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Sunday,
August 25, 2002, Chandigarh, India  
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SPECIAL FOCUS How a lie-detector test
is done |
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It was a
perfect family The caste angle Patch-up
bid failed in ’99
He paid
the price for his vision & honesty
Is
Fernandes angry with Govt and Kalam?
Rajiv
Sadbhavana awards for the deserving
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SPECIAL FOCUS
ZAR, Joru aur Zamin (wealth, woman and land). Criminologists have long believed that these are the three primary motives for any murder. But when the victim is a
Joru herself like Shivani Bhatnagar, what can be the reason? Was it the revenge of a spurned lover? Was it the revenge of a lover who felt cheated by a beloved? Was it a use-and-throw tactic adopted by a tired lover? Was the lady's desire to hold on to a lover, who suddenly became indifferent, so overbearing that the lover found it convenient to get rid of her? Did the woman try to capture the attention of the lover by holding a threat, amounting to blackmail? Was she trying to establish her exclusive rights over the man by insisting on marriage? Senior police officers in Chandigarh believe that the answer to the vexed question of the motive in the Shivani case may lie in a combination of these questions, though they do not give much weight to the possibility of the lady insisting on marriage. As an educated person, she must have known how difficult it is to get divorce in India if the spouse contests the plea. Theoretically, two prime suspects have emerged in the case following the outburst of Mrs Madhu Sharma, wife of Haryana’s Inspector-General of Police Ravi Kant Sharma, now under suspension. Delhi Police feels he is the principal conspirator in Shivani’s murder. She alleges that Union Communications Minister Pramod Mahajan stands at par with her husband as far as their relationship with Shivani goes. If Madhu's allegations are taken at their face value, the motive(s) to kill Shivani can be common for both Mr Pramod Mahajan and Ravi. To whom Shivani was more closer? That Shivani did share some emotional bond with Ravi is indicated by the fact that the password to her e-mail account was “ravikant”. It is not public knowledge so far if there was any Ravikant other than the IPS officer in her life. In the absence of any eyewitness or direct clue, the police was dependent upon circumstantial and forensic evidence to crack what seemed, at one stage, a perfect murder. The first person to come under suspicion was the unfortunate husband of Shivani, Rakesh, who is the legal editor of the Times of India. Delhi Police sources say, his behaviour after the murder in the East Delhi flat was “queer”, which further strengthened their suspicion. It is said that the married life of Rakesh and Shivani was far from happy. To the Delhi Police, it seemed a simple case of a betrayed husband taking revenge. Rakesh was thoroughly interrogated. The Delhi Police could not find anything conclusive to pin Rakesh, who underwent a polygraphy test along with certain other relatives of Shivani. Despite assertions by Madhu, the Delhi Police maintains that Ravi avoided taking the lie- detector test. Meanwhile, the Delhi Police turned to the transcripts of telephonic calls of Shivani. Sources say both Ravi and Mr Pramod Mahajan were found to be Shivani’s frequent callers. While in the case of Mr Mahajan, the police concluded that the calls could be indicative of his relations with Shivani as a journalist, it became suspicious about Ravi. Why? Delhi Police sources claim that they became suspicious of Ravi when a friend of Shivani revealed to them that the journalist's relationship with the IPS officer (Haryana cadre, 1976 batch) was more than professional. It was then that they started looking into the record of the telephone calls between the two with a magnifying glass. Shivani had come in contact with Ravi when he was posted as an Officer on Special Duty in the Prime Minister's Office (PMO). Sources say, Shivani wanted from Ravi the details of the trips made by the Prime Minister by helicopter. While it is doubtful if Ravi parted with this information, their “friendship” grew, as someone remarked, to “dangerous proportions”. The police found that Ravi, who had been appointed as the Chief Vigilance Officer of Air India in Mumbai in March,1998, made 90 ISD calls to Shivani who was away in London on a scholarship. Shivani made 176 calls from London to Ravi. She also made 133 calls from her Delhi house to Ravi's office and residence in Mumbai between September 10, 1998 and January 20, 1999. The maze of telephone calls did not mean much as it revealed only a more than professional relationship between the two. The police continued to grope in the dark, despite intermittent questioning of some people, including a Congress leader of Haryana, Mr Ishwar Sharma, who contested the Assembly elections on the party ticket. Rakesh too remained a suspect in the eyes of the Delhi Police, which also remained skeptical about Ravi, who had reportedly declined to undergo a DNA test. Through this test, the police wanted to ascertain the degree of his intimacy with Shivani. Delhi Police sources say the first concrete breakthrough came when the record of telephone calls was again scrutinised a couple of months ago. The investigators stumbled upon a cell number with “4814” as its last four digits. On verification from the mobile company, sources claim, it was found to be registered in the name of Shri Bhagwan Sharma, a property dealer of Gurgaon. Significantly, sources say, the cell phone was closed on January 23, 1999, the day Shivani was murdered. This was how the police reached Shri Bhagwan, who, under sustained interrogation, spilled the beans. It was on the basis of the information provided by Shri Bhagwan that the police arrested Pradeep Sharma, who was allegedly one of the two persons to have actually killed Shivani. Another accomplice, Satya Prakash, too was reportedly identified by Shri
Bhagwan. The police claims that the handwriting of Pradeep matched with the one in the register maintained by the housing society which looked after Navkunj Apartments in which Shivani lived. Pradeep had allegedly entered his particulars in the register when he had gone to kill Shivani. It is claimed that the alleged killers had made an attempt to gain access to Shivani's flat a few days before January 23, 1999, also. Since she was not at home, the watchman had not allowed entry to them. On the day of the incident, the police claims, Ravi first phoned Shivani in her flat from Pune, where he had gone to attend a function, ostensibly to confirm whether she was in her flat. Thereafter, he phoned the alleged killers who were waiting nearby. The police also claims that Pradeep's fingerprints have matched with four sets of “chance prints” lifted by them from Shivani's flat. Shri Bhagwan is believed to have shed some light on the possible motive for the murder. Ravi had become indifferent towards Shivani after she gave birth to her son. Shivani reportedly threatened Ravi that if he continued to ignore her, she would slap rape charge on him which, she said, would be proved from the DNA test of his and the newly-born child. This, Delhi Police believes, prompted Ravi to request his associates to do “something” to save him from Shivani’s clutches. Shri Bhagwan was initially reluctant to do anything drastic. But Satya Prakash, another property dealer, agreed so that he could cultivate a senior IPS officer of Haryana, a state in which one needs a god father to strike big property deals. Delhi Police sources admit in private that the evidence collected by them against Ravi so far may not stand the test of judicial scrutiny in the trial. It may be sufficient to convince a court to issue non-bailable warrants against him. Sources hope that one of the accused may turn approver, whose testimony can be corroborated with circumstantial and forensic evidence. It is not without reason that Madhu has now attacked the evidence known to be in possession of the Delhi Police. She claimed after her return from Delhi on August 20 that she learnt in the national capital that the record of telephone calls had been fudged. On whose behest? She said: “It is no coincidence that Mr Pramod Mahajan is the Communications Minister”. Madhu went on to allege that the Delhi Police had “concocted” telephonic conversation between her husband and Shri Bhagwan when the latter was in its custody. She repeated the allegations levelled by the counsel of Pradeep that his
fingerprints were forcibly taken on a sweetmeat box and a glass tumbler. The opinion among senior police officers in Chandigarh is divided on these allegations. A top Haryana police officer said the track record of the Delhi Police in fabricating evidence was no worse than its counterparts in Punjab and Haryana. “Madhu's allegations cannot be dismissed lightly”, he remarked. However, another top officer says that since the police has to maintain a case diary in which evidence like fingerprints etc., is recorded, it is not possible to fudge forensic evidence at this stage of investigation. If the claims of the Delhi Police regarding the involvement of Ravi in the Shivani murder case are to be believed, then the officer, who has had an illustrious career, seemed to have forgotten the first lesson an IPS probationer is taught during his training at Mussoorie’s Lal Bahadur Shastri National Academy of Administration or Hyderabad’s Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel National Police Academy — “No murder is perfect”. |
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Is it so? MRS Madhu Sharma has alleged Mr Pramod Mahajan’s “links” with Shivani Bhatnagar. Is it so? To support her point, she has repeatedly demanded lie-detector test and DNA test for him. It may be mentioned that Shivani’s father is an RSS activist and she used to cover legal matters in 1998 during her stint as Principal Correspondent with The Indian Express in New Delhi. |
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How a lie-detector test is done THE first modern polygraph, popularly known as “lie-detector”, was developed by John A. Larson, a medical student at the University of California in the USA, in collaboration with a police officer. Since the instrument was capable of recording blood pressure, pulse and respiration continuously and simultaneously, it was called a polygraph. The police first used the polygraph as an interrogation device in 1924. It is held that physiological phenomena such as blood pressure, pulse rate and respiration are affected by a person's emotional condition. These phenomena are not generally subject to voluntary control. A pneumograph tube is fastened around the subject's chest. A blood pressure-pulse cuff is strapped around his arm. As the operator puts questions, to the subject, changes in the physiological phenomena are recorded on a moving graph paper as in an ECG machine. A long questionnaire is prepared in which loaded questions are mingled with a large number of innocuous questions. Experts then analyse the data and correlate the subject’s response to specific questions. Then the experts decide on which questions the subject had lied and where he was truthful. Though in use for almost 80 years, the polygraph test’s reliability is not universally accepted. The results are not always judicially acceptable.
All about DNA test What is a DNA test? Also called DNA typing, it is akin to fingerprints. British geneticist Alec Jeffreys determined that each organism has a unique pattern of sequences of DNA (called minisatellites). However, exception to this rule are multiple individuals from a single zygote like identical twins. The chemical DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) was first discovered in 1869 but its role in genetic inheritance was demonstrated only in 1943.In 1953, James Watson and Francis Crick determined that the structure of DNA is a double-helix polymer, a spiral consisting of two DNA strands wound around each other. Each strand is composed of a long chain of monomer nucleotides. The nucleotide of DNA consists of a deoxyribose sugar molecule to which is attached a phosphate group and one of four nitrogenous bases: two purines (adenine and guanine) and two pyrimidines (cytosine and thymine). The nucleotides are joined together by covalent bonds between the phosphate of one nucleotide and the sugar of the next, forming a phosphate-sugar backbone from which the nitrogenous bases protrude.
(See Figure 1). DNA is the chemical that makes up chromosomes and codes and controls the genetic information for the transmission of inherited traits from parents to their children. DNA of a single human cell is 6.5 feet long. A DNA fingerprint is created by taking of sample of cells containing DNA, for example from skin, blood or hair. After DNA is extracted, it is purified. It is then cut at specific points. After subjecting the fragmented DNA to a series of chemical reactions and radiography, an x-ray is taken. The pattern of DNA is analysed to compare DNA of a suspect and the samples collected from the scene of a crime, like blood, semen or hair. DNA typing is useful in establishing the guilt or innocence of a suspect in cases like rape or murder. It can be used to determine paternity of a child as well as the identify of a victim. The technique has been at times challenged on grounds of sample contamination, faulty preparation procedures and erroneous interpretation of the results. A classic case in this regard was DNA typing of some people killed in Kashmir by security forces claiming them to be terrorists. |
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It was a perfect family IT was a perfect family till the ghosts from the past came out to haunt them. The Sharmas, it seems, have still to come to terms with their “ new found (anti) hero” status. Ravi Kant Sharma had everything going the right way for him. Son of a well acclaimed bureaucrat and philanthropist, Mr.
J. D. Sharma, and himself an IPS officer of 1976 batch, he was a man much envied by his colleagues till his name figured in the Shivani murder case three years ago. After a
successful stint in Haryana at various levels, his career graph rose after he joined the CBI on deputation in the late 80’s. After completing several high profile assignments in the premiere investigating agency, he was selected by Interpol and went to Lyons in France. On return, he joined the PMO and later had a stint as Chief Vigilance Officer with Air India at Mumbai. It was here that he got into the limelight for all the wrong reasons and returned to his parent cadre three years ago. Since then, this sauve and ambitious officer, say his colleagues, had turned into a recluse. However, Ravi Kant’s wife, Madhu Sharma, who he had met almost 30 years ago while they were studying together in Panjab University, continued to court the media, courtesy her work at Panchkula’s Bal Niketan — a home for destitute children. In fact, she had recently been awarded the President's Medal for Child Welfare. The couple’s daughters, Pragati and Komal, too, have had an impeccable academic record. While the elder daughter, Pragati is employed with an MNC at Delhi after her Masters in Business Administration from the prestigious SP Jain Institute of Management, Mumbai, Komal is a gold medalist in Masters in Sociology from Panjab University. Komal had just taken up a job with the Family Planning Association of India, when the family was shaken by the revelations of the Delhi Police in the Shivani murder case. |
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The caste angle THE extent of support Mr Ravi Kant Sharma has received from his well-wishers can be the envy of politicians. The case has tested the popularity of Ravi Kant. When his wife, Madhu, held her first press conference, a large number of friends and well-wishers of the Sharmas were present on the occasion. Though the supporters belonged to all castes, a distinct caste divide was obvious. A majority of them were
Brahmins. Various organisations of the community in Haryana, Himachal Pradesh and Uttaranchal have issued statements in support of Ravi and Madhu. Ever since Ravi has been named as the key conspirator in the case, Sharmas’ residence in Sector 6, Panchkula, has been swarming with representatives of Brahmin Sabhas from all over the region to express their support to the “beleaguered family”. The day Ravi Kant filed an application in a Panchkula court for interim bail, a large number of Brahmins from all over the state and Himachal Pradesh were present there to hear the verdict. They were present even in the Delhi court. Mr Hari Mohan Sharma, President of the Akhil Bharatiya Brahmin Samaj, who had never met Ravi, told newsmen waiting outside Sharmas’ residence that implicating an IPS officer in the murder case was “an attack on the Brahmins”. |
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Patch-up bid failed in ’99 A retired DSP (Haryana CID) had tried in 1999 for a patch-up between Mr Ravi Kant Sharma and the Bhatnagar family. According to Mr Subhash Bhatnagar, the DSP rang him to say that since the Delhi Police was suspecting Ravi, Rakesh, Shivani’s husband and Subhash’s younger brother, should withdraw the murder case. Subhash, an advocate at Ambala, told the DSP that this was not possible. Next day the Bhatnagars were visited by the Delhi Police, which seemed to have tapped their phone, and asked them about the DSP's request. It is not known if the police questioned him, who stays in Ambala. Subhash says Delhi Police had been suspecting Rakesh all these years. Subhash does not agree with Mrs Madhu Sharma's allegations against Mr Pramod Mahajan and considers her husband to be the “real culprit”.
— YG |
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Chronology of events after the journalist’s killing
— Delhi Bureau
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He paid the price for his vision & honesty However, the Sena boss has other yardstick to judge his party’s ministers; he blamed the young minister for not taking care of the party’s interests. What are party’s interests? Obviously, enough funds were not forthcoming for the organisation. Also another charge of Thackeray was that Prabhu wanted to project an image of “Mr. Clean”; an expression used for Rajiv Gandhi. “Sena Ministers do not give me any satisfaction. Each has his own funny ideas”, he is reported as saying in a recent interview. Trouble has been brewing for Prabhu for the
past two years. As far back as October 2000, Narayan Rane, a confidant of Thackeray, complained that Prabhu had helped set up a parallel Shiv Sena under the banner of “Manav Sewa Sandhan Sanstha”. Among the faction-ridden Shiv Sena, Prabhu was outnumbered by those who were envious of his meteoric rise in Delhi’s power circuit. Thackeray said only last week in an interview in his party mouthpiece “Saamana” that Prabhu had failed to created a “lobby” in the corridors of power in New Delhi to protect economic interests of Maharashtra. In April, this year, at the party’s Shirdi conclave Thackeray rebuked Prabhu and even warned him to mend his ways. The result was Prabhu’s resignation, but the Prime Minister and other senior leaders of the BJP persuaded the Sena boss not to insist on the ouster of Prabhu as he has been doing a good job in the Power Ministry. The youthful minister thus got four months reprieve. His fate again hangs in balance and there is scant hope of his survival. One does not know how Bombay University-educated and a CA, Suresh Prabhu came in contact with Thackeray and became a Shivsainik. None of the traits of his personality match the fanatical activism of a Shivsainik. Suresh Prabhakar Prabhu made headlines in the national press when he was elected, for the first time, in 1996 to the Lok Sabha from the prestigious Rajapur constituency of Maharashtra, associated with the name of the prominent socialist leader and veteran Parliamentarian, Madhu Dandavate. Within months — in May-June, 1996 — Prabhu became a cabinet minister with as weighty a portfolio as the Ministry of Industry. Youngest in the Cabinet, Prabhu was only 43, then and enjoyed the blessings of Thackeray. Rarely a first-time MP is given Cabinet rank but the Sena boss does not believe in propriety. Also, at the same time, political uncertainty gripped India as the country faced mid-term polls one after another. India, unwittingly, slipped into an era of coalition. In the 1998 mid-term poll, Prabhu again romped home with a comfortable majority as the Shiv Sena nominee. Still in the good books of the Sena Supremo, he was inducted into the ministry and allocated the portfolio of Environment and Forests. His support to non-government agencies, striving to preserve natural resources, made him popular overnight. His support base in Rajapur remained intact in yet another mid-term poll in 1999 and he was re-elected for the third term. This time his portfolio was Chemicals and Fertilizers but he kept a low profile and maintained his integrity. Reports say that Bala Sahib became more and more demanding and the chasm between the two gradually widened. Prabhu was given the charge of the Power Ministry following the untimely passing away of Rangarajan Kumarmangalam two years back. The power sector, after all, is the backbone of third generation reforms and Prabhu took his new job with total commitment to show results. Unlike many of his colleagues, the young minister had a long-term vision; how would the power sector look like after ten years. Thackeray did not like Sena Minister’s vision and began ridiculing Prabhu as “Alice in wonderland”; his pet phrase. Prabhu’s noteworthy achievement was to try and get the state governments to implement programmes to reforms the power sector. This was a difficult task as power generation remains in the hands of the state governments. He was in the process of achieving this objective through a combination of powerful financial instruments when Thackeray removed the plug. The only hopeful sign is that the Prime Minister has not yet forwarded Prabhu’s letter of resignation to the President and the Sena dictator may not press it for immediate acceptance. |
Is Fernandes angry with Govt and Kalam? At the end of the ceremony, Fernandes paced up to Shekhawat, congratulated him and walked out without waiting for tea which was to follow immediately thereafter. Obviously this created a flutter and was taken by many as a symbolic move by “George Saab” that he was unhappy with the government. A similar story was seen on July 25 when President APJ Abdul Kalam was sworn in. George Saab was not present at the swearing-in ceremony, though he was in town. When the President gave the customary “At Home” reception on Independence Day, the Defence Minister was again conspicuous by his absence. This sent tongues wagging about the changing equation between Fernandes and Kalam. Not too long ago, Kalam had been assisting Fernandes and now he has become the Supreme Commander of the three armed services. But there is yet another theory explaining George Saab’s actions. The Defence Minister is a veteran socialist and like Mamatadi of Trinamool Congress has his own moonphases of moods and also likes theatrics. Sonia’s letters Political heavyweights normally comment on events of national importance and mostly these comments come in interactions with mediapersons. Congress president Sonia Gandhi has her own way of conveying the party’s viewpoint. She writes letters to Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. Sonia Gandhi has written several letters in the past few months on important issues and the latest has been on the proposed ordinance regarding cancellation of petrol pumps. Some letters have been written even when Parliament was in session. Mrs Gandhi wrote five letters on the issue of providing greater security to Jammu and Kashmir PCC chief Ghulam Nabi Azad. While letters on providing greater security to Mr Azad have failed to yield the desired result, some letters have made an impact, or so the Congressmen feel. Soon after Sonia Gandhi’s letter against the first ‘Gaurav Yatra’ of Gujarat Chief Minister Narendra Modi, Vajpayee acted to have the yatra deferred. Now with the Gujarat government having revived plans of Gaurav Yatra, Sonia Gandhi has sent another missive to the Prime Minister on the need of maintaining communal harmony. It is unlikely that ‘Gaurav Yatra’ would be deferred this time. Going by the frequency of letters, there soon could be a book on the letters between the Leader of Opposition and the Prime Minister. From IB to BBC About a week back, came a media report quoting the Gujarat Intelligence Bureau that post-Godhra riots were spread to more areas than officially declared but the Bharatiya Janata Party remained unmoved ignoring it. Comparing the IB to BBC, a leader remarked that the two can always be used to confirm or deny a development depending on which side of the Government you are. If you are in the Opposition then you can use the BBC report to reinforce you argument saying that the BBC has reported it. And for the media, stories based on intelligence reports are a safer bet as these agencies normally don’t contradict news stories. And the Government is always on the delivery end as media, Opposition and even the people use the two according to their preferences, the leader said. In jail during emergency days we were cheered up by visitors when they told us that we were going to be released according to a BBC report or a friend in IB. Loses weight Uphill task At one time they were all in the running for the UPCC presidentship but finally Arun Kumar Singh Munna made it to the post as Congress president Sonia Gandhi decided to have a Thakur to lead the state organisation. Other Thakurs in contention were former MPs Harikesh Bahadur and Santosh Singh and one-day Uttar Pradesh Chief Minister Jagdambika Pal. Till the formal announcement, all of them were extending arguments as why the UPCC should be led by a Rajput. But at a recent UPCC meeting all of them absented themselves which was noticed by one and all. When reports of their non-cooperation reached the party high command, a senior leader commented it is natural as they are Rajputs. How can they accept a fellow Rajput’s leadership as historically they always have been rulers not followers. Contributed by T V Lakshminarayan, Satish Misra, Prashant Sood, S.Satyanarayanan and Rajeev Sharma. |
Rajiv Sadbhavana awards for the deserving IT was a pleasant surprise to see two extremely deserving people bag this year's Rajiv Gandhi Sadbhavana awards. One is Harsh Mander, the 1984 batch Sikh bureaucrat who resigned from the IAS (Chhattisgarh cadre) as his conscience couldn't take the Gujarat carnage. The other is Communalism Combat's editor Teesta Setalvad. While Mander is media-shy, Teesta is fiery and spares none of the present-day politicians. In fact, people like Mander and Setalvad should be invited by student bodies and citizens’ fora because it is crucial to hear them expose the who's who at the helm. On Friday day evening, I met a senior bureaucrat Virendra Prakash at writer Ajeet Cour's Centre for Arts and Literature. Virendra Prakash (UT cadre) retired as Secretary to GOI. He served the capital city as the Chief Secretary, Municipal Commissioner, Development Commissioner, besides heading Delhi's first Finance Commission. He was also the Adviser to two Governors of
Jammu and Kashmir (1990- '92). He has been bold enough to expose the Hindutva cry of this government in his latest book — 'Hindutva Demystified’ (Virgo). He told me he wrote this book after “a keen insight into the minds of the top guns of the Sangh Parivar...Sangh Parivar's Hindutva ideology is a far cry from true Hinduism...Hindutva is a specially designed construct aimed at achieving political objectives. It is not at all to be confused with Hinduism. In reality, it often manifests itself as the very antithesis of all that is noble to Hinduism...what is shocking beyond words is the fact that today — March-April, 2002, in Gujarat— they (Sangh Parivar) do so from behind the shield of a state government that has unfortunately fallen into the hands of one of their own kind. Even more disappointing, rather disgusting is the open display of Himalayan hypocrisy. One day we hear the BJP Prime Minister say that he is ashamed, that he does not know with what face he would go to foreign countries and asks Chief Minister Narendra Modi to observe his Rajdharma of treating all the people on an equal footing. After a week, in an unbashed volte -face, we find him covering up the happenings in Gujarat in a typical Modi speak, implying that Indian Muslims are subset of the worldwide jihadi
terrorism...” Partying
has begun! Every evening is party time here. The latest round of parties are being held as farewell dos for the outgoing Egyptian Ambassador to India, Gehad Madi and his spouse, Mona. He leaves on the 29 of this month and till the very last day, the farewells would continue. Last weekend, the Ambassador of the Sultanate of Oman, Khalifa Bin Ali Al Harthy hosted a splendid farewell lunch in the new premises of this embassy — a majestic building built by the city's well known builder Harcharan Singh Nag (who, I am told, specialises in constructing embassies). The best part of the architecture is that it’s a mix and a match of those historical monuments of the bygone era with that of the present-day modern buildings. |
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The configuration of DNA molecule is highly stable, allowing it to act as a template for the replication of new DNA molecules, as well as for the production (transcription) of the related RNA (ribonucleic acid) molecule. A segment of DNA that codes for the cell’s synthesis of a specific protein is called a gene. DNA replicates by separating into two single strands, each of which serves as a template for a new strand.
(See Figure 3). (Courtesy: Encyclopaedia Britannica, Inc.,
1998).
IN one-to-one meeting or group interaction, one is impressed by clarity of thought and firmness of purpose of Union Power Minister, Suresh Prabhu, who has become a victim of Shiv Sena supremo Bal Thackeray’s wrath for the second time. “Dictator”, as he would like to call himself, Thackeray does not want any of his “sainik” to grow beyond a point and assert his independent identity. Reform-friendly and a chartered accountant by profession, Prabhu has acquired the image of one of the bright ministers of the Vajpayee government. His drive and vision opened up new vistas in the sagging power sector.
WHEN Bhairon Singh Shekhawat was being sworn in as Vice President of India in the Ashok Hall of Rashtrapati Bhavan on August 19, the focus of attention for many was not the ceremony but the back row. Defence Minister George Fernandes was sitting there though as per the protocol he should have been in the front row. Several officials rushed to him and asked him to take his rightful seat. But he declined.
The heavyweight BJP leader and former Chief Minister of Gujarat Keshubhai Patel is understood to have lost about eight kilos due to his regular workouts and yoga much to the happiness of the party bigwigs. With the party high command appointing him as the Chairman of the campaign and Election Management Committee for Gujarat polls, BJP leaders close to him feel that a much healthier Patel, who wields lot of clout among the Patel community in the State, will be able to play a greater role for the party’s success. It is understood that Patel spends nearly four hours per day for his workouts and yoga.