Khan and the Army. It is no secret now that the ISI pumped in a lot of money into the resultant mid-term elections in 1990 to ensure the victory of Nawaz Sharif and his party. Soon after taking over as the Prime Minister, he made a scathing attack on Iraq and sent his country's troops to Saudi Arabia as part of the US-led forces ignoring countrywide public protests. But, writes Munir Ahmed, Sharif too was not really in favour of the Army's stand on support to US-led attack on Iraq. He agreed to send Pakistani troops to Saudi Arabia on condition that they would not be used against Iraq. Army Chief Mirza Aslam Beg, however, claimed that there was no difference of opinion between the civilian government and the Army on the Gulf war. Pakistan closed its embassy in Baghdad on January 11, 1991 and on January 17, Iraq came under massive attack from the US-led forces. In 1991, the Pakistan government used Iraq’s occupation of Kuwait as the justification for supporting the USA. But today things are very different: that justification is not available to Pakistan now and some of the charges made against Iraq are equally applicable to Pakistan. For example, production of weapons of mass destruction, human rights violations and links with al-Qaeda. Also, the anti-US Islamic forces in Pakistan were not so organised and powerful in 1991 as they are today, thanks to the covert official backing to them. The Army and its ISI, which have always maintained close relations with them, find themselves equally dependent on them and on the USA’s patronage. And the so-called civilian government of Zafarullah Jamali, being an underdog of the Army has to share the Army’s dilemma. It will be an act of harakiri if the government supports either party — or even if it tries to drive in the middle of the road. Americans’ worry about the security of Musharraf is significant. The writer is Director, Institute for Media Studies & Information Technology, YMCA, New Delhi. |
Islamism in the context of US designs in Iraq: retracing a false trail CAN India oppose the American war on Iraq when Muslims from half a dozen countries have made it their business to wage war against India in Kashmir? Radical Islamists say that Muslims have a religious duty to join a Jihad to end oppression of Muslims anywhere in the world. Thus was the seed for the terrorist ideology sown. We saw it come to full bloom in Afghanistan and Kashmir. If this is the stand of Islam (we have no reason to doubt it), then it is only logical that it has no right to complain against US interference in Iraq on some pretext or other. Why, for that matter, can't India interfere in the life of its neighbours when their actions do not suit our interests? We have come a thousand miles away from these nonsenses. But the logic has not sunk in. The Islamists have not changed their ways. Nor has US President Bush who says that America has a right to interfere in another country. The Islamists go further: they want to convert the entire world to Islam. How? By force? Have others no right of their own? Perhaps, according to Islamists and Bush, they have none. Men have tolerated these absurdities for millennia because our world was based on might. Today, we are trying to construct a world with no place for Islamists. And for Bush too. There should be no place for conversion, either, for any claim to the superiority of a religion is bogus. Religions are today the source of the evil. How do we explain this phenomenon of Muslim terrorism in our age of democracy? And that too just after an era of Gandhian non-violence! Revival and reform have been endemic in Islam. Revival is characterised by a return to the fundamental scriptures of the faith — the Quran and the Hadiths, which together form the Sharia (Islamic law). And reform is characterised by independent interpretations (Ijtihad). But neither revival nor reform has led to a final solution to the problems of Islam. It is a religion in a state of fever. Fundamentalist reforms are unanimous that what the Quran says is final. Sufism emerged as a popular form of Islam. It corresponds to Puranic (popular) Hinduism. It was characterised by freedom and spontaneity. Sufism is in two forms: pure and syncretic. Akbar’s “Din Illahi” was a syncretic form. (He belonged to the Chishti Sufi order). In fact, the Mughals were mostly for a syncretic form of Islam. But Aurangazeb reversed all that. Mohammad Ibn Abdul Wahhab (18th century) attacked all the three forms of Islam (Sufi, syncretic and establishment). By the end of the 18th century, Islam came under Western influence. The abolition of the Caliphate, the emergence of a secular Turkey under Kamal Ataturk, the secularisation of Egypt under Western influence — all these produced a powerful backlash. The founding of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, with clear political objectives, was a major milestone in the evolution of terrorism. But why? Because the Egyptian authorities were not ready to share power — in short, to allow democracy to function. All Brotherhood centres ran mosques, schools and even industries. This became the model for the rest of the world. All that was required for its spread was the cause. Zionism provided that cause. And petrodollars did the rest. Two other factors helped. America has always made use of religion — both Christianity and Islam — in its march towards world supremacy. Christianity — first of all, Roman Catholicism — was used against Communism. And Islam was used against the Soviet Union in Afghanistan. Zia-ul-Haq, the Pak president, too wanted the religious link to provide him legitimacy. He encouraged
Islamisation of the state and society to build up a constituency for himself. He encouraged fundamentalism and terrorism, and brought about a nexus between the military and the mullah. The fundamentalists projected Islam as a religion of justice and equity. They put all the blame for the ills of Islam on the ruling elite. They were characterised as unjust, unislamic and corrupt. Democracy is almost unknown in the Islamic world. No accommodation is sown to the opposition. By taking draconian measures against the Muslim Brotherhood, Honsi Mubarak only drove its members into exile. This had unexpected results. They went about creating pan-Islamic outfits all over the world. This was how Al-Qaida of Osama bin Laden and Al-Jihad of Egypt merged in 1998. Today, the various terror outfits are interlinked on a global basis. But it was the Saudi decision to allow the US troops to stay on in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf War that made Saudi nationalists turn against the royal family. Osama was one of the first to do so. The matter could have been debated. But that is not the way in Saudi Arabia. No debates are permitted. It is fear of what would happen to the royal family that made the USA to stay back in Saudi Arabia after the Gulf war. But Saudi officials dismiss this as “garbage”. Be that as it may, the fears of Osama have come true. Today the USA has a vast presence in the entire Arab peninsula. It is almost as if it is surrounded by US forces. Today, even Saudi Arabia, the seat of Islam, seems to be under threat. This can well spawn a movement “Islam in danger”. Want of a central authority is a major weakness of Islam. Which is why Osama could defy the Imam of the Grand Mosque of Mecca, and Mullah Omar the Rector of Al Azahar University in Cairo. The latter opposed the destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas.
Though Hindus have no central authority, they have learned to respect the views of others. There is a space for everybody in India. Not so in Islam. And yet Islam has allowed different interpretations of the Sharia. For example, to Abul Ala Maududi, founder of the Jamaat, secularism is the worst enemy of Islam. He says it created its own political, social and economic values in violation of the values of Islam. But today almost every Muslim in India swears by secularism! Such contradictions are not helpful to a community. That is why it finds itself helpless against terrorism. Against Osama bin Laden. |
Mix of Jones & genes The maestro had seen Norah when she was a child of nine and then there was a gap of almost a decade. Ravi Shakar, as he says, lost his daughter for ten years and when he found her she was a young woman of 18. He has been quoted as saying he could not find Sue when she moved away and also she did not want him to see Norah. Reports say, Norah was very young when she heard her father was to marry another woman and she was shattered. She, obviously, nursed a grouse against her legendary father, himself a three-time Grammy award winner, and that was, possibly, the reason why Norah did not mention her father’s name while accepting the Grammys. On the contrary, she profusely praised her mother. As if to demonstrate that her phenomenal rise in the world of music has been her own achievement, she did not wear a “good luck charm” sent to her father. Admitting that he is a great musician, Norah says “my father’s fame doesn’t really a lot to do with my music”. As any father could be, Ravi Shankar was overjoyed as her daughter swept at the Grammys and his comment was “I knew even as a child how talented Norah was and it makes me so happy to see how she has charmed everyone to such an extent with her signing”. Sadly, he was not able to speak to her but sent her an e-mail and left her a message. Ravi Shankar, however, denies rift with Norah and says “we are best of friends”. Estranged relations between the father and the daughter notwithstanding, Norah has come to be known as an Indian on the global stage and India is bound to be proud of her success. Norah’s music is little known in most of India but her rise in the world of music has been phenomenal indeed. It is a mix of jazz. Her jazzy voice inviting music lovers to the song — “Come Away With Me”— was so captivating at colourful Grammy Awards telecast to an international audience of over two billion and relayed in 80 countries. There were in between anti-war protests as a few musicians made low-key statements in opposition to the USA’s war games in Iraq. Pointed remarks were made by presenters that his war should go away as soon as possible. Truly, 23-year-old Norah has come up very hard way in the music world. There was a time when she performed in smoky piano bars in New York, initially dismissed as just pretty face and drew snide comments. The talent in her was spotted by EMI Blue Note Records as she sent them a demo tape. Over past one year as her debut album and the main song — “Don’t know why”— was acclaimed as ideal, those who made vicious comments about her became her admirers. Little known jazz singer, looking timid and sincere, rose like a meteor and charmed both young and old alike. She earned five Grammys, including album and record of the year, and her disc — “Come Away With Me” — was responsible for eight trophies overall. Her disc has been sold more than six million copies world-wide and become a subject of discussion in the music business circles. So much so that Ravi Shankar proposes to compose a piece for both her daughters to perform together but says “I don’t want to force it upon them”. It would, however, be wonderful if it happened. |
Shekhawat sets new conventions While the Opposition parties had boycotted the official function, the ruling BJP and Lok Sabha Speaker’s office had ensured that the Central Hall was packed to its full capacity. President A P J Abdul Kalam left the venue after unveiling the portrait and inaugurating the exhibition.
The Vice President along with Speaker Manohar Joshi turned to Deputy Prime Minister Lal Krishna Advani asking him if he could break the convention by going to the Central Hall. The Central Hall, which is a place for MPs, Ministers, journalists to informally interact, is not normally visited by the President and the Vice President. Advani said that there was nothing wrong in it and then Shekhawat along with Lok Sabha Speaker Manohar Joshi became the guest of Parliamentary Affairs Minister Sushma Swaraj. An old timer commented that Shekhawat was breaking a tradition. The Vice President intervened promptly commenting that “why don’t you say that I am setting a tradition”. Cong flip-flop The issue of unveiling of Veer Savarkar’s portrait in Parliament has been rather tough for the Congress. After the participation of its senior leaders, Shivraj Patil and Pranab Mukherjee, in the house committee meeting that which decided to put up Savarkar’s portrait, the party suddenly realised that it could not be associated with the event. It dragged the President into the controversy, urging him to reconsider his decision to unveil the portrait. But even as Congress president Sonia Gandhi conveyed her party’s inability to attend the function, Rajya Sabha Deputy Chairperson Najma Heptullah attended it. The Congress leaders tried to explain her presence saying that she attended the function due to the office she was holding. But they would not say why Deputy Speaker P M Sayeed was not present. Of Congressism Sarkar Apke Dwar The Chautala government in Haryana, which is religiously following its “Sarkar Apke Dwar” initiative, has results to show after three years. The state government is profiling the development work in various
constituencies through a series of 19 books, each devoted to a district of the state. It virtually covers every village in the district. Details like the name of sarpanch and annual income of the village accompany the progress reports about the development works in the area under the outlined schemes. Each work shows the amount released and its status. There is also information about the works done by government departments. The data helps make the administration transparent as well as accountable. The success of “Sarkar Apke Dwar” in Haryana has prompted some other Chief Ministers to follow Mr Chautala’s example in their states. Mulayam's craving But instead of him, Suman’s leader got up and launched a scathing attack against the government. Yadav had planned it well as he first got the discussion postponed from Wednesday to Thursday with an argument that MPs would be busy in watching the World Cup match between India and England and then he came to the House with a prepared speech. An old friend of the Samajwadi leader commented that Yadav’s new found love for Cricket is amazing as he was a great follower of wrestling. His journey from wrestling to cricket, also represents his political shift as well, the friend said adding that from rural countryside he has become a votary of the corporate and suave urbanite world. Contributed by Satish Misra, Prashant
Sood and
T. V. Lakshminarayan. |
Degradation of Kashmir’s lakes THE common Kashmiri’s honeymoon with Chief Minister Mufti Mohammed Sayeed has already worn thin. People here huddle snugly over steaming cups of salt tea and talk angrily of demolitions, leaving people in towns along highways distraught. Will this be for the public good? I for one am eagerly waiting for the effects of this clean-up operation on Kashmir’s most valuable heritage, its fabulous waterways. Parts of the Dal, the picturesque lake that has probably drawn more tourists than any other aspect of fabulous Kashmir, are crammed with encroachments. “Three years ago, there were as many as 60,000 people living inside the lake, on islands and in houseboats. For centuries, some of them have been growing vegetables and flowers on the surface of the lake. That is legal, but many of them have also been creating artificial islands, to live and build hotels on, and also to grow trees and vegetables on,” says Parvez Dewan, who has dealt with the problem both as Commissioner of Lakes and Waterways and then as Divisional Commissioner, Kashmir. Screened by willows and other tall plants behind what appears to be the western edge of the lake is a vast maze of narrow streams. A boat ride through the area, patches of it covered by lotuses, reveals not only rough-hewn houseboats but also hamlets of huts, and even some double-storied houses. Through much of the year, men and women with long poles steer canoes stuffed with lotus stems and other vegetables, or flowers, or fish, through these waters. Sadly, because of such encroachment, the lake has shrunk to exactly half the size it was a century ago. Removing them has hitherto been considered too politically costly. Ironically, the boat people’s community has turned most staunchly against militancy now, for they have felt the loss of tourism most directly. They roam the Dal and the Nagin in shikaras stuffed with exquisite flowers throughout summer, willing to sell bunches for almost anything they can get. Just a decade ago, however, these sturdy canoes were vehicles for militants, who made full use of Kashmir’s intricate network of waterways. The Wular lake connects streams from the north of the valley to the Jhelum. The Lidder river connects south Kashmir with the Jhelum and the Sindh Nala winds from Sonamarg in the eastern corner to the Anchar, and that lake too flows into the Jhelum. And of course the mighty Jhelum connects with the Dal, which connects with the Nagin — and both to that network of tiny streams that is virtually part of Srinagar. I am told that kidnapped persons were ferried from the city to far-flung villages by boat and that militant commanders used boats to avoid highways. Rainawari was a bastion of just about every significant militant outfit in 1990-91, not only because many large houses there were empty, their Pandit owners having fled, but also because that network of backwater streams comes right to the back edge of Rainawari. So they could escape at short notice to either the Dal or the Nagin. The Nagin is Kashmir’s most enchanting and the only major real lake, for it is fed by springs. In fact, before pollution made that risky, tourists used to drink water scooped up from the lake for its medicinal benefits. Now, not only all those plastic bags and the refuse and waste from houseboats but vast quantities of sewage from the city is drained, untreated, into the Dal-Nagin basin. I first became agitated about the degradation of Kashmir’s lakes last summer, when I went to the vicinity of the Wular. It is one of the best in Asia; it sprawls like a placid sea, ringed by lush green hills. A closer look, however, is sobering, for much of the lake is as green as the surrounding fields and forests — vast stretches of marsh with grassy patches in between. It could be a poster for environmental disaster. |
Of food & basics of life IT’S a happening month in the so-called happening city. Though this week had been completely packed with events, for me, what stood out was one of the most touching exhibitions in recent years. As I walked into Ajit Cour's Academy of Fine Arts and Literature, what caught my attention was a good-looking German and paintings that centred around what we eat or drink. Since Andreas Scholz looked trim, I simply had to ask him what gets him to paint on food. With a wry smile spreading on his lean, well chiseled face, what he said left me thinking…so much that each time I eat even a morsel his words hit out: “Why do we take food for granted?” For me, it is not the exotic that’s important…no, certainly not; but everyday food that sustains you and me, and I want to earn just about enough to be able to buy a pear or a potato for it has enough elements to sustain a person “Elements” is the title of this Cologne-based 47-year-old artist who is exhibiting in India. Teaching you not just about food but also to talk about the basics of life, Andreas has had a tough childhood. “My father got drowned and my mom brought up siblings and I in the toughest of situations, so I’d realised the value of food...what goes into obtaining a single potato!” Let me take you further in way, towards food and more of it. Last weekend, former Coast Guards Director-General M.Ratra and spouse Kavita Ratra showed that you could more than survive on just herbs and the greens. Kavita — half Irish and half Gujarati — has been hooked on growing herbs. Slowly this fascination grew and she started supplying them to five-star hotels. After Ratra’s retirement, the couple bought land where they not only live happily but also grow these herbs and much more. Last weekend, they 'd invited naval officers (some of them on a visit here from the UK) and fed them in bulk. Lesser
breeds This Wednesday will see the release of Nayantara Sahgal’s “Lesser Breeds” (Harper Collins) at the British Council. It is a novel revolving around a school teacher. I quote: “In 1932, Nurullah, an English teacher aged twenty-three, comes to the city of Akbarabad and encounters a non-violent resistance movement against the British rule. During the ten years from 1932 that he lives with a non-violent family, Akbarabad educates him in various ways, leaving him stubbornly resistant to non-violence. The book ends in 1968 with a look back and a reconsideration by the man Nurullah has now become...” Tale
of romance This is a tale of romance. Penguin’s “Yadav: A Roadside Love Story” by Jill Lowe. Read it and you'll love it for this Brit has so candidly written about her rather offbeat relationship with a Haryanavi cab driver. Sixty-five -year-old Jill is about 12 years older than the taxi driver Lal Singh Despite the class difference between the two, it’s a complete love story with a happy ending. The couple live in Haryana's Mandwa village. |
Alisha to tie the knots with
a Lebanese SHE may have sung the hit number “Made in India” extolling the virtues of Indian men, but when it came to choosing a man for herself, Alisha Chinai settled for a Lebanese. “His name is Romel Kazzooah, and he’s perfect for me. He’s a Christian Lebanese settled in Toronto and, yes, he’s from the music world, though from the trade rather than the creative side of it. See, I never wanted much from my man. He just has to be very, very good-looking, intelligent, sensitive, compassionate, a great listener and good talker. Was that a lot to ask for? Oh well...” And the peals of laughter ring out at Alisha’s posh residence in Alibaug. “Since my man is currently Dubai-based, I keep moving out of Mumbai. Fortunately Dubai is just a few hours away from Mumbai.” Kazzooah and Alisha met while she was recording an Arabic song in Mumbai. “At first I thought he would be conceited like all good- looking men. But he surprised me. He continues to surprise me. I'm looking at a permanent relationship here. I've gone through a lot in life, and I deserve a break. But you never know about the future. You should see Romel sing my ‘Kate nahin Kate-te’ in his thick Canadian accent. When he does it, nothing else matters.” But Alisha being Alisha, her career matters a lot. The patch-up with Anu Malik is the best thing to have happened to Alisha’s career. After years of acrimony between them when she had ceased to record with him Alisha and Anu patched up last year for a song in Ken Ghosh’s “Ishq Vishq”. The album finally gives Alisha what she always wanted. “I feel I was typecast in throaty sensuous songs. That’s finally over with ‘Ishq Vishq’' where I do a conventional love ballad. I recently recorded a duet for Anu with Adnan Sami for the first time. And it went famously. Adnan and I keep running into each other all over the place, specially at airports. Once I jokingly asked him if he was stalking me. Adnan is a sweetheart.” Alisha has been singing film songs, though the perfectionist in her isn't always happy with the end-result. “‘O My Darling’ in ‘Mujhse Dosti Karoge’ was a great tune. I wish it had been better arranged. But that’s okay. As long as I get paid fairly well I’m fine with what I’ve to sing. Anu seems to get the best out of me and I the best out of him.”
IANS |
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JAMMU and Kashmir
Chief Minister Mufti Mohammad Sayeed has an innovative style of
functioning. Initially, many Kashmir observers could not have full
appreciation of his strategies to take care of the people’s
grievances. When he announced his "healing touch" policy to
end the people’s alienation and destroy the terrorists’ support
base, he was suspected of being soft towards those fighting Pakistan’s
proxy war. But with a noticeable improvement in the situation in the
state, particularly in the valley, his critics’ attitude seems to
have changed considerably. 
RECORD
breaking Grammy award winner Norah Jones may not have grown under the towering shadow of her father Ravi Shankar and, like her half sister Anoushka, received training from the Sitar wizard but, doubtless, she inherited the maestro’s talent. A commentator has aptly asked: “Is it Jones or is it the genes”? Possibly, it is both; her determination and dedication came from the mother and the in-built talent she inherited from the father. It was a tragedy indeed that the maestro could not marry, Sue Jones, a former music promoter-turned nurse after having long relationship but both split up before Norah was born. Sue brought up her child in Texas and those might have been difficult days for her. 
VICE President Bharion Singh Shekhawat is setting new traditions and conventions as it was evident this week when a function was held for unveiling a portrait of Veer Vinayak Damodar Savarkar in the Central Hall of Parliament.
Talking of the ideology-driven parties, one normally thinks of the BJP and the Left parties. The Congress is perceived as one without a firm ideology but with a centrist approach and Nehruvian thinking. At a time when Hindutva has become the topic of intellectual discourse, a book has come out describing “Congressism” as the ideology of the Indian National Congress. Written by Ashish Talwar, coordinator in the Media Department of the AICC, the 237-page book has six chapters. “Congressism,” explains the book, is a doctrine that seeks to establish a democratic and secular government with reservational representation for socially challenged sections in proportion to their numerical strength, the ultimate aim of which is to establish a welfare state. Though there are several books on the history of the Congress, there is virtually none on its “ideology.” The book, released last week, seeks to “address attempts being made by non-Congress political formations at redefining and obfuscating the tenets that the Congress has stood for.’’ This is the second book by the young writer, the first being “The Secularist”.
Samajwadi Party supremo Mulayam Singh Yadav’s craving for media attention has gone up these days, say his friends and colleagues. It became all too evident on Thursday when he rose to initiate a discussion on Ayodhya in the Rajya Sabha. Observers were little surprised as the motion had been admitted in the name of his party colleague Ramji Lal Suman and it was expected that he would rise to speak.