Saturday,
June 22, 2002, Chandigarh, India |
Madarsa
muddle Nitish does a U-turn |
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Industrial
push to J&K INDUSTRY is the first casualty of any prolonged disturbance. And in Jammu and Kashmir, it is no less than a wonder that industrial units have survived the ravages of more than a decade-old militancy. To nurse the ailing industry back to health, the Union Government has announced a comprehensive package of incentives as part of its new industrial policy for the state. Its timing could not have been better. With tension on the border easing and elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly scheduled for October, the new policy is likely to give the state leadership confidence to create a congenial environment for the poll and put the economy back on the rails.
Remembering Watergate
scandal
The old
“Koi Hais”
Presidency:
the issue goes beyond personalities From a
4-room apartment to 345-room Rashtrapati Bhavan
Indian is
Singapore’s prized diplomat
|
Madarsa muddle FOR several decades, madarsas in Pakistan have functioned as the kindergarten of fundamentalist indoctrination. The government not only acquiesced in their functioning, but also actively encouraged them, since these were ideal recruitment centres for the ISI for potential terrorists who could be smuggled to Jammu and Kashmir in the garb of Kashmiri freedom fighters. This was a dubious but highly effective tool to make India bleed of a thousand cuts. But over the years, the side-effects of this treacherous strategy became evident. One, the Taliban who grabbed power in Afghanistan made the cardinal error of taking on the USA itself. And two, the loose cannons among the terrorists turned their ire towards Pakistan also. Violent clashes between Sunnis and minority Shias and sub-sects have been fanned by the training received in these schools. Pakistan has sought to tighten the screws on the madarsas at last, although it is doubtful whether General Musharraf really intends to do so or is only enacting the drama for western consumption. An ordinance in this regard says that madarsas will be entitled to official aid only if they impart modern education along with religious teaching. Unregistered madarsas will not be allowed to receive any donation or aid from any source. This decree will hold any meaning only if it is ensured that the unregistered madarsas are made to close shop. If they continue to be in existence in a clandestine manner, getting foreign aid will be no problem despite the ban, considering that most of the aid does not come through official channel. The restrictions placed on the admission of foreign students or the appointment of foreign teachers can also affect only the indoctrination of people from abroad. Unofficial madarsas will have no shortage of Pakistani students. In the rural areas there are very few government schools. Given the extreme poverty of the populace, the lure of free food and other such small favours is enough for parents to send their children to these seminaries. Only a total ban on unregistered madarsas and a hawk-eyed inspection of the registered ones can retrieve the situation somewhat. In any case, the 10,000-odd madarsas have already prepared enough students who have a warped view of the world and for whom the only way to propagate Islam is by killing every non-Muslim. The Frankenstein created by Pakistan has the capability to cause sectarian bloodshed within and outside the country for a long time to come. |
Nitish does a U-turn THE manner in which Railway Minister Nitish Kumar is going about on the issue of new railway zones is most unfortunate. It is surprising how he has notified two new zones at Hajipur in Bihar and Jaipur in Rajasthan on June 14, especially when the Indian Railways is reeling under acute financial crisis. The decision has expectedly drawn criticism from various sections, including West Bengal Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattacharya and Ms Mamata Bannerji. The criticism is
centred round the collossal losses the new Hajipur zone would inflict upon the Eastern Railway. According to the zonal reorganisation plan, Mr Nitish Kumar has plucked Dhanbad and Mughalsarai, the two most important divisions in the Eastern Railway both in terms of revenue and administrative significance and Sonepur and Samastipur in the North Eastern Railway, to form the Hajipur zone. The reorganisation will affect the Eastern Railway very badly because it has now been left with Asansol which is the only revenue-earning division, compared with its other divisions like Howrah, Malda and Sealdah. The reorganisation is bound to be counter-productive because both the Eastern Railway and the North-Eastern Railway are not doing well at present in terms of revenue earnings. Mr Nitish Kumar is on record having said that the cost factor will have to be kept in mind while going ahead with his predecessor, Mr Ram Bilas Paswan’s plan on new zones. He has also been saying that the Railway Ministry is at present passing through a critical phase and that it will have to take up cost-cutting measures like staff reduction with a view to tackling the problem of poor finances. Obviously, the sudden shift in his stand is meant to outsmart his bete noire, Mr Paswan, in political one-upmanship. It is worth recalling that Ms Mamata Bannerji, during her stewardship in Rail Bhavan had firmly put on hold the 1996 zonal reorganisation plan on grounds of financial stringency. In fact, this was in conformity with the recommendations of the Railway Reforms Committee. As if the June 14 exercise is not enough, it is said that the Railway Ministry is now in the process of notifying three more zones. Accordingly, a new zone is expected to become functional at Bhubaneswar from August 15, followed by one at Bangalore and another at Bilaspur (in Chhattisgarh). Estimates suggest that it would cost at least Rs 450 crore (in today’s prices) with as many as 200 officers and 1,600 to 1,800 Group C and D staff to make each zone functional and operational. How will Rail Bhavan generate resources to carry on the show is anybody’s guess. A corollary to the point is whether the funds now being deployed on the new zones would seriously affect the railways’ ongoing technological and modernisation drive. Over the years, paucity of funds has seriously affected several major projects of the railways. As it is, even for strengthening its safety apparatus, the ministry is forced to raise funds from passengers through surcharge on all tickets from Sleeper Class to Air-Conditioned First Class in express and mail trains towards the Safety Renewal Fund. Surely, there is an urgent need for a comprehensive review of the railways’ finances and all major projects, including the ongoing zonal reorganisation plan. In the larger interest of the Indian Railways and its passengers, Mr Nitish Kumar should stop playing politics in Rail Bhavan. |
Industrial push to J&K INDUSTRY is the first casualty of any prolonged disturbance. And in Jammu and Kashmir, it is no less than a wonder that industrial units have survived the ravages of more than a decade-old militancy. To nurse the ailing industry back to health, the Union Government has announced a comprehensive package of incentives as part of its new industrial policy for the state. Its timing could not have been better. With tension on the border easing and elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly scheduled for October, the new policy is likely to give the state leadership confidence to create a congenial environment for the poll and put the economy back on the rails. Besides, it will encourage the beleagured industry to pick up the pieces. The package provides for 100 per cent duty exemption for 10 years to new and existing units set up in growth centres, industrial estates, parks, export processing zones etc. The aim is to aid the expansion of the present units and facilitate the setting up of new industries by providing them an “enabling environment for industrial development, improve availability of capital and increase market access”. In view of the uncertain situation in the state and to protect industrial assets from unforeseen events, New Delhi has offered companies 100 per cent insurance cover. The central government will pay the insurance premium at least for 10 years. Given the wide-ranging fiscal incentives, it is now for the industry to take up the challenge. It can take heart from the Punjab industrialists who did not bow to pressure and carried on business despite terrorism, threats and extortions. Revival of industry can create the much-needed jobs and lessen the economic misery of the common man brought about by militancy. The state economy, which depends heavily on tourism, needs other crutches to rise and grow. Horticulture is one. Biotechnology is another. Both need attention. The leather industry should get a boost with the setting up of a Rs 1 crore design and resource development centre. The geographical spread of the industry also needs to be widened by exploring new areas, particularly those safe from the present turmoil. Where funds are concerned, there is always need for caution. The state leaders are widely seen as gobbling up central packages and the aid rarely reaches the targeted areas and persons. Subsidies can be easily hijacked by unscrupulous elements. This has happened in the past and is cited as one reason for the Kashmiris’ disillusionment with New Delhi. For safety, the Centre plans to set up a Jammu and Kashmir Finance Corporation and route assistance through it. Economic development of the state is in the interests of all and all must contribute for it. Any foul play can spoil the present opportunity for rebuilding the state economy. |
The old “Koi Hais” SOME
of us who count as members of the family, servants who have been with us for 15 or 20 years, must cross our fingers and feel thankful when we see our less fortunate friends being accepted employers, as more or less on trial, by the modern equivalents of the “khansama” and “khidmatgar” of old. In families of moderate means it is now the practice to engage a factotum, usually a lad in his teens, or an orphan girl, on an “all- round” basis — food, a new set of clothes at Divali and a small monthly stipend. There will always be a steady supply of youngsters from the villages or from jhuggis in big cities where there are too many mouths to feed and too little food to go round. But notions of what constitutes And if he can’t land a factory job there are numerous eating houses and tea shops where he can earn his keep by washing dishes and serving customers. In a year or two he will “graduate” from there to a more “sophisticated” restaurant or a lodging house. The tips are not bad and he is free to roam the city which, in course of time, swallows him. He becomes a part of its great, pulsating life. Foreigners and those of us who, rightly or wrongly, have adopted their way of life, look for a different type of servant — the “professional” whose father and grandfather served the “sahib-log” in the days gone by. Engaging one of these is like negotiating with organised labour. There are certain things that a house-boy will not do, like cleaning the washbasin or polishing shoes. Those jobs are for the sweeper, now called the “safai mazdoor”. The cook will not stay very long if the lady of the house is inclined to go to the bazaar too often to keep a check on prices. Tea and sugar twice a day is the “dastur”. There will be a half-day off each week and a month’s paid leave once a year. There is nothing surprising or reprehensible in this. We are merely catching up with the West, or where the West was nearly a century ago when those in affluent circumstances could afford to keep full-time domestic servants such as butlers, cooks and parlour-maids. The change, one must admit, is not without its redeeming features expressing, as it does, a strong desire for self-improvement, long denied to the poorer classes. Don’t be surprised if your “chhokra” buys a Hindi grammar and asks one of your children to give him a discarded copy of a pictorial reader in English. |
Presidency: the issue goes beyond personalities THE Left parties’ decision to challenge the NDA nominee for the presidential election has forced a contest. The stand taken by the Left has perplexed many and confused some but CPI General Secretary A. B. Bardhan is clear on the issue as he asserts that “the election of President is always a political contest”. In a frank conversation, Mr Bardhan went into the reasons for the impending contest. Excerpts: Q Why a contest for the nation’s 11th President when it is clear that the nominee of the Left parties is sure to be defeated? The election of the President has always been a political contest. The President is the protector of the Constitution. It is not necessary for the President to be a political figure but the person has to be familiar with political issues facing the country and constitutional questions that may arise. Q: Are you suggesting that NDA nominee A.P.J. Abdul Kalam is not familiar with the political issues? I am not discussing the personality but I am on issues. In India today we are facing serious problems involving Pakistan. We have faced the Gujarat situation and Ayodhya can disrupt the national unity and brotherhood of our people. At the same time, we are faced with a serious economic crisis involving millions of kisans and agricultural workers and employees. We would like a President who is aware and sensitive to all these questions so that in a climate of coalition governments he can take a proper decision when called upon to do so. It is worth recalling here that it is we who had first suggested that it would be good if we can decide the issue by consensus. Unfortunately, the NDA did nothing. After putting forward and ditching their own nominee twice, they chose to nominate Dr A.P.J. Abdul Kalam. This was also not done through consensus. It is in this kind of political environment and circumstances that the Left parties had to decide and we reached a conclusion that a political contest should take place. The question, here, is not of choosing between personalities or supporting any personality. The issue transcends personalities. After all, a nominee for the President is bound to be an eminent person of great integrity and learning. But connected political questions would still remain to be focused and debated. It is in this context that the Left parties have chosen to nominate Lakshmi Sahgal. Knowing fully well that you can’t make your candidate win, you are still opting for a symbolic contest. No, no, this is not a symbolic contest. Symbolism does not arise from the possibilities of victory or defeat, but from the serious nature of political issues in a given situation. Otherwise, it would mean that everytime you fight an election and if there is no possibility of a success then it is a symbolic fight. I disagree with this kind of description. Though his (Dr Kalam’s) eminence as a scientist is beyond question but I am not aware of his having expressed views on any of the serious issues that have faced the country or affected the nation. Q: But in this political process, Opposition unity has been wrecked? No, it is not correct to say that. At least the Left parties are together and not getting disarrayed. In a storm, some ships must keep afloat and not get swept away. The Left has a political identity, howsoever, big or small. Q: But then the People’s Front has come asunder. Who has walked out of the Front? Only one party has done so and tomorrow others might join it. Therefore, the People’s Front as a third front is not the question. Those who walked out of the Front have to answer, not the Left parties. They chose to be on the side of the BJP and the BSP. Ask them. One should not think that the Front is something where one can walk in or walk out as it suits your convenience. If their idea was to be with the BJP, the BSP and the Congress against whom they have always voiced strong opposition, then it is for them to decide. It so happens that they share the same views on Dr Kalam. Q: You were pressing for a second term for President K. R. Narayanan and the ruling alliance was harping on the tradition of no President having served a second term. There is no such tradition or convention. This was a discovery by the BJP to suit its purpose. The Vajpayee government says that barring the first President, Dr Rajendra Prasad, no other President has served a second term. Why bar Dr Prasad ? It arose only in the case of Mr Narayanan because of special circumstances that are here today. There is no point of talking of traditions here and if they are so particular then why the same logic is not applied in the case of the Vice-President. Vice-Presidents have been elevated to the position of President. I think five or six Vice-Presidents got elevated. Why then this tradition was not thought of? I mean conventions and traditions are used selectively by some parties like the BJP when it suits their purpose and abandoned when it doesn’t. |
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From a 4-room apartment to 345-room Rashtrapati Bhavan FOR over a decade, apartment 833 in a south Delhi guesthouse housed a long-haired scientist in shirtsleeves who ate frugally and rarely missed his daily walks. Now its guest A.P.J. Abdul Kalam seems set to savour the splendours of living in Rashtrapati Bhavan, the sprawling 345-room presidential citadel in Delhi. India’s president-in-waiting Abdul Kalam occupied a four-room flat in the Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) guesthouse during his career as one of the nation’s top scientists. Finally, it seems his dream of walking by the moonlight in the Mughal Gardens - the exquisite garden adjoining the presidential palace - will come true. If elected President in the July 15 poll, he will stay in apartments originally planned for the vicereine’s ladies-in-waiting in the regal mansion. Rashtrapati Bhavan, an imposing four-floored British built mansion, stretches across 18,580 square metres and is set in the midst of a 400-acre garden. Three million cubic feet of stones and 700 million bricks have gone into the structure and some 23,000 workers have sweated over it. Edwin Lutyen, the British architect of the viceregal palace - for that was its original purpose - was inspired by British and Mughal architecture. A key feature is the array of canals and fountains of water that keep the air cool and lend a soft liquid murmur to the campus. Walking-enthusiast Abdul Kalam may find it interesting to note that it takes three hours to cover the building on foot. It takes Rs. 90 million annually to maintain the red brick and sandstone building that contains within its pillars and walls a variety of chambers, anterooms, courts, galleries, saloons, staircases, corridors, kitchens, pantries and ironing rooms. Though it has generally seen Presidents well past their prime and usually too involved with matters of state, the palace also has nine tennis courts, two theatres, a squash court, a polo ground and a golf course. If elected President, Abdul Kalam will have to host his visitors in the Durbar Hall at the heart of the building where the country’s civilian and military honours are handed over. A 2,300-year-old stone bull, believed to have been sculpted during King Ashoka’s reign in the third century B.C., stands guard outside the hall, called the “throne room” by the British. The west wing, or the guest wing, comprises two suites, Dwarka and Nalanda, for visiting dignitaries and their entourage. The Council Room is a repository of several historic events during Indian independence and afterwards. It is where the decision to divide the sub-continent into India and Pakistan in 1947 was taken. The six-acre Mughal Garden is the stage for many open-air receptions. It has a large variety of roses, bougainvilleas, tulips and dahlias, apart from lesser-known exotic species. Trees thrive in the man-made forest created around the palace, and it is easy to spot the mango, Neem, Jamun, Peepul and banyan among the 600-odd varieties. Few citizens can ever hope to witness the palace in its full glory, but they nevertheless cause the inevitable traffic jam in the centre of the capital to catch a glimpse of the magnificent, fully lit Rashtrapati Bhavan on special days.
IANS |
Indian is Singapore’s prized diplomat HE grew up in a completely Indian household and went to Hindi and Sindhi schools. Today, Kishore Mahbubani is a top global diplomat. The son of poor parents who immigrated to Singapore, Mahbubani is the city-state’s permanent representative to the United Nations. He says he could rise to the top of the civil service ladder because Singapore is a meritocracy. He thinks his country has the best civil service in the world because it tries to follow the Japanese principle of doing better every day. Mahbubani is also a writer, who has written on the U.N. and global problems. “Can Asians Think?” — his collection of essays on understanding the divide between the East and West — was called “interesting, provocative and intellectually engaging” by Henry Kissinger. But another reviewer in “The Economist” said: “For a diplomat, Kishore Mahbubani is refreshingly rude.” “That is a Singaporean trademark,” Mahbubani says proudly.
IANS Grooming dogs for a living When Raj Kamal Singh (40) decided to leave Boeing after 15 years there, he hadn’t even dreamt of his present career — dog grooming. He wanted to start a business-to-customer company after his stint at Boeing, but the dotcom bubble burst and his plans had to be put on hold. That’s when he took to dog grooming, and not just any kind. This groomer comes to your house in a modified horse-cart and follows a 15-step process to groom your dog while you or the kids watch in the open air of Orange County, California. It is supposed to be a treat for your pet that could put you back by $50 to $60. The 15-step grooming process involves cleaning ears, eyes, clipping nails, brushing the mouth, a heated hydro bath, massage, heated rinse, drying, applying cologne, putting a little ribbon on them, and giving them treats along the way. And in the USA, a country of pet-lovers, business can hardly go wrong though mobile grooming is not a recognised industry yet, Singh says.
IANS Heart patients’ kids too at risk Children of cardiac patients are more prone to suffer from coronary ailments than those with normal hearts, say medical experts. “Children of people who have suffered a heart attack before they are in their sixties are more genetically predisposed to vascular and cardiovascular problems,” K. Srinath Reddy, Chairman-elect of the World Heart Federation’s scientific council on epidemiology and prevention, told IANS. “We are always concerned about kids of parents who have had heart attack, adult life diabetes, obesity or hypertension, as statistically they are at high risk due to familial tendency.”
IANS |
The mind is like a spoiled child - always restless. Try to steady it again and again by fixing it on the chosen ideal, and at last you will become absorbed in Him. If you continue your practice for two or three years you will begin to feel an unspeakable joy and the mind will become steady. In the beginning the practice of japa and meditation seems dry. It is like taking bitter medicine. You must forcible pour the thought of God into your mind. As you persist you will be flooded with joy. —
Swami Brahmananda, The Eternal Companion. *** Mind is a finer body within this gross body. In a true sense the physical body is only the outer crust of the mind. The mind being the finer part of the body, one affects the other. When you are physically sick you are mentally sick too. When you are emotionally upset that again upsets your body. Behind the mind is the Atman, the real Self of Man. Body and mind are material; Atman is pure spirit. Mind is not the Atman is pure spirit. Mind is not the Atman but distinct from the Atman. —
Swami Budhnanda, Prabhuddha Bharata *** Why Renunciation? In enjoyment there is fear of disease; in social position the fear of falling off; in wealth the fear of a grasping ruler; in honour, the fear of humiliation; in power, the fear of enemy; in beauty, the fear of old age; in scriptural erudition, the fear of the opponents in virtue the fear of traducers; in body the fear of death. Everything on earth is fraught with fear; renunciation alone stands for fearlessness. —
Bhartrihari, Vairagya-shatakam |
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