Saturday,
June 15, 2002, Chandigarh, India |
Two voices of America Congress for Kalam Karzai stays put |
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War threat to deal with infiltration
Letter perfect
Let’s salute vision
What will we jointly patrol?
What is beauty
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Congress for Kalam The Congress’ decision to support the NDA-sponsored candidate, Prof A.P.J.Abdul Kalam, for the post of President is most welcome. The Congress is the principal Opposition party in both Houses of Parliament and it also rules as many as 14 states. Consequently, its decision to support the candidature of Prof Kalam will certainly broaden his support base in the electoral college comprising the members of Parliament and state assemblies, give it a national appeal and add grace to the exalted office. With the Congress’ declaration of support, Professor Kalam’s election has become a near-certainty. It is good that the Congress, having understood the ground realities of the situation, has preferred to go with Prof Kalam rather than being bogged down by narrow and petty political considerations. Of course, the Congress’ decision has rather come late in the day because its initial reservations on supporting Professor Kalam and its attempts to convince the incumbent President, Mr K.R.Narayanan, to contest for a second term did cause harm to the party. For three full days after the NDA’s decision, the Congress had indulged in laboured equivocations and sophisticated casuistry. There were few takers for the line adopted by it. It found itself cornered when it became clear that the BJP-led NDA, together with the support extended by the TDP, the AIADMK and others, was way ahead in the game of numbers and that Professor Kalam’s election was going to be a mere formality. An unsavoury fallout in the presidential elections this time is the role of the Left. The Communists’ refusal to see reason and attempt to field a candidate against Professor Kalam does not behove them. Opposition for opposition sake is against the spirit of democracy and democratic functioning of the institutions. One can understand if political parties like the Left have divergence of views on issues like, say, Gujarat. In fact, the Opposition has a right to question major policy formulations and decision-making on such issues and these could well be interpreted as legitimate democratic dissent. But in Professor Kalam’s case, there should be no problem for the Left or other parties, given his impeccable credentials, personal stature and standing. Above all, he is apolitical and non-controversial. Will it make sense if the Left seeks to counter a person of Professor Kalam’s eminence with another belonging to a minority community just because Professor Kalam happens to be a Muslim by birth? In fact, when Mr K.R. Narayanan was nominated last time, what weighed in his favour were his standing and merit; his Dalit background was only incidental. This entire controversy is unavoidable if the Left sees reason and joins the NDA and the Congress to get Professor Kalam elected unanimously.
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Karzai stays put MR Hamid Karzai will be the President of Afghanistan for the next two years. Much is being made of the "democratic" process that saw most members of the "loya jirga" [supreme council of tribal chiefs] vote for him. However, the projection that the election process was smooth does not tell the real story. The fact of the matter is that Mr Karzai was hand-picked by the USA as the interim chairman for a period of six months. It was a political probation of sorts for him. Now was the time to reward him for serving the American interests with the ease of a seasoned leader. He did manage to make a positive impact across the globe. Not for a moment did he betray any signs of nervousness after being pulled out of the hat by America following the post-September 11 action in Afghanistan. Last time it had allowed the Taliban to ruin Afghanistan after pushing out the Soviet troops. This time it believes it has found a "builder" in the new Afghan leader. Mr Karzai's "landslide" victory hides the bitter feuding among the various tribal chiefs. But in the end the script that was cleared by the US State Department was treated as official. The tribal chiefs were allowed to clash and threaten disruption of the proceedings of the "loya jirga", for that is a sign of a robust democracy. Restoration of democracy under American controlled conditions! The Americans have denied that they had interfered with the process of restoring democracy in Afghanistan. The simple rule of thumb is to take American denial as confirmation of their role in ensuring an extended two-year term for Mr Karzai - this time with the more prestigious title of President of the Islamic Republic of Afghanistan. Women bore the brunt of Taliban repression. To tell the world the amazing transformation American intervention had brought in their lives women delegates were allowed to share the platform with other members of the "loya jirga". This must have been the first time that women had such a visible presence in essentially a male bastion. Not only that, Ms Masooda Jalal. an employee of the World Food Programme, was nominated as a candidate for the top job. The purpose was to let the world know that democracy was alive and kicking in Afghanistan and that women now have equal rights in the new dispensation. The task before Mr Karzai is daunting. He knows the value of the votes that have given him another two years to virtually rebuild Afghanistan from scratch. However, he should not overlook the simple fact that no country that has been patronised by the USA has firm democratic roots or the capacity to strike an independent path to economic prosperity. Mr Karzai is far too intelligent not to know that the landslide victory has been made possible because of White House's faith in his ability to give higher priority to the protection of American interests over the development of Afghanistan. If he steps out of line, he will find the same "loya jirga" baying for his blood. |
War threat to deal with infiltration We have not covered ourselves with glory by the way we have handled the question of infiltration in Jammu and Kashmir. In the first place to threaten war to deal with infiltration, to mass armies on the border for a dangerous confrontation, is to give far more importance to infiltration than it deserves. It is like putting a man on the operation table for brain tumour when he complains of a headache. Secondly, to be quite indifferent to the economic consequences of a confrontation, in a land plagued by want and poverty, and at a time of recession, is to deal with one problem and to create myriad others of a far more dangerous kind. Why did we plan the scare that drove foreign nationals away? Kept our hotels empty, our airlines in loss, our national honour tarnished by accusations of irresponsibility? Was it just to put diplomatic pressure on Pakistan? Thirdly, why do we refuse to see the basic problem that confronts General Musharraf in Pakistan? It is a problem of a section of Pakistan drifting into the belief that jehad supported by foreign funds is the only way to solve their economic problems, and to provide employment for youth. Why do we refuse to see that the real need is jobs, of employment, of planned economic growth. Some people of Pakistan have been deluded by the clerics into the belief that religion will solve their problems, and that the annexation of Kashmir will fulfil the dream of its people, and life thereafter will be sugar and spice. It is up to someone to correct it, and I believe Gen Musharraf is trying to do it. Should we not help him? Gen Musharraf has taken a bold stand to take his country away from madarssa education and jehad. But will it work? Will his promises to Armitage, Rumsfeld and Colin Powell be sufficient to deal with the dreadful malaise that has infected Pakistan? Perhaps it will only aggravate it. If it seems to the jehadi gangs that their only method of survival (on foreign funds) is being taken away from them, will they quietly accept dissolution of their camps and starve to death? A few in Pakistan have begun to think that fanatic dependence on religion will bring them rewards. So far it has enabled them to survive. Take the bread away, and expect contrite repentance? Does that make sense? It may make some difference if we withdrew from the border and allowed Gen Musharraf to take his men back to the rear and deal with internal problems. Withdrawing diplomats at a time when we need diplomacy most, cutting out air links to show that we do not need each other, even killing tourism, and giving an idea to the world that we are totally incapable of looking after ourselves, is this the normal Indian method? Would Nehru have used it? Would Gandhiji have approved? It may help if the World Bank and others came out to help in Pakistan’s economic decline. If the General has managed to get some economic relief for his country, it could be the right step. He needs more. If he could open up trade with India and other countries on a large scale, that may even be a better step. But all this takes time. Meanwhile, if the jehad groups face a blank wall of starvation, they are not likely to listen to him. We need to understand the main factors that constitute the Pakistan situation, and we can do that only by candid personal meetings and regular telephone conversations. That we refuse to do, believing that it would show how determined we are to stop infiltration. My worst fear is that we are totally out of touch with the parameters of the problems facing Pakistan, and are being misled by bombast and provocation of those who do not know the situation at all, or what it can lead to. Many of us do not understand the sentiments that have seized the Islamic world. It begins with a feeling of hurt and grievance, of unfair blame, together with a firm belief in revenge and retribution. That is the Al-Qaida. The leaders have been dispersed in Afghanistan. The Islamic world does not think that it is the end of them. The world has to find some way of discussing the hurt and humiliation that many are feeling. War cries alone will not do. Coming back to India, even solving the Kashmir problem will not end the hostility that has been aroused in Pakistan and India. Those who believe in history, feel peace is only created by the storm and stress of war. It took repeated years of warfare, and Nagasaki and Hiroshima to bring the world to the United Nations for a peaceful settlement of problems. A clash with Pakistan is unthinkable today, because we may blunder into a nuclear war and finish ourselves completely. We have to try new methods. Our think tanks have to be filled with all that generates new thinking. Why do the western powers think that a clash with nuclear weapons in our part of the world is imminent, that there is need to evacuate their citizens from our shores. Is there something we do not know? Is there a possibility of all failsafe devices failing? Unless there was something concrete to go on, would they be so sure that we would not be able to keep nuclear weapons under control? Or are they just showing us that possessing nuclear weapons creates a special responsibility in countries like ours, and they want to pressurise us to give them up, or to convince them that our systems are foolproof in a land where religious fools abound We need to express our gratitude to President Bush and his team for their special interest in two quarrelsome brothers. I hope this will continue till we have settled down in a union. We must also recognise the brave part that they have played in reclaiming Afghanistan from obscurity. Ardershir Cawasji, in his article “Have you heard of Hiroshima?” (Dawn) asks a very pertinent question. For what are we fighting? There is no sane answer to this question. Is it infiltration? Is it Kashmir? Is it because we just have to appear to be fighting, for the sheer glory of it. If it is infiltration, all the ballyhoo and all the threats are absurd and unnecessary. If it is Kashmir, why do we not put forward a concrete proposal that can be discussed. Lal Krishna Advani has proposed a confederation which would be a form of union that will gradually take the shape of the European Union. Can our Parliament examine it, the media get interested in it? If India and Pakistan come together as equal partners, would it not benefit us both? Kashmir can form a separate entity if it wishes, and that would satisfy the few who want a separate existence. In the same way, Sri Lanka and Eelam could join, and of course a rejuvenated Afghanistan, Myanmar, Nepal and others round us, and even Iran, a nation with which we have had links for centuries. We could form a strong union of South Asia which would spell the end of our decline. It all depends on whether we want peace, or would like to keep squabbling because it gives the bigoted an opportunity to show their talents. The people of the Indian sub-continents want to live together in peace: that is certain. |
Letter perfect It is not well known that during two centuries of British rule in India there were only two Indians who became Governors of British-ruled States. The first Indian to grace the august office was Lord S.P. Sinha of Raipur, who was appointed Governor of Bihar in 1915 and the second was Sir Chandu Lal Madhav Lal Trivedi who took over as Governor of Orissa in 1946. It was on August 15, 1947 that Sir Chandu Lal Madhav Lal Trivedi, an ICS officer of the 1909 batch, took over as Governor of East Punjab from Sir Evans Jenkins after his transfer from Orissa on the eve of independence of India. Immediately afterwards in the very next month (September), the juniormost ICS officer of Punjab Commission, Mr N.K. Mukerji, ICS took over as Secretary to the Governor. It is pertinent to mention that Mr N.K. Mukerji himself became the Governor of Punjab in December, 1989, for seven months. He was also the last ICS officer to retire in independent India in March, 1980. In the first week of December, 1947, a letter had to be sent to Pt. Jawaharlal Nehru, the then Prime Minister of India, by Sir Chandu Lal Trivedi regarding the raising of Punjab Armed Police battalions for border security on the newly created Redcliffe line. As is the procedure and practice in government offices, Mr N.K. Mukerji drafted a letter for Pandit Nehru and sent the same to Sir Trivedi. Sir Trivedi read the letter meticulously, as was his habit, and wrote on the file: It needs improvement’. Flabbergasted by the observation of H.E. Mr N.K. Mukerji read and reread the draft letter which was to be approved and signed by Sir Trivedi for sending the same to the Prime Minister, Pandit Nehru. He crystallised his mind, and wrote on the file: “I am of the opinion that there is no scope of improvement in the draft letter and I am sure that His Excellency would also not be able to improve it further”. Sir Chandu Lal Trivedi read the noting of the young officer on the file, smiled and signed the letter. |
Let’s salute vision Last week I got an opportunity to meet with over 80 Directors/Principals of Navodaya Leadership Institutes and Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (JNVs). They had come from all over the country for a national workshop, organised by Delhi Public School Society at the Delhi Public School, Vasant Kunj (Delhi). The objectives were, among others, to forge long term partnership in sharing the ‘quality education’ between the Delhi Public Schools (DPS)—(public schools) and Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas (JNV’s)—(central government schools). Undoubtedly, a very patriotic, noble and long term vision is bound to achieve the required objectives. I personally found the Principals a very dedicated and enthusiastic group of teachers not often seen in the government sector. Each of them, I saw, was willing for ideas and programmes to reach out to their school children. Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalays (JNVs) as we may be knowing are fully central government aided, 463 rural schools, spread all over the country. Students on roll at present are 1,25,119. Of this, 79 per cent of the students are from rural areas. 34 per cent are girl students. 24 per cent are Scheduled Caste and, 14 per cent are Scheduled Tribes students. The cost of each child’s schooling works out to be Rs 20,040. This is all inclusive of average staff costs, board and lodging, uniforms, text books, toilet items, messing charges, traveling to and fro home, medical expenses, etc. Students of Class VI and above get selected on merit through the JNVs selection test, conducted by the Central Board of Secondary Education simultaneously on all India basis. Maximum students strength is 80 in Class VI. Hence, entry into JNVs is considered prestigious for rural children and the staff serving there has a feeling of great worth and importance. These schools are providing high quality education to the meritorious rural children on a national scholarship, something of the kind which urban children get at high cost. I had been invited at this workshop of Principals and Administrators to speak on legal literacy. First I thought it was going to be a boring subject and I wish I had a choice. But as I reflected on the subject I found, it could be the basis for a whole revolution of good and responsible citizenship in our villages: which are self employed, responsible, self governing, prosperous, organised and empowered. But how? By learning the right things the right way and at the right time — and what time is better than these vital classes of 10th, 11th and 12th standard for both boys and girls. Since I value education the most, it was a most beautiful opportunity to share with these Principals what I thought we needed to provide to our rural children. For me, 700,000 villages of India hold the key to the future of our country. The keys are agricultural growth, waste land development, watershed and water harvesting for foresting, rural development, handicrafts skills and marketing, women’s education and role of Panchayats in self governance. If these fundamental keys are well applied, there shall be real all round development and cities would not burst at the seams to become urban slums. I suggested the following action plan to the teachers as a plan of legal literacy for the students. a practical class of civics for all purposes, since civics was any way a subject of social studies. Let the students go and see how the police station functions. They will get to see an F.I.R. (First Information Report) with all its columns. Even if the police station is without a building, in most of the rural areas which still would be the case, there would be some basic records for students to see. Hence, they are not visiting the police station to see the building but to see the records and how the police station is supposed to use them. Seeing the FIR (First Information Reports) would make them aware both, of their rights and duties as complainants and witnesses of crimes and disturbances. 2. Visit the prisons. By visiting the prisons, the students will learn both the consequences of breaking the law and gratitude for what they are receiving in the form of quality education and parental care. The students will get to see a living hell which will sensitise them to value their freedom which comes with responsibilities. 3. Visit the courts. By doing so the students could be sensitised towards judicial processes and the responsibilities of citizens in crime control. They will understand that society cannot have criminals punished without the cooperation of the citizens. 4. Teach them the Panchayat Act. Let them know their rights and duties of self governance. A day has to come in India when Indian villages have to have educated Panches and Sarpanches. And why could the students of JNVs not be the Sarpanches of tomorrow? All 7,00,000 villages of India have the human, land and natural resources to create wealth with perspiration and hard work — only if the inhabitants know how to and want to. 5. Alongside, let the students know about all the rural schemes which are available for rural development i.e. in rural employment, vocational training, agricultural development, education, healthcare, disability allowance, interest free loans for Scheduled Castes/Scheduled Tribes and women, housing, watershed management etc. So that the rural youth could think in terms of self employment from early age. Let us give our youth information and training in self confidence to take charge of themselves and their social and national responsibilities. JNVs and DPS collaboration may well become a ‘national movement’ to be replicated by many others to become a ‘national resurgence’. |
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What will we jointly patrol? The proposal of joint patrolling put forward by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee has really not gone down well with the armed forces as no real purpose will be served by this. What was necessary was a sincere effort by Pakistani President General Pervez Musharraf to act on his promises of putting an end to cross-border terrorism. Former Vice-Chief of Army Staff, Lieut.-Gen V.K.Sood, who is an expert on security matters, observes there are many conceptual and practical problems with the proposal of joint patrolling. If India is to exercise the military option it should do so on its own rather than depending on any third country. He told this correspondent in an interview that instead of joint patrolling, exchange of information was more important. He said the military option could have been exercised in mid-January when the mobilisation was complete and two of Pakistan strike corps were busy on the Afghanistan front. The element of surprise would have been with India. Excerpts from the interview: Q: Do you think the proposal for joint patrolling is feasible and what would it entail by way of logistics and men? A. I have read about the proposal of joint patrolling which was made by our Prime Minister and was not very clear what is the purpose of the joint patrolling. There are certain conceptual and military problems in terms of logistics and the very layout of the LoC. Conceptually, what are we going to jointly patrol. If General Pervez Musharraf is absolutely sincere in declaring that he will not allow infiltration from Pakistan or areas occupied by Pakistan into J&K and if we have to believe that, then there is no question of patrolling. Infiltration will automatically stop. If the Pakistan Army along the LoC is sincere and determined to prevent infiltration then it can be prevented to the extent of 99 per cent. Some small groups may pass through which our own troops are quite capable of handling. Exchange of information is more important than joint patrolling. Pakistan should pass on information regarding those groups infiltrating and then we would on our own employ cordon and search operation to eliminate them. The second is practical difficulties in the manner the LoC runs. It is not a straight line. The terrain is so difficult and over a length of 740 km, joint patrolling won’t be effective. Patrolling is carried out anyway on both sides of the border and this coupled with General Musharraf’s sincerity would not need joint patrolling. Q: Do you feel that joint patrolling would in a way formalise the LoC which would see India forego its right over PoK? A: Even if joint patrolling is undertaken, it is at best a measure to get over with the problem of infiltration. Under the circumstances I cannot link the proposal with our overall view of Pok being part of undivided Kashmir. It should be very clearly understood that joint patrolling is for the purpose of infiltration and once it completely stops and the process of dialogue commences to resolve the issues then there is no danger of us foregoing the control over the PoK. That will depend on what political solution is found to the problem. Q: Is there a necessity for bringing in UN monitors and would that really help the Kashmir issue? A: We had UN observers groups in India and Pakistan after the line was declare as the ceasefire line under the Karachi agreement. But the role of the UN observers ceased as far as India was concerned after the Simla agreement was signed. The ceasefire line was converted into the Line of Control and the maps along which this line runs were signed by both the sides. India’s stand was that UN observers here and after have no locus standi and therefore we did not allow them to operate as they did during pre-1971. The same condition applies today. the LoC is well demarcated which is understood by both the sides and the UN observers have no role to play whatsoever. Q: America has been forced to recognise India’s concern on terrorism from across the border. What do you suggest is the alternative if even now there is no significant fall in infiltration? A: At last the USA and the other western nations have recognised that terrorism is being exported into Jammu and Kashmir and certain other places in India from across the border. The epicentre is Pakistan. If a peaceful solution to the problem of terrorism despite all the pressure on Pakistan does not produce the necessary results, India has to do something. Diplomatic efforts and offensive has to be launched the world over and redoubled. And should it not work then India has to take some action. Military option has to be exercised. It may not have the desired result on terrorism but it will definitely have a very adverse effect on Pakistan in the sense that we would have raised the cost of terrorism for Pakistan. A full fledged war with Pakistan would put Pakistan’s economy back by 10 or 15 years. It is already in a shambles and therefore we would be raising the cost of terrorism to an extent that Pakistan will have to desist from pursuing its policy of cross-border terrorism against India. Q: Is the enhanced shuttle diplomacy by the USA and the UK not leading to dual interference in Indian politics holding the portends of third party mediation which India has consistently rejected? A: I would really not call it third party mediation or third party interference. The question is that ever since the Simla agreement we have not been able to resolve the problem between India and Pakistan including that of Jammu and Kashmir bilaterally. We have come to a stage where we are at eyeball to eyeball contact. The armed forces of both the countries are fully mobilised and it could flare up into a major conflict, so I don’t see any reason why a third party should not be encouraged. I would not call it mediation... I would call it facilitation to bring about a situation from where we roll back from this scenario of confrontation to a position of commencing a dialogue between India and Pakistan so that a reasonable solution is reached. Q: If India is not allowed to take action then should it consider pressuring the USA to take action against the terrorist camps as the fight against terror in Afghanistan also extends to PoK? A: Yes theoratically they can do but we should appreciate that they (Pakistan) are part of the international coalition against terrorism and today it has become a frontline state as far as the USA is concerned in its fight against the Taliban and Al Qaida. Under these circumstances, when they need Pakistan so badly, then there is no possibility of the USA or the coalition working against Pakistan or taking such military action as they deem necessary to demolish the infrastructure of the terrorists housed in Pakistan. If at all a military option has to exercised it will have to exercised by India. But military action should be the last option. Q: Do you feel that in all this India has lost its way in its own foreign and military policy? A: India has been following a very rational foreign policy. The only thing is that we do not enjoy the geographical advantage that Pakistan does vis-a-vis the Al Qaida, the Taliban and problems in Afghanistan. Therefore, it became a frontline state as far as the USA is concerned and will continue to be so as far as that region is concerned. But otherwise India has been able to convince the world that it has been a victim of terrorism for the last 13 years and this has been appreciated by the entire Western community. We have done well but we could have done better. Q: An immediate offensive after the December 13 attack on Parliament was an alternative which could have solved some issues? A: Apparently that was the purpose of ordering the Indian armed forces to be fully mobilised. The mobilisation was unprecedented. Such a mobilisation was not even there in 1971. Yes, that was the time when military option could have been exercised especially as around the middle of January the mobilisation was complete. We should have exercised the military option then. The element of surprise was with us. |
What is beauty Each nation and each tribe has its own notion of what makes for the ideal of feminine beauty. Among the Bagesu, a central African tribe, for instance, girls begin to prepare for marriage at the age of 10. This preparation consists of a lengthy and painful process of cutting marks in the chest and forehead. The wounds are made with large needles, ashes are then rubbed in causing thick hard lumps to be raised. These markings the girls consider essential while the men consider them as a sign of beauty in a wife. No man would think of marrying a girl who did not show these markings.
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When a superior spirit hears the Tao, he practices it with zeal. When an average spirit hears the Tao, sometimes he keeps it, sometimes he loses it. When an inferior spirit hears the Tao, he roars with laughter; if he did not laugh at it that Tao would no longer be the Tao. The road of the light looks dark. The road of progress seems backwards The even road seems uneven. The superior virtue seems empty. The supreme candor seems soiled. The super-abundant virtue seems insufficient. The solid virtue seems negligent. The profound virtue seems fluctuating The great square has no angles. The great vase is slow to perfect. The great music hardly has sounds. The great image has no form. The hidden Tao has no name. And yet it alone sustains and completes all beings. —Lao Tsou, Tao To King.
*** When one wishes to devote himself to (meditation)... it is necessary to take a separate room, well whitewashed with a fragrant coating of good clay, with a proper light, high and wide with a bed with a thick warm mattress with freshly washed blankets and pillow. No one who is impure must be allowed inside. The floor inside should be dug to a depth of two feet, and sifted to get rid of mud and gravel; it is necessary to remove anything that is unclean. Then, with a costing of good clay, build a platform of packed clay; then again pack the soil with finely sifted clay so that it is very firm.... In the room place only a writing table and a coffer to hold the books. Every time you enter, light the incense and meditate on the..... True Lord.... —
Henri Maspero, Essais sur le Taoisme |
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