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Saturday,
January 18, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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Change of guard in Mumbai Retail trading in
G-Secs Telecom disconnect |
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Market forces to determine fees
Mollycoddling?
Can civil society answer J&K’s problems?
Sagging serials
Nature has its own body warmers
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Change of guard in Mumbai THE “unanimous” election of Mr Sushil Kumar Shinde as the new leader of the Maharashtra Congress Legislature Party in place of Mr Vilasrao Deshmukh is a calculated gamble on the part of the party high command to revive the sagging political fortunes of the Congress. Maharashtra is scheduled to go to the polls in another 16-17 months. It has, therefore, been looking for ways and means to improve the electoral prospects of the party under the stewardship of a new leader. This is a big challenge for the state party unit. Will Mr Shinde be able to deliver the goods? This remains to be seen. Of course, the 63-year-old new leader is a veteran of sorts. He has had long political innings. Having worked as a minister under well-known chief ministers over the years, Mr Shinde has carved out a niche for himself as a popular person. In Mumbai’s Mantralaya, the seat of power of the state government, Mr Shinde is known for his wide administrative and political experience. But in the Maratha-dominated politics of the state, Mr Shinde’s main problem will be how to carry the Maratha lobby with him and face the serious challenges of the aggressive Hindutva line of the Shiv Sena and the Bharatiya Janata Party. It would be interesting to watch to what extent he would keep the simmering differences among the coalition partners under check — a factor that was believed to be largely responsible for the peremptory removal of his predecessor, Mr Vilasrao Deshmukh. He has to keep his partners in good humour and gear up the administration. Mr Shinde has to ensure that he delivers the goods instead of making empty and populist promises. From now onwards till the Assembly elections, it is Mr Shinde’s performance that will be put to test. In politics, as in other walks of life, nothing succeeds like success. Mr Shinde has an impressive track record. He was the popular vice-presidential candidate of the Congress party last year. A seasoned politician, Mr Shinde is not known to have pursued the path of confrontation on matters of policy or administration at any time. He is a modest person and he apparently enjoys goodwill in the rank and file of the party. He has charming mannerisms and has the ability to disarm even his worst critics. Though known for his political skills, his success will depend on the team he chooses after taking over as the Chief Minister. It would also be interesting to see whether the party high command would allow him to take independent decisions to meet the expectations of the people, including those in the Vidarbha region. People do not expect quick-fix solutions to the state’s problems from the new Chief Minister. But what they are looking forward to is a government with a difference and good governance. Mr Shinde has got an opportunity to demonstrate his skills in political management and administration. It remains to be seen whether he would be able to widen his support base and earn the goodwill of both his partymen and all other coalition partners in the run-up to the Assembly elections. |
Retail trading in G-Secs WHAT does the government decision on Thursday to allow retail trading in the gilt-edged government securities
(G-Secs in short) mean for the common man? Let us first understand the terms used. “Gilt” means a thin layer of gold or a gold-like substance which is used on an edge or a surface for decoration. The expression “gilt-edged government securities” means investments in government papers which are safe because these are issued by the government. To meet its obligations, the government borrows money from the market. It sells government papers offering attractive rates of interest. Earlier, the minimum investment limit was Rs 25,000. The investor had to approach a primary dealer who would book orders on his behalf through the Negotiated Dealing System of the Reserve Bank of India. Mostly banks and financial institutions invested in the government securities. Now the RBI has reduced the minimum order size for the government securities to Rs 1,000. With the face value of the securities fixed at Rs 100, one can buy a minimum of 10 units from any of the three stock exchanges — the National Stock Exchange, the Bombay Stock
Exchange and the Over the-Counter Exchange of India. Like shares, the purchases of government securities can be done through the screen-based, order-matching system for which the authorised brokers will have to be approached. There are 10,000 terminals in some 400 cities and towns which will trade in securities. The securities do not come in the shape of paper certificates. An investor will have to open a demat account with a bank, an authorised broker or any other depository participant. There will be no tax deduction at source and an interest income up to Rs 3,000 a year is exempt from income tax. The next important question is: should one go in for investment in government securities? The most significant aspect of an investment in government securities is that it is risk free since the government guarantees its safety. The second positive is the liquidity. An investor can sell the securities in case of a need. Third, the minimum returns the government promises on the issue of securities are assured if one holds on till the maturity of the paper. There are 85 types of government securities listed on the stock exchanges. Finance Minister Jaswant Singh carried out the first transaction on Thursday during the launch of retail trading by purchasing 10 units of government securities for Rs 1,000 bearing an interest rate of 11.10 per cent and maturing in April. On the day of the launch government securities worth Rs 1.89 crore changed hands at the BSE and the
NSE. The most traded papers included the 9.85 per cent 2015 paper (carrying an interest rate of 9.85 per cent and maturing in the year 2015). Another actively traded instrument was the 9.39 per cent 2011 paper. Keeping the money in fixed deposits of banks gives lower returns, but there are no charges of opening or maintaining a demat account. Viewed in this light, the
G-Secs look quite attractive for investment-friendly people. In all such activities, however, it is advisable to seek expert guidance before rushing in for investment. |
Telecom disconnect DESPERATION. That’s what comes to mind when we think of the recent skirmish between the private cellular operators and their ‘limited’ rivals in which cellular operators across the nation have snipped their connection with WiLL operators, even as the telecom regulatory body TRAI has asked them to resume interconnectivity. The Cellular Operators Association of India
(COAI) says that it has taken the extreme step because of TRAI’s “bias towards basic service providers”. On the other hand, the Association of Basic Telecom Operators
(ABTO) contends that the private cellular operators are using the interconnectivity card for “arm-twisting”. Fixed phone operators have not only spent a fraction in licence fees as compared with cellular operators, they have had to pay nothing for the limited mobility service. The COAI says that 85 per cent of the calls made by cellphones are in areas covered by limited mobility. A cellphone user to make a call to a fixed line or a WiLL service has to pay Rs 1.20, but the reverse is not true. When cellphones were introduced in India in the mid-’90s, they were very expensive gadgets that cost as much as Rs 16 a minute to use. From being an instant status symbol of the very rich, they have become ubiquitous and the country now has one crore cellphone users. It has not been a smooth journey, however. As most consumers are aware, telephone rates have been dropping and this has lead to an increasing proliferation of both mobile phones as well as their greater usage. Now the WiLL operators promise even cheaper rates. So where is the problem, the customer may well ask, and rightly so. The issue, according to cellular operators, is that of a level playing field. The WiLL operators are offering cheap rates because they have an unfair advantage. They are demanding that the playing field should be levelled with regard to the licence fees, access charges and the regulation of limited mobility. On the other hand, the ABTO says the licence fees for basic telephony included that for limited mobility phones. In the meanwhile, TRAI is flexing its regulatory muscle, but is on a weak wicket because its credibility has been challenged. It should not have allowed the situation to arise and there is no doubt that the playing field should be levelled and the dispute between these two kinds of operators resolved as soon as possible. Indian consumers need to get the best deal they possibly can, and operators have to realise that the days of licence raj are now history. They should take legal measures to have their grievances addressed; not hold consumers to ransom. It is also imperative that the government and its agencies sort out the basic issues of licensing fees, access fees and connectivity charges so that Indian telecom operators-fixed line, GSM or
CDMA-give the nation the kind of network that future development hinges on. All concerned should concentrate on providing the best and cheapest possible service to the subscribers, who should have to pay the same, no matter what operator or technology they chose. This is where their and the nation’s best interests lie. |
Market forces to determine fees DURING the last few weeks, two significant developments have taken place in the field of educational policy. The first one was a pronouncement by the Supreme Court that the professional colleges would now have the right to fix their own tuition fees. So far, the colleges had to go by the verdict of the university, which in turn had been arrived at through consultation with the state government. This procedure had been laid down some time ago and the colleges were obliged to follow what the university told them to do. The ground situation has, however, been changing for some time. What the Supreme Court had decided a decade earlier — in 1991 to be precise — could not be followed exactly. Recognising this changing situation, the Supreme Court has now said that, instead of the colleges going back to the university as used to be the case so far, they would now be entitled to decide on their own. While doing so, evidently they would take into account what is called the market factor. As a result of current developments, that consideration has been given primacy and the final decision has been left to the college. It goes without saying that every college, while taking the decision, would go into issues like the quality of students attracted by that particular college, the type of course that was being offered, the capacity of the student to pay and all those factors which have a bearing upon the situation. Neither the Ministry of Human Resource Development nor the University Grants Commission or, for that matter, any of the state governments had taken a position in regard to the fee structure. Meanwhile, the market situation was changing. As described earlier, the sway of the market forces has now been given due recognition. A few days ago, when the Prime Minister was inaugurating the golden jubilee year of the UGC, he chose to be somewhat specific. As he put it, the current situation had made it possible for those who could afford to pay much less than they could or should. What was required was to help those who were disadvantaged and charge a higher quantum from those who could afford to pay. In a sense, the Prime Minister more or less upheld what the Supreme Court had pronounced upon earlier. This was the second notable development. As and when the new system is followed, there is a strong likelihood of the fees going up. The only snag is that quite often there is a slip between the cup and the lip! The government has been talking of increasing the fees for decades. In actual practice, however, nothing or almost nothing got done during the last few years. By and large, the government has been saying the right things but doing precious little to implement them. Why did it happen this way? The answer has to be given by the two agencies concerned, the UGC and/or the state governments. Both are directly concerned with this issue. Unless they move in the matter, things are bound to remain as they are. The UGC deals with the central universities directly. By now they number more than a dozen and a few of them have colleges also. The number of students enrolled in central universities may not be particularly high, but the fact that the UGC says as well as does something has considerable impact. The second agency are the various state governments. What one state does may not necessarily be repeated by another state. This has been happening all the time. Not so long ago, the West Bengal government raised fee charges in respect of medical colleges. It led to a certain amount of agitation. However, the proposal went through eventually. What happened in West Bengal is not different from what is happening elsewhere. Some relevant aspects of the problem need to be noted, however. The Supreme Court, for instance, has given directions in respect of professional colleges. These colleges are to be distinguished from the general run of other colleges. The professional colleges may number between 1000 and 1500, whereas the number of the general run of colleges (arts, science and commerce) would be approximately 10,000. The decision to charge a higher rate of fee has been given in respect of the professional colleges. The problems that arose in West Bengal related to medical colleges which are professional in character. Each one of these professional colleges is expensive to establish and administer. The cost of the infrastructure is high and the various other related costs too cannot be scaled down. Therefore, the per capita cost is higher in these colleges than in other colleges. The Supreme Court judgement applies to them and not to the other colleges. Since the demand for admission to these colleges is high and certain categories of students are prepared to pay even when the fees are high, this arrangement wherever introduced, has not encountered much resistance. Nor is it likely to do so during the coming few years. There is one problem, however, which has been so far overlooked by almost all decision- makers. A large proportion of students who would like to get admission to these colleges are prevented from doing so by their lack of resources. Unless a way is found to help these disadvantaged students, the proposed system will not work. Today, the problem is that even those who can afford to pay are not asked to pay. Tomorrow, the problem will be that those who cannot afford to pay will be unable to get admission and will get left out. This, by any standard of reckoning, would be unjust and hence unacceptable. And this leads to the next point. How are these disadvantaged students to be helped to get admission into professional colleges?. As it is, there are enough obstacles for them to overcome. With the proposed changes, the situation would become even more difficult to manage. So far, the general approach has been that these students be given loans which they would eventually pay back. Banks today are much more ready to advance loans than they were a few years ago. To that extent, the situation is better than before. But there are certain specific obstacles which need to be overcome. For instance, a student must be confident of being able to pay back when he has to make up his mind about taking a loan. At the same time it must be recognised that confidence is not everything. Certain professional courses lead to quick employment while others do not. If it is the former, the amount can be returned relatively easily. But if a student has to wait for a job as happens ever so often, the interest starts mounting and he feels insecure. Therefore, one clear distinction must be drawn. While some students would prefer to take out loans, others would hesitate to do so. What they require is an outright grant rather than a loan. Issues like these have to be gone into and taken care of at the time a decision is taken. Also, appropriate remedies will have to be found for difficult situations. The fact of the matter is that all these years, when the present system was evolving the option of aiding the disadvantaged students was seldom given the attention it ought to have been given. Educational administrators as also the policy makers have so far not paid enough attention to evolving a new system wherein other viable alternatives are also made available. In the changing situation, fresh thought has to be given to how the needy and the disadvantaged students are helped to gain admission and at the same time function in a manner where a loan, if extended, does not weigh on the student’s mind beyond a point and he can concentrate upon his study. There is not enough space to go into details and work out a solution except to make one basic suggestion, which is that a separate fund to be called Student Aid Fund will have to be created in every college and every university. How the fund is to be raised and administered are issues that will have to be examined separately as well as sympathetically. The writer is a well-known educationist and former Vice-Chancellor, Punjabi University, Patiala. |
Mollycoddling? THE
Union Finance Ministry has reacted angrily to the criticism in Parliament and elsewhere that it is following an “amoral” policy in “appeasing” and “pandering” to that rather noisome tribe called the Non-Resident Indians and has called the allegation “absurd, baseless and motivated”. Talking to newsmen, a senior official of the Finance Ministry declared: “The Non-Resident Indians certainly aren’t our blue-eyed boys. In fact, the exact opposite is true for the government is going out of its way to extend concessions and preferential treatment to the Resident Indians, while bringing to bear the full rigour of the land on the NRIs. Let me cite a few instances”. “A new public sector undertaking has just been floated that will buy up all the condemned and junk bicycles all over the country and re-condition them by giving them a lick of old paint and fitting on a cloth seat of sorts. These souped bicycles would then be sold to Resident Indians after they have registered their names with the government and have deposited caution money of Rs 50,000 in the post office and the cost of the cycle will be highly subsidised — it will be around Rs 20,000 plus taxes. “In contrast, the Non-Resident Indians are being treated very harshly and they can buy latest models of Maruti de luxe cars without waiting and without paying any advance money and to make things even more difficult for the NRIs, the government will be asking the dealers to fit at no extra cost stereo sets and mobile phones. The Resident Indians are getting condemned bicycles, but the NRIs are being fobbed off with luxury cars? So where’s the question of the government mollycoddling the NRIs?” The Finance Ministry official said: The government is gravely concerned about the acute housing crisis in the country and over the next 50 years, it proposes to construct about 200 one-room tenement shanties with thatched roof and no windows and doors and they will then be sold to Resident Indians on payment of a pugree of Rs 5 lakh each and after they have been on the waiting list for 18 years or more. “In sharp contrast, the NRIs are being offered at throwaway prices, flats built for the Asiad in New Delhi. Does this amount to pandering or appeasing? The government only wants its critics to be fair, objective and impartial. I tell you, we’re taking the gullible NRIs for a ride. “In a further attempt to help the Resident Indians the government has restricted individual shareholdings in companies to 10 equity shares, but the Reserve Bank has permitted the NRIs to brazenly raid Indian stock markets, hammer down the prices and buy controlling interest in blue chip Indian companies without shelling out a paisa of their own and repatriate the profits they make on speculative deals in hard currency and without any upper limit. Does this amount to preferential treatment? “Let me again reiterate that it’s the government’s clear and unambiguous policy to do all it can to help and encourage the RIs.” “I’m sorry to interrupt you,” said a newsman attending the briefing, “but I suppose RI in your jargon stands for Resident Indians?” “No, it doesn’t”, said the Finance Ministry official, “it stands for Resident Idiots.” |
Can civil society answer J&K’s problems? THERE is growing realisation of the importance of civil society in preserving and strengthening democracy. This is reflected in the widespread debate in academic and political circles, for the last couple of decades, in the democratic world. It is particularly relevant for a state like J&K where lack of civil society was the cause as well as the effect of weak democracy. And without democracy, there cannot be peace and without it, there will not be progress in any field. As I am more concerned here with the role of civil society in J&K, I need not go into details of its theoretical aspects. For this purpose a working definition of it would suffice; to know what it is not and what it is. Essentially civil society is non-government. But it is less than the non-government sector. Of course, what are called NGOs — the voluntary social work sector — are an important part of civil society. While political parties — in the government and out of it — are beyond it, those who deal with political ideas and for that matter the entire field of ideas are a part of it. Thus, social workers, human rights activists, intellectuals, writers, journalists and artist comprise civil society. The foremost quality of a civil society is its autonomy from the government and struggles for political power as also of the business class. Secondly, it must have a culture of tolerance and respect for different viewpoints. Why could J&K not develop a viable civil society? Political uncertainty and consequent violence are certainly responsible for it. But lack of civil society also prevented the growth of democracy and a free debate which resulted in political uncertainty and political violence. Where do we start in this vicious circle of cause and effect? In fact, civil society has not been deeply rooted in the political tradition and culture of the state. The father of Kashmir’s political movement, Sheikh Abdullah, who represented almost the entire Kashmiri personality — political, religious and cultural — had monolithised and dominated all its aspects. There is no doubt about his monumental achievements. But when the most popular leader got absolute power under a one-party system in the state in 1947, there was no room for dissent or a civil society. Under the Banyan tree of the Sheikh nothing else could grow. In Jammu, where his political writ did not run so effectively, the dissent took the form of street protest for want of any democratic outlet. The far less popular leadership that succeeded him and inherited the regimented and centralised setup was scared of the opposition and adopted more repressive and undemocratic measures to stifle dissent which eventually sought a violent outlet. As long as violence prevails and people are engaged in the struggle for the “final solution” of the Kashmir problem, the growth of civil society will remain inhibited. But till a civil society grows and there is a free atmosphere for dialogue on all issues, including the Kashmir problem, its solution will remain evasive. Moreover, a civil society will be needed even if and when the problem is solved. It cannot simply emerge overnight. All problems will not automatically be resolved nor can wait till the Kashmir problem is solved. An orphan crying for food or milk and a person injured by a bullet from this or that side needing hospitalisation cannot be asked to wait till the main problem is solved. While the problem may be at best as old as 55 years, the Dal Lake and Chinar trees, existing for thousands of years, cannot be allowed to languish and disappear by the time the problem is solved. For all these reasons building of a civil society can brook no delay. Some of the fields in which it is far more effective may be identified. All those activities which require a moral and human motivation and compassion are obviously most suitable for them. They cannot be left to the mercy of a mechanical administration. In fact, services of the NGOs are required for all the welfare schemes financed by the government. In J&K state such services are required on a much larger scale to provide succour to orphans, widows, destitutes and the disabled who became so due to militancy as also relief to children and women in general. Likewise, civil society is needed in the field of development work which needs participation and cooperation of the people like environment protection, wasteland development and water harvesting. There are a number of allied fields like the spread of literary, health services, including awareness about health problems like aids, that can be added to the field of activity of civil society. This can certainly be enlarged to include all activities which require the initiative, spirit of service and the involvement of the people. Civil society can also enlist the services of intellectuals and experts to discuss all possible problems facing the state and feed the policy-makers with fresh ideas on their best solutions. In order to maintain the much-needed autonomy of the institutions of civil society, their networking with the agencies doing similar work within and without the state is very important. They should coordinate and exchange ideas and experiences with one another. The state has suffered too much politics and political tension. Let the activists of civil society in the country come to the rescue of the people from this tension and mobilise their talent and energy for a more constructive use. |
Sagging serials WITH a surfeit of serials every week— and Zee leads the pack in springing new ones every week — the columnist can be forgiven for sticking for regular monitoring to one or two which seem to be different. One of the other problems one faces is the sudden idea of letting a serial run for two or three days in succession, and then giving it a gap of four days before the next episode is screened. This completely breaks up the continuity and no amount of recaps can build up the mood again. As typical of both these handicaps to comfortable viewing I will take as examples two serials which promised to be different but are losing out with break of continuity as well as intervening weak episodes because of eking them out for the required number of episodes for the channel. Public Hai Sab Janti Hai, a genuinely adult and sophisticated satire, on Sab TV started off with a roar in a delectable take-off of Laloo Prasad Yadav and family. But because our politicians cannot take a joke against themselves, a suit was duly filed in Patna and is still sub judice. Then came some excellent episodes with hardly-concealed spoofs on Jayalalitha and Verappan. Later episodes centred round generalities and did not always come off.However, there was a welcome revival last week with two exceptionally good spoofs. One was the meeting of the "Out of Control Board for Cricket" in a hilarious session for selecting the Indian cricket team for the World Cup. There were snide references to regional preferences and family interests, but I do wish the actor spoofing Dalmiya did not keep on picking his nose. It was in poor taste. Even more close to the bone and very funny was the episode on the Metro, with both "Leelaji" and "Madan Lal Purana" claiming the credit for launching it and the news channel "Parson Tak" reporting it with due self-importance and exclusivity. At least viewers in Delhi must have enjoyed every minute of this unseemly squabble. In the case of this serial, the time gap does not matter so much except that one has a hard time remembering on which days of the week one reverts to it. But the time gap matters a lot in Astitva, especially as it is now going at a very slow pace and with some needless prolonging of reactions to the now established marriage between the 34-year-old woman doctor and her 24-year-old husband. The doctor's saintly reactions to her petulant mother-in-law, whose tantrums have reached much beyond the endurance of the viewer as well as beyond credibility. The continued loafing about of the young husband in brightly printed shorts and barefooted, although he is allegedly a professional photographer, his ready acceptance of cheques for two honeymoons, first from his wife's doctor colleague and then his sister when he has no ostensible means of employment, completely shatters any illusions one might have had about his sense of rebellion. The fact that one has to wait four days for the next episode makes watching this serial all the more frustrating. Is it so difficult to have either a daily serial or a fixed weekly one when one does not have to keep on tracking their progress in one's diary? I am picking two of the less fashionable channels one of which, Jain TV, has done some sterling work in the field of what I would like to call religious relations, by constantly projecting the positive points of various religions and their common values, with useful panel discussions and news items featuring different communities. Last week it lined up four ex-governors, including the articulate Romesh Bhandari and Swaraj Kaushal, to follow up the suggestions by the President and then the Prime Minister about the role of the governor under the Indian Constitution. I also saw on Doordarshan a short film sponsored by the Ministry of External Affairs which so far has mostly dabbled in cultural subjects. This was a one-hour programme on Fiji, executive producer, columnist Subha Singh being familiar with the subject since her father had been posted there for some years as the Indian envoy. It mainly focussed on the problems faced by Indian migrants and, mercifully, did not use the usual dead-pan narrator but made everybody speak for themselves. Unfortunately some of the dialogue was lost because the sub-titles were set against the lighter portions of the screen and could not be read. I also feel the continuity occasionally got diffused by the comments by the immigrants, for instance, being scattered according to locale although their sentiments tended to be repetitive. The film, a trifle too long, was a useful insight into a troubled land but I wondered what the MEA does with these films beyond projecting them at cocktail parties for old India hands at missions abroad. I believe this film has been shown at a seminar. I suggest such films are also shown to opinion-makers at universities, at seminars and other specialised discussions in neighbouring counties such as Australia, their envoys in India and to Indian politicians who should be specialising in specific areas. Only then would government money spent on short films such as these serve a useful purpose. |
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Nature has its own body warmers IN winter if you suffer from numbness and discomfort in the fingers and toes, you should avoid caffeine in diet as this substance is known to promote constriction of blood vessels. A useful alternative to caffeinated drinks is ginger tea. Ginger contains substances that ‘thin’ the blood and relax the blood vessels, too. To make ginger tea, simmer about a one-inch cube of grated or finely chopped root ginger in two pints of water for about ten minutes. Many find drinking this brew throughout the day will have a significant warming effect in their hands and feet. Magnesium may help to reduce spasm in the vessels of the fingers and toes. You need to take 300-500mg of magnesium every day. Alternatively, try the circulation-enhancing herb Ginkgo biloba. The normal recommended dose of Ginkgo biloba is 120-240mg of standardised extract per day.
The Guardian |
The Name of God is compared to fire that burns. Knowingly, or unknowingly, you may touch fire; it shall burn, it shall have its own effect. Likewise, the potency of the Name of God has its action upon our entire system, bodily as well as psychological, so that it purifies us. The process of purification is that action which takes place in ourselves, which transforms the baser metal of crude thinking engendered by Rajas and Tamas into that form of expression known as Sattavaguna. The recitation of a mantra therefore accelerates the process of the revelation of the Sattva in us, transforming the Rajas and the Tamas in our nature.... Inertia, distraction and equilibrium are termed Tamas, Rajas and Sattva. — Swami Krishnanada, Yoga, Meditation and Japa Sadhana
*** Not to find fault with others is not so much to spare others as to spare yourself. — From Kalyana Kalpataru, August 2002 |
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