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Thursday,
January 16, 2003, Chandigarh, India  
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In hot waters again The state of Maya A good beginning |
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America and the Islamic world
The true journey of a human being
First C-in-C of Strategic Forces Command
Granny recites Gurudev’s poems
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In hot waters again THE deadline of January 15 fixed by the Supreme Court for the completion of the controversial SYL canal by Punjab has passed off with the political temperature rising in both Punjab and Haryana in the past few weeks. As per the Supreme Court judgement, the ball is now in the Centre’s court. Punjab has already filed a fresh suit in the Supreme Court seeking to undo the wrongs done to the state in the past under political pressure. Meanwhile, political leaders in both Punjab and Haryana are once again playing their familiar game of one-upmanship in resorting to public posturing and political rhetoric in the name of protecting the interests of their respective state. All-party meetings are being organised, but more for arousing sentiments than making sincere attempts to defuse the crisis. A special session of the Punjab Vidhan Sabha devoted entirely to the waters issue will be called once the Governor’s Address is ready. Political leaders in both states have refused to budge from their known positions. Instead, some of them not only stoop low to attack their political rivals within the state, but also use highly inflammatory language in expressing their known points of view. Few have any acceptable new ideas to offer to resolve the vexed issue. There are few takers for the politics of accommodation. Words of wisdom coming from well-meaning individuals of high stature, including the Prime Minister, have gone unheeded. The dispute over the distribution of the Sutlej river waters has defied a mutually acceptable solution despite various awards of commissions and court rulings and despite the same party or politically friendly governments in Punjab, Haryana and at the Centre. So emotionally charged the issue had become at times that it resulted in bloodshed and many innocent lives were lost. Yet political leaders in both states have not learnt any lessons from the past. They fail to exercise restrain and realise that such explosive issues should not be discussed at public meetings or political rallies. In a democracy there are two ways of settling an issue. One is through dialogue and the other is through the court of law. As CPM leader Harkishan Singh Surjeet has emphasised, the best way out is to sit across the table and hammer out a solution acceptable to all parties. This requires far-sighted and visionary political leaders. In the absence of elder statesmen, the issue has lingered on or perhaps deliberately kept on the boil to squeeze maximum political advantage, whenever required. Globally, water disputes are settled generally by applying the riparian principles. In the case of a difference of opinion, the issue is referred to the highest court of the land and its verdict is accepted. In the SYL canal case dirty politics played in the past has muddied the issue and a fresh look is required. It is interesting to observe that the two state governments fighting so vigorously over the SYL issue have done pretty little to conserve the existing water resources, undertake any significant water harvest measures and recharge the declining underground water. They have allowed misuse and wastage of limited water resources with studied indifference. The Centre has come out with a solution whose efficacy is being debated. The Union Government’s mammoth project to nationalise and inter-connect rivers so as to ensure better management of the country’s water resources and settle once and for all the inter-state disputes needs to be studied threadbare in view of the huge cost involved.
NO one understands the importance of being Mayawati better than the Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister. If she were to devote her energy to solving problems, she would face the risk of letting the bureaucracy and her rivals know that she understands virtually nothing about the basic elements of good governance. But if she keeps the focus on herself through administratively baffling and economically disastrous gestures, she makes her Dalit followers proud of their leader. It was primarily the urge to remain in the spotlight that prompted Bahujan Samaj Party leader and UP Chief Minister Mayawati to use every instrument of the state machinery for celebrating her birthday on Wednesday in a manner and style that would make the erstwhile nawabs of Awadh sit up in their graves and pray to be born again in Maya’s land of reckless spending. Forget the Rs 10 crore that were spent on making the mega event the mother of all birthdays celebrated by the high and mighty of the country. Forget the protest from her political rivals, including Mr Mulayam Singh Yadav of the Samajwadi Party. What mattered to her countless Dalit followers was the scale of celebration of her birthday. It is seldom that a single occasion gives birth to a million tales. Ms Mayawati’s birthday bash did. It will now become part of political lore. Most families will tell their children what Ms Mayawati did for resurrecting Dalit pride. The state government had placed order for 1.50 lakh ladoos for politicians, bureaucrats, journalists, and police officers who attended the mega birthday bash at the sprawling ground of La Martiniere College. So what if thousands of children and adults from poor families die of cold or food poisoning every year in UP. The guests at Ms Mayawati’s birthday, celebrated at state expense as some divas, did not have to endure the biting cold because of the superb heating arrangement made inside the massive pandal by the Public Works Department. If some of the thousands of guests complained of indigestion after attending her birthday celebrations, they could not blame it on the ladoos After all they were prepared under the personal supervision of the Chief Medical Officer of Lucknow. He was also made responsible for handling medical emergencies. Traffic arrangements, including parking of VIP cars, were handled by the Senior Superintendent of Police who was also given the additional responsibility of managing the public address system. Although Ms Mayawati’s Dalits were offered ordinary water from the tankers arranged by the Lucknow Development Authority while the VIP guests were given bottled mineral water, they did not complain. And that is what matters in the “Mayadom” of the Chief Minister.
IT would be premature for one to describe the talks between the Union Government and the leaders of the National Socialist Council of Nagaland (Isak-Muivah) in New Delhi as successful. Nor can one call them as a breakthrough. But one can say without any reservation that the negotiations between the two Naga leaders — NSCN (I) General Secretary Thuingaleng Muivah and Chairman Isak Chisi Swu — and Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee and Deputy Prime Minister L.K. Advani in New Delhi have made a good beginning. They have ushered in a new era of peace and cooperation in the annals of not only Nagaland but also the North-East. The talks are, no doubt, historic because it was for the first time in five decades that these were held on the Indian soil. For a state ravaged by insurgency and violence perpetrated by Naga secessionists for well over 47 years, this development cannot be lost sight of. The discussions also suggest that the Centre’s peace initiative, started as far back as 1997, has been making progress through bilateral talks between its interlocutor, former Union Home Secretary K.Padmanabhaiah, and the two Naga leaders held at Bangkok, Kuala Lumpur, Amsterdam and Paris. Clearly, the Naga leaders seem to have realised the futility of continuing their secessionist approach to the problem. Their apparent willingness to resolve the Naga problem within the broad parameters of the Indian Constitution suggest that they understand the ground realities well and would, therefore, not like to rake up issues which will not be appreciated by the Union Government and spoil the goodwill generated by their visit to New Delhi. The Naga leaders’ statement that they do not want to create hurdles in the peaceful conduct of the Nagaland elections in early February is a significant pointer to the shape of things to come in the state. However, doubts persist on their demand for Greater Nagaland, if Mr Swu’s quibbling equivocation on this issue is any indication. It is also not clear whether they have given up their territorial designs on, among others, neighbouring Manipur which witnessed violence during the New Delhi talks and claimed the lives of some BSF personnel. There is widespread resentment on the demand for Greater Nagaland. Various political parties and groups have voiced protests over this. Assam Chief Minister Tarun Gogoi and Nagaland Chief Minister S.C. Jamir have also given their words of caution. The Centre should prevail upon the Naga leaders to give up this demand, lest it would increase old tensions between the Nagas and the Kukis and harm the interests of everyone. As it has done during the recent series of negotiations with the Naga leaders, the Centre should continue to impress upon the Naga leaders, various political parties, groups and factions operating in Nagaland and other states in the North-East the heavy costs of insurgency and the urgent need for the secessionists to give up arms and join the national mainstream in the larger interest of the state and the entire region. Only then can we expect some semblance of peace in the strife-torn North-East. |
America and the Islamic world During the Cold War the USA supported “conservative” regimes in the Islamic world. It sensed that “conservative” and “militant” Islam would be a useful tool to destabilise the “soft underbelly” of the Soviet Union in Central Asia and the Caucasus. The governments of secular and leftist-oriented regimes like that of President Nasser in Egypt were sought to be destabilised by organisations like the Muslim Brotherhood and other Wahabi-oriented groups, with the assistance of countries like Saudi Arabia. The unceremonious withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan and the subsequent disintegration of the Soviet Union were seen as a vindication of these policies, that also ensured control over energy resources, vital for the well-being of the western world. The Islamic Revolution in Iran was seen as a setback that would inevitably be reversed. A long-term American military presence emerged in the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf following the Gulf War in 1991. In the meantime, the promotion of Wahabi fundamentalism by Saudi Arabia and militant Islam by Pakistan in Afghanistan and elsewhere were rationalised and tolerated. The emergence of Osama bin Laden, his establishment of an International Islamic front for jihad against the “Jews and Crusaders” in 1998 in Taliban-ruled Afghanistan and finally the events of September 11, 2001, have led to a profound reappraisal of events and policies of the past. Pakistan has been designated as an “ally” in the war against terrorism only for reasons of convenience. But the relationships with other erstwhile allies like Egypt and Saudi Arabia have undergone a profound change. In a recent address to the Council on Foreign Relations Mr Richard Hass stated that during visits to these countries he found how “frustrated” people there were with the USA “for failing to speak out on behalf of democracy”. Mr Hass also averred that the “growing gulf between many Muslim regimes and their citizens potentially compromises the ability of these governments to cooperate on issues of vital importance to the United States”. Mr Hass will, no doubt, duly find out why continuing American support for General Musharraf and his army establishment has promoted such virulently anti-American sentiments in that country! The growing rift in Washington’s relations with Egypt is evident. Defence Secretary Donald Rumsfeld is characterised in the government-controlled Egyptian Press as a “New Hitler”. Mr Osama al Baz, the highly sophisticated and experienced adviser to President Mubarak, proclaims: “Egypt will not allow American ships to pass through the Suez Canal in order to strike at Iraq”. The USA, in turn, announces that it has no intention of increasing aid to Egypt. Never before in recent years has the rift between Washington and Cairo been so wide that President Mubarak is hardly consulted on developments and emerging American policies in the Arab world. Egyptian analysts, in turn, assert that Egypt cannot be “marginalised” in the Arab world. America’s relations with Saudi Arabia went through a profound change when it emerged that the majority of the hijackers of September 11 were Saudi nationals. The Saudis were subjected to intense pressure to crackdown on several so-called “charities” that were known to be funding fundamentalist organisations given to promoting not just Wahabi Islam but terrorist violence also, across the world. The Americans are also moving towards reducing the importance of Saudi Arabia on energy supplies, by turning to sources like Russia. The Saudis proclaim that their monarchy has spent billions of dollars on financing 210 Islamic centres, more than 1500 mosques, 200 colleges and 2000 schools for “educating” Muslim children in non-Islamic countries across the world. Stung by American media criticism and visa restrictions and fingerprinting that their nationals are subjected to in the USA, the Saudis have responded with strident criticism of President Bush and American policies in the Middle-East. The Saudis have been alarmed by suggestions by American think tanks that they will be militarily taken over once President Saddam Hussein’s Iraq is dealt with. They, therefore, view the prospects of American military action against Iraq with some trepidation. The USA has evidently concluded that apart from rhetoric, the Islamic world will do precious little if it mounts a swift military operation to oust President Saddam Hussein. Iran is positioning itself for the coming developments by reinforcing contacts with opposition elements in Iraq. The Americans will seek to make use of Egypt’s strained relations with Syria and Yemen, the differences between Qatar and Saudi Arabia, the readiness of the Arab Gulf states like Kuwait, Oman, Bahrain, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates to cooperate and promising signs that the Turkish government will fall in line, to secure acquiescence and support even from Egypt and Saudi Arabia for their plans. In the meantime, the Israelis have been told to go easy in military operations against the Palestinians. But should military operations in Iraq lead to high civilian casualties or prolonged urban warfare, sentiments in the Arab street could well endanger fragile regimes. Given its vital economic interests and the presence of around 3.5 million of its nationals in Arab Gulf States, India has to tread warily in the coming months, as the USA enhances its military presence across the Indian Ocean region and prepares for war on Iraq. We also cannot ignore ominous trends within the USA to look at these developments in terms of Samuel Huntington’s thesis of a coming clash of civilizations. Across the western world, from New York to Paris and Sydney, anti-Islamic sentiments are on the rise. There was naturally outrage at the anti-Islamic comments made by American preachers like Jerry Falwell. The recent measures to fingerprint and register citizens of a number of Islamic countries, including Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Pakistan, appear to enjoy widespread support in the USA. The war against terrorism appears to be widely perceived in the western world in keeping with the scenario envisaged by Huntington. It appears that despite the rising anti-Islamic sentiments in the western world, the Bush Administration does seem to believe that democracy is the recipe to address problems that bedevil the Islamic world today. In his address to the Council on Foreign Relations, Mr Richard Hass asserted that it was the lack of popular support and legitimacy that limited the ability of many regimes in the Islamic world to provide assistance to American efforts to combat terrorism and address issues of proliferation of weapons of mass destruction. In contrast, while referring to India, he said: “The role of democracy in providing domestic stability was vividly illustrated by a conversation I had with a Muslim group while visiting India. They explained to me what lies behind the lack of terrorism emanating from India’s large Muslim community. Their explanation was that India is a democratic country and Muslims participate fully. And on those occasions when they do not, they have full recourse to the judicial system.” We would do well to remember that our country’s standing in the world is going to be largely determined by our ability to live up to the secular and pluralistic ideals enshrined in our Constitution. In the meantime, the call of President Khatami of Iran for a dialogue among civilizations needs to be acted upon, to address the growing bigotry and intolerance that one perceives across the world. |
The true journey of a human being Simplistically, religion means one’s belief in God, or a way of life. If one goes a little deep, it appears to be an expression of human urge to live a better human life, the culmination of which takes place in the unity with the divine. In short, as someone has said, religion is humanity's response to the divine. However, religion as a demarcated entity — Hinduism, Buddhism, Jainism, Christianility, or Islam — seems exclusive and a specialised domain of thought and practice. It would be very difficult for one to seek an homogeneous response to the domain of religion as such. I disagree because religion is a phenomenon, which at its root lies in the pure and natural human urge to seek a better human life. The reason to seek a better human life lies in the fact that humans live in states of impermanence — of feelings, judgments, or impulses. Such states of impermanence give rise to the urge to seek a better life and finally a state that is eternal, absolute, and of bliss. Religion, in general, has two layers — outer and inner. The outer layer consists of rituals and ceremonial obligations while the inner one consists of the justification of the outer layer — meaning of terms and discussions of core issues. To exemplify, Vedas — the major and oldest scriptures of Hinduism — have two parts: Karmakanda (Mantras and Brahmanas) and Jnanakanda (Aryankas and Upanishads). These parts pertain to my distinction between the two layers of religion. The Karmakanda specifies rituals while Jnanakanda is an elaboration of key terms like Brahman, Atman, and Moksa and certain core issues like the goals of human life here and after. Time and again, people tend to exhaust their abilities in the outer layer and do not have patience and courage to look into the justificatory part — that is the inner layer. As a result, religion appears to be a set of superstitions or meaningless actions. Adi Sankaracharya, an illustrious follower of Vedas was engaged in the mission to spread the message of Jnanakanda. He had to do this in order to show to the people that Karmakanda and Jnanakanda are equally important. An overemphasis on Karmakanda or the outer layer is the cause of rigidity or disenchantment. We are witness to this fact of imbalance in the outer layer and the inner layer in the modern world too. If we happen to see the indifferences among the people towards religion or fight among religious followers or rigidity in religious practices as such, that is because religion appears to many a matter of outer layer only. I wish to emphasise what Adi Sankaracharya had to say: religion is an important entity in human life and people must not lose its importance in the outer layer only. In fact, a balance in the outer layer and the inner layer and finally a transition from the outer to the inner marks a true journey of a human being. He happens to live at peace in the bodily existence and in peace thereafter. |
First C-in-C of Strategic Forces Command Air Marshal Asthana has commanded a fighter squadron in the east and two premier airbases in the Western sector. Incidentally, he is among those IAF pilots who have also flown the rotary wing aircraft. As a result of his competency, he has been associated with the prestigious Tactics and Combat Development Establishment and has served as Director of Air Staff Inspection. Air Marshal Asthana was holding the appointment of AOC-in-C, Southern Air Command, prior to his present appointment. Other prestigious appointments held by him includes Deputy Chief of Air Staff, Assistant Chief of Air Staff (Operations), Assistant Chief of Air Staff (Personnel) and the Senior Air Staff Officer of an Operational Command. The Air Marshal is an alumni of the Royal College of Defence Studies, UK, and has been awarded the Param Vishisht Seva Medal, Ati Vishisht Seva Medal and Vayu Sena Medal for his outstanding services. As the Commander-in-Chief of the Strategic Forces Command, Air Marshal Asthana would be reporting directly to the Chairman, Chiefs of Staff Committee. As per initial planning, the Commander-in-Chief of the Strategic Forces Command would have reported to the Chief of Defence Staff (CDS) which is still to be created. A villager’s rise as farm scientist Hailing from a farmer family from a remote village of Ghazipur in Uttar Pradesh, Dr Rai’s immediate priority would be to carry out research in producing more foodgrains from scarce natural resources without compromising on the potential of favourable agro-ecology. The 52-year-old scientist is known among his peers for articulating his views on the need for a paradigm shift in the way research is conducted so that the socio-economic conditions of farmers, particularly the small and less privileged, are improved. His experience in hands-on farming goes back to his early school days where he assisted his family in the field while attending school at the same time. He obtained his masters degree in agriculture in 1969 and went on to complete his PhD from Banaras Hindu University in 1973 and began his professional career as a Junior Plant Breeder in April the same year. He worked his way up the ladder as Senior Scientist in the ICAR and reached the position of Deputy Director-General (Crops) in the country’s premier research organisation. Dr Rai has been heading the Crop Science Division, the largest division of the ICAR, for about six years. Known for his innovation, drive and passionate articulation, Dr Rai has been instrumental in bringing about a multi-disciplinary approach to agricultural research within the National Agricultural Research System (NARS). His understanding of the lacunae in the NARS and its constraints will enable him to work towards plugging them and in creating new growth opportunities within the NARS. |
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Granny recites Gurudev’s poems Shivani Chakraborty (62), draped in a crumpled cotton saree with freckles running across her face, recites classical poems from Bengali literature on Kolkata's local trains for livelihood. Lovingly addressed as "Padya Thakurma" or poetry granny, Shivani renders poems of famed Indian poets like Rabindranath Tagore and Jibananda Das with great emotive gusto. Only a matriculate, Shivani started reciting poems on local trains to support her family after her husband died. Mesmerised by her soulful renditions, some passengers gifted her with Rabindranath Tagore's "Sanchaita", a collection of poems. Even the district officials presented her a collection of poems by a famous poet Nazrul, after seeing her commitment towards poetry. "I have been doing this for one year, I do this to survive, to run my life. I am totally helpless, my son died, my other relatives are useless. But most importantly I love poetry, I have loved it since childhood," said Shivani, the poetry granny. She doesn't ask for money, but accepts whatever is given, including poetry books and money. She aptly puts it in Tagore’s words "...And when my voice is silenced in death, my song will speak in your living heart."
ANI Soft drinks disrupt kids’ sleep US researchers have claimed that children drinking large amount of fizzy soft drinks with caffeine experience disturbed sleep patterns and feel tired throughout the day than those who consume less soft drinks. The study of almost 200 teenagers also found that boys are at higher risk because they consume more soft drinks than girls. Health experts suggest manufacturers should be forced
to reduce caffeine levels in drinks or to stop targeting their products at children.
ANI
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My tongue utters only your acquired Names, but your age-old Name is Sat or the Truth. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Maru M 5, page 1083
*** The priceless jewel of the Name is the essence of all repetition (japa) — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Ramakali M1, page 931
*** Lovers are killed by the Beloved; No sound can come from the dead. — Sri Guru Granth Sahib, Sri Rag, M3, page 788 |
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India’s first Commander-in-Chief of the Strategic Forces Command (SFC) having nuclear weapons under its umbrella, Air Marshal T.M. Asthana comes from a family hailing from Allahabad. Born in Nagpur, Air Marshal Asthana was commissioned into the Indian Air Force (IAF) in 1963 as a fighter pilot. After his initial schooling in Bishop Cotton School in Nagpur, he chose to take up flying as a career in the Air Force. He has held various prestigious posts in the IAF and with over 3000 hours of flying to his credit on fixed wing fighter aircraft, he has the reputation of being the best in the business.
Eminent agriculture scientist Dr Mangla Rai takes over as the Director-General of the Indian Council of Agricultural Research (ICAR) and Secretary of the Department of Agriculture, in the immediate aftermath of a major drought in most parts of the country.