Friday, August 31, 2001, Chandigarh, India |
Railway travails Debating starvation deaths |
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Hari Jaisingh
Conning the babudom
lexicon
Beant Singh: the man who stemmed tide of
bloodshed
Sino-Russian treaty: implications for
India
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Debating starvation deaths REPORTS
of starvation-related deaths in Orissa were debated in the Lok Sabha on Wednesday. There was nothing new which Leader of the Opposition Sonia Gandhi and others had to say on the issue. Yes, it is a matter of shame that year after year the country continues to build up surplus food stocks, but is not able to reach even a fraction of the surplus to areas where people die of starvation. However, if Orissa deaths cannot shake the conscience of the nation into drawing up a concrete plan of action for preventing starvation, nothing can. Deaths due to starvation have been reported from Orissa for at least a decade now. However, no worthwhile effort has been made either by the Centre or the state for putting into place an effective system of delivering food without much loss of time to drought-hit areas. In a path-breaking work internationally respected economist Amartya Sen had identified the absence of infrastructure and not shortage of food as the primary reason for the Bengal famine in the 40s. In the global context man has conquered the moon and is now looking for new space adventures, but the inept political leadership of India in the years since Independence has not been able get its priorities right. The entire issue of reaching food in time to the starved regions has been turned into a blaming game. The Centre says that it can only deliver the foodgrains to the state governments and thereafter it is their responsibility to either dump the stocks in godowns for rodents to feast on or create an efficient distribution network. The state governments say they do not have funds for arranging the distribution of foodgrains to the poorest of the poor at highly subsidised rates. The upshot of the endless "tu tu, main main" between the Centre and the states is that poor people continue to die in remote areas for want of food. In the course of the debate in the Lok Sabha Samajwadi Party leader Mulayam Singh Yadav made a relevant point, more by way of a threat than as a workable solution. He said that the situation was so bad that families were being forced to sell their children and women for buying food. However, the operative part was the threat that his party would break open the granaries and distribute the food if the government continued to sleep. There is no need for Mr Yadav to break the locks of the granaries for achieving a laudable objective of reaching food to areas where people are straving. All that he and leaders of other political parties have to do is a draw up a plan of action for assisting the government for tiding over what should be treated as a national crisis. Even NGOs can be asked to chip in until such time as the central and state governments are able to put into place a permanent mechanism for efficient disaster management. |
The declining parliamentary standards THE
monsoon session of the Lok Sabha comes to an end today on the usual lacklustre note. It is a sad spectacle to see certain sections of our parliamentarians wasting the nation's precious resources and time in trivial matters or creating obstructions in the smooth running of the House. But, who cares? The nation's problems cannot be made to vanish in an atmosphere of competitive yellings and walkouts. The problems have to be discussed seriously and dispassionately, and not with party, sectarian and communal angularities. The lack of seriousness in public matters among our legislators is a serious matter. The country's main problem today is small-time politicians who are self-centered and appear to be busy building up their personal assets while vociferously accusing their rivals of doing so. However, when it comes to extracting the extra advantage from the national exchequer, they are one. This became clear when they joined hands with one another the other day to give themselves higher pay and perks. No tears were shed for the poor and the underfed. Well, it is shameful to say that double standards, hypocrisy and doublespeak is very much part of our national character. Any wayout? In giving the MPs more perks and more perquisites the BJP-led NDA government is indeed generous. But the moot question is: is this a reward for the good work done by the MPs or a kind of "bribe" to mute their clamour? Well, the parliamentarians get what they do not deserve for the work half done or not seriously done. The people they represent do not get what they should rightfully get. No wonder, we see the ever-widening gap between the rulers and the ruled as well as between the haves and the havenots. Now the crucial question. How much does an MP cost the exchequer? No one knows, for there is no consolidated figure available to the public. Yet some totals are available. In 1996 it was said that an MP cost Rs 25,000 per month. It has now been raised to Rs 32,000 per month. I believe it must be running into lakhs of rupees. There are 545 MPs in the Lok Sabha, 250 MPs in the Rajya Sabha and about 4500 MLAs and MLCs in the states. They get a salary, daily allowance, constituency allowance, office expense allowance, travel allowance for India and abroad, housing, healthcare, loans for conveyance, income tax relief, office accommodation, pension and rail pass for life, three telephones (including cellphones), constituency development funds and so on. Now it is proposed to provide free election funds. Not these alone. In most of the states substantial numbers of MLAs and MLCs are ministers or chairmen of public sector undertakings. As such, they lead a life of luxury. In UP there are 92 ministers, in Bihar about 82! It is hardly realised that we are creating a vested interest in these people. They are reluctant to part with their power and pelf. They want to make the constituencies their hereditary fiefs. The world we live in is going through the information age. It is knowledge which will guide mankind in the future. And yet we refuse to insist on a minimum qualification for our legislators. It is said that such a stand is elitist. It is true to some extent. But then a democratic polity flourishes best when the people are literate and we have to work speedily in that direction. Dr Ambedkar opposed the minimum qualification proposal on the ground that the vast majority of our population was illiterate. But are they illiterate today too? Is it not possible to find an educated man or woman in a constituency of over two lakh people? I cannot believe such arguments. The real reason is different. It is because once this educational qualification is conceded, then there may be fresh demands for higher educational qualifications. And let us not forget it that those who do badly in education barge into politics. They have no interest in accepting an educational criterion. Nani Palkhivala, the eminent constitutional expert, however, was outraged. He exclaimed: "You need years of training to argue a case in a law court.... But to steer the lives and destinies of millions of your fellowmen, you are not required to have any!" Even Dr Rajendra Prasad was swayed by the argument of Dr Ambedkar. He said all that a legislator needed was "the capacity to take a balanced view of things..... to be true to the fundamental values in life.... in one phrase, to have character." Yes, Dr Prasad is right. Character and fundamental values are essential in public life. He, however, failed to anticipate the fall in our standards. Today, most of our representatives are men with no conviction, faith or character. Today the MPs make up for their ignorance and incapacities by shouting in the well of the House or by abusing one another in the most intemperate way. But while we moan this fall in standards, we refuse to insist on the minimum educational standards for our representatives! Lack of standards and character has naturally attracted shady and criminal elements into politics. The Election Commission says that there are about 600 criminals in various legislatures of India. Parties are unwilling to stop their entry to get rid of them. Thus, money, muscle and mafia have come to determine the election outcome. And our destiny! The Congress party ignored the advice of Gandhiji to introduce a partyless panchayat system of elections at the grassroots level. This would have brought into the local administration men of worth. But the Congress opposed it because it was a "partyless" approach. Selection of candidates is crucial to keep the system clean. In the USA, they have the primaries and in the UK an elaborate system to keep out undesirable people. In India, selection is done by a coterie of the high command, whose main interest lies in perpetuating itself. Or, selection could go to the highest bidder. And more often the payment is made on behalf of the candidate by criminal elements. The Gandhian model of direct election from the level of panchayat to that of the Lok Sabha was never tried. Nor was Gandhi's idea of the constituency determining the stability of the candidate given a chance. What kind of a "representative" system it is in which the constituency has no role to play in selecting the candidates! The fact is: the ruling class has lost legitimacy to rule. The verdict of the people is: Sab chor hain (All are thieves). The ruling class has lost the respect of the people. So the rulers make it up by a system of patronage. But this very thing has made the state illegitimate. In fact, it has been said of the present dispensation that it is a huge conspiracy to divert public funds from public good to serve the interests of the clients of the state. Now, only the patronage system works to the disadvantage of ordinary citizens. Today, the talk is of political donations and state funding. But why should the state invest in the fortunes of individuals whose sole interest in politics is to misuse and abuse power? Is it such a difficult thing to know that he who pays the piper will call the tune? It is the Congress party which invited political donations. This served its interests. Today it sits in the opposition. So the donors may not be interested in it. A suggestion has been made for an election cess of 2 per cent on companies. But why should the companies pay unless they get something in return? Since, on an average, elections are held every four or five years at the local, state and national levels, one can imagine the quantum of black money generated by hundreds of corporators, legislators and members of Parliament, simply because most candidates in the poll fray have no choice but to look for "sponsors". Millions of rupees are churned out by an electoral system which, while sustaining democracy, is an easy victim to monetary influence or underworld operations. In the circumstances, it looks the solution is, indeed, state funding. But this is an occasion to clean up the entire mess that we have created and bring about comprehensive electoral reforms. Without that, state funding has no meaning. |
Conning the babudom
lexicon BABUDOM has its own A to Z and it rejoices in it. But the public for which a public servant “works” finds different meaning in the words often floating in the corridors of the Secretariat. I am reminded of that moving Urdu couplet: “Kaash ke Khuda bakhshe hamein woh taaquat, Khud ko dekh sakein hum gairon ke chashme se.” (May the Almighty bestow on us the power to observe ourselves through the eyes of strangers). Let us see what meanings the public ascribes to the babudom lexicon: Advice: Roadblock installed by the Finance Department. Bureaucrat: A tortoise. All meanings are correct. Confidential: A flag on top of a file whose contents are known to all. Draft: A preliminary document to give effect to a principle in which little of the principle is left by the time it is finally approved. Efficiency: The first of many myths that a Head of the Department believes that exists in his Department. File: A folder in which you lose important papers systematically. Government: Ever-expanding organisation which when it finds that solutions do not answer the problem, modifies the problem. Hierarchy: Internal game of snakes and ladders at the cost of efficient service. IAS: Next to God or vice-versa. Job: No work: all pay. Keynote address: A speech containing something about nothings. Law: What Finagle propounded after seeing the governments working: “Do not believe in miracles, rely on them.” Memorandum: An office paper written in third person considering the receiver to be a third-rate person. Note: That portion of the file which a babu writes and a hierarchical line of officers does prudent thinking to simply put its signatures on it. Off-days: Followed by days off.... and so on. Planning: An exercise given to service-deliverers to fix new nuts on leftover bolts and then to ask them why the nuts could not be fixed on the bolts. Quality: Sab chalta hai. Responsibility: The detachable burden that is easily shifted to the shoulders of the one lowest in the hierarchy when something goes wrong. Secretariat: The place where man — “noble in reason, infinite in faculty, the beauty of the word, the paragon of animals” — becomes subservient to desk. Tour: A private work in official clothing. Under-secretary: Like the mischievous ad-boy,this juniormost officer among the Secretaries proclaims “Yeh, under ki baat hai” and keeps the ins and outs of a case to himself. Vacancy: A place filled at the behest of the political master with justification that the ass that has been selected is a horse. Work: Something that can be postponed for tomorrow or else delegated to others. Xerox: An appliance for instant letting of all the cats out of the official bags. Yes-manship: Requirement for a cushy, comfortable job. Zeal: To laugh heartily at the boss’s state joke for an “outstanding” in the Annual Confidential Report. |
Beant Singh: the man who stemmed Things fall apart; centre cannot hold; The blood dimmed tide is let loose, The best lack all conviction, while the worst are full of passionate intensity. IN such a gloomy scenario of chaos and blood tide, there appeared a man of conviction, the Late Beant Singh who stemmed this tide of blood and violence in Punjab with his indomitable will and steadfastness culminating in his supreme sacrifice. On this day August 31, 1995, Beant Singh was assassinated. It was a fateful day for Punjab as well as the entire country. There can be a difference of opinion about this statement. To me it seems that he was destined to buy peace for Punjab and the Country even at the cost of his life and to bring peace to the strifetorn state of Punjab was the only mission of his life. He lived and died for this. When in 1992 Beant Singh took over as the Chief Minister of Punjab, The law and order situation here was worse than the present situation of Jammu and Kashmir. The entire Punjab was cringing with fear, Extortions and daily killings were the order of the day. No one was safe, everybody was scared. The government machinery had broken down under the constant threat of the militants. Many industrialists had shifted or were in the process of shifting to neighbouring states. The militants were almost running a parallel government in the state. It was difficult for anyone to ignore their dictates. At this critical juncture of violence and bloodshed, fear and scare there appeared one of the boldest sons of Punjab on the political scene as its saviour — Beant Singh. In 1992, when elections were declared the Akali Dal, the present ruling party of Punjab boycotted the elections under the pressure of militants. This was to save their own lives. The Congress and other opposition parties of Punjab contested the election. Hardly 20 per cent of voters dared to cast their votes. The Congress won the elections under the leadership of Beant Singh. He was elected its leader and took over as Chief Minister. Though the Akalis did not participate in the election, they were not prepared to accept the Congress government as the legitimately elected one, as it failed to get the mandate of the majority. In this situation, the first and the foremost task before Beant Singh was to secure legitimacy to his government. This could only be done by winning the confidence of the people. For this objective, he started reaching out to the people not only in towns and cities but also in the remote corners of rural Punjab. He geared up the government machinery and created confidence among the bureaucrats, ordinary people, villagers and party workers. On one hand he tried to legitimise his government and on the other, strengthened the roots of democratic forces. Prior to the Assembly elections, he was the president of the Punjab Congress party. During this period, and even after becoming Chief Minister, whenever any mishap occurred anywhere in any part of the state, he rushed to that place, deeply consoled and sympathised with the grieving families and shared their agony. He also provided financial help wherever it was needed. With these efforts he mobilised the people at large, party men and other activists to work for the establishment of peace in Punjab. He activated the entire government machinery, especially the top bureaucracy, instructed and persuaded them to listen to the grievances of the common people and solve them at the earliest. To what extent he succeeded in this struggle is a matter of opinion. But one thing was crystal clear: he succeeded in legitimising his government which was elected on a thin majority mandate. He was determined to bring normalcy in the state by using all available possible means. Once, in the last month of the year 1992, I got an opportunity to meet him in Punjab Bhavan in Delhi. During our conversation, I talked to him about the problem of militancy. I was anxious to know if there were any efforts to establish contact with the militant leaders so that they could be persuaded to join the mainstream. Beant Singh firmly replied that their experience showed that such efforts proved futile in the past, and certainly such efforts would not produce any positive results in the future too. I said then, “What could be the solution?” He, very emphatically, briefly and with full confidence said, “ We will crush them.” And so it happened. He was a man who could take decisions in all difficult situations. To fumble in critical situations was not his character. This quality enabled him to bring peace in the state though he lost his life in the end. This was the supreme sacrifice for the people of the state and the country. His opponents — the present Akali leadership — fearing the threat of militants had boycotted the elections. The present Akali rulers and those Akalis who are outside the government indulged in double speak. While sitting in their houses, they would abuse the militants and disapprove their activities, but outside they would attend their bhog ceremonies and stand in the forefront to appeasing them. Privately, they admitted that if they had participated and won the elections, it was difficult for them to deal with the militants the way Beant Singh dealt with. Therefore, to bring peace in the state was not their cup of tea. Only Beant Singh had the capacity to do that. Before his assuming the charge of the affairs of the state as Chief Minister, Punjab had undergone a long spell of central rule for as many as five years. This had literally alienated the people from the government and the spirit of democracy was completely mauled. Beant Singh was fully convinced that the democratic process can be established only if people rallied around and whole-heartedly stood against militancy. For this purpose, he welcomed the common people to his official residence and heard their grievances for hours and tried to give maximum relief as best as possible everyday. He was a man with prodigeous memory and could recall the names of all and sundry who had met, even years ago. He could easily establish a personal rapport with the people. And in this way, he was able to restore the confidence of the common people in his government. When Punjabi University Patiala approached him with the idea of holding the All India Science Congress at Patiala in 1996, he enthusiastically accepted the proposal. In this connection, Dr. U.R. Rao, a leading scientist of India, in his capacity as the president of the Science Congress visited Patiala to assess the capacity of the university to hold such a mega event. He said as many as 7,000 scientists and delegates from India and abroad were expected to attend the conference. It appeared difficult for the university to make full arrangements of lodging and boarding for the delegates and to provide proper lecture rooms and auditoriums for various academic sessions to be held during that period. Thus he expressed his apprehension about the capacity at a small place like Patiala. He emphatically told us if the Punjab Government assured full financial and all kinds of help to the university, the proposal of the university could be accepted. In this connection, he and his team of visiting colleagues wanted to meet the Chief Minister personally. The Chief Minister solemnly assured all sort of financial and other kind of help to make the conference a success. Beant Singh was so courteous that he personally came out with Dr. Rao and his colleagues to see them off in their car. Dr. Rao and his colleagues were extremely impressed by the courtesy extended to them by the Chief Minister. And they readily accepted the proposal. Thus as a result of his efforts All India Science Congress was held at Patiala in 1996. For this purpose he not only gave a grant of Rs 5 crore to the university, but also to ease the traffic from Patiala city to the university, he got constructed a four-lane road up to Bahadurgarh in the shortest possible period before the beginning of the science congress. All this showed his deep commitment to the cause of higher education in Punjab, especially the study of modern sciences. Though unluckily, we could not have the blessings of his presence at All India Science Congress because of his assassination a few months earlier, the entire credit for holding such a mega event for the first time in Punjab goes to him. He was the least interfering Chief Minister who gave full freedom to university authorities. Whenever he wanted to get some work done, he would never order but would try to present it in the form of a request. Twice or thrice, I had to express my inability to accept his recommendations but he always took it in his stride. He was very clear in his vision that mere establishment of peace alone in Punjab cannot ensure prosperity in the times to come. It must be supplemented with development efforts improving the economy of Punjab. Thus he was not a mere idealistic pacifist but a practical leader who could understand the soul and pulse of the people of Punjab. He repeatedly stated that the next elections in the state could not be fought on the plank of peace but on the plank of economic development. The Akalis seem to have forgotten the focus of Beant Singh’s economic vision and hence the economic stagnation in the state. For the economic development in the state, he exploited all the resources and collected all the areas of revenue and taxes due to the people. He not only spent a hefty amount on development but also returned Rs 953 crores to the Central Government as an instalment of the outstanding loan of Rs 8500 crores. After this payment, the remaining amount was waived by the Centre. He persuaded the Prime Minister during his visit to Punjab to declare the waiving off the loan. This was a big achievement on his part. No doubt, outwardly he looked a simple, sober and quiet person but inwardly, he was a man of resolute will, courage and confidence. He always believed in playing the game of aggressive politics. His forceful fight in Gidderbaha byelections and his holding a massive political rally at the native village of Jathedar Gurcharan Singh Tohra — the then President of the SGPC speaks volumes of his aggressive politics. When Justice Ajit Singh was detained on account of his provocative speeches delivered at different places on different occasions, I met the Chief Minister and tried to convince him that such an act was not necessary and hence uncalled for. He vehemently retorted that he would let him off provided he dared make provocative speeches at bhog functions of the innocent victims of terrorism. Few weeks after his assassination, I got a chance to visit the residence of the new Chief Minister of Punjab. It was thronged by newly appointed ministers and officials of the Congress party who were singing the glories of the new leader. All of them were nostalgic enough to recall the achievements of Partap Singh Kairon but no one remembered the achievement and supreme sacrifice of Beant Singh. On seeing their strange behaviour I was reminded of the famous words in Shakespeare’s Hamlet: “The great man down, You mark his favourite flies” The writer is a former Vice-Chancellor of Punjabi University, Patiala. |
Sino-Russian treaty: implications for
India THERE is only one country in the world which we can call a true friend of India. That country is Russia. Both sentiment and strategy have brought us together. But when that country goes for a treaty of friendship and cooperation with China, our enemy, how are we to take it? There can be no simple answer to this question. The Russian people had the highest admiration for the Indian people and their civilisation, which is why Lenin wanted Russia, China and India to work together to change the world. Obviously, he had a high opinion of both India and China. Soviet Russia tried to realise this dream by providing massive economic and military assistance to both China and India, when such assistance was not available from the West at any price. The idea was to tilt the balance of forces in favour of socialism. But could it be true that Moscow had a motive — that it wanted to become the supreme leader? The idea is ridiculous, for how can Moscow build up two powerful nations (one of them nuclear) and yet hope to dominate over them? No doubt, for Moscow, it was a great risk to build up the sinews of China, for China was a country with which it had many problems, including disputes over vast territories. In the event, China betrayed Moscow, and cut at the very root of the great socialist experiment in Russia. No argument, no plea, can excuse China of this perfidy. So today we are back to square one: how to reduce the power of America and Europe over the rest of the world? The sacrifices of a century were completely wasted. And the task has become more difficult. For this I hold China responsible. Russia and China are again trying to come close to each other. But the people of Russia still consider China as an enemy. They cannot forget the betrayal. (Don’t we feel the same way about China?) And yet reasons of state have brought them together. Recently, they concluded a Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation. This was to jointly oppose the pressures of the Bush administration, and not merely to resist the Bush plan to cancel the 1972 ABM Treaty. America is not provoked by the treaty. But Zbigniew Brzezinski was. (He was the National Security Adviser to President Carter.) He said that the Chinese would again use the Russian arms against the Russians. Such is the reputation of China! The treaty has military implications, for according to Russian Deputy Foreign Minister Aleksandr Losyukov, it “provides for swift joint action in case of an extraordinary situation or a threat to each other’s security.” Does this mean that they have entered into a military alliance? No. The Indo-Soviet Treaty also had a similar clause, calling for consultations in case of an extraordinary situation. But is there any prospect of an extraordinary situation? I do not think so. Today the USA is not a threat to Russia. In fact, as Russia is no more seen as an enemy, the Bush administration is planning to reduce its stock of nuclear warheads from 7,500 to 2,500 and re-target them. The main threat to America, it believes, comes from China and the “rogue” states. The US authorities say that the warheads aimed against Russia will be reduced by 50 per cent and the ones aimed against China will be raised by 100 per cent. There are other reasons to believe that a “new vista” has dawned in US-Russia relationship. It appears there is an agreement between the two on the need for a new system of global security. Perhaps the missile defence will become part of it. The NATO allies of America are opposed to Bush’s missile defence plan because it is an American monopoly. They do not want to become dependent on it. It will also mean redundancy or the nuclear weapons and missiles in the possession of Britain and France. Putin’s objection to missile defence is not because of technical reasons. Moscow has the technical ability to set up an anti-missile defence system. But it does not want to precipitate an arms race, which will ruin the Russian economy further. There are more sensitive issues. If the 1972 ABM Treaty remains in force, it is possible that the old plan to extend NATO to the East, to the Russian border, might be revived. This is what Putin can never allow to happen for fear of domestic repercussions. It is a greater priority for him to prevent this. That is why he has taken a soft line on Bush’s National Missile Defence (NMD). Perhaps he has secured an assurance from Bush that he (Bush) would not extend the NATO limit to the Russian border. Remember, after his first meeting with Putin, Bush described it as “incredibly constructive” — an unusual optimism! Both are expected to visit each other’s homes in this year for more private talks. All these explain why Washington’s response to the Sino-Russian treaty was on a low key. Bush has yet another reason. He does not want an economic crisis in Russia for it is feared that Russia might sell its lethal weapons for hard cash. This will destroy all the efforts to contain proliferation. China’s main concern is not about the scrapping of the ABM Treaty (though this is the impression it wants to create) but about the US threat to supply the theatre missile defence system to Taiwan. If this happens, it is feared, Taiwan might be tempted to declare itself independent of China, and the Chinese nuclear weapons and missiles may not deter Taiwan any more. So, the least the Chinese expect is an assurance from the USA that it will not supply theatre missile defence to Taiwan, Japan and South Korea. And yet, once America goes for NMD, there will be increasing demand for theatre defence from these countries. Will America take the risk of supplying theatre missile defence to these countries? I do not think it will take the risk of supplying the system to Taiwan. Remember, the annual trade turnover between the USA and China is now over $ 115 billion. No country, not even America, can spurn it and antagonise China. And let us not forget that as a major player in the Shanghai Five, China can disrupt the US efforts to get a foothold in Central Asia. But America can be expected to do everything to keep Taiwan and China apart. To conclude: do we see in all these any adverse developments against India? I do not. In fact, close cooperation between Russia and China can be helpful to India, with Russia as a restraining factor. And let us not forget that we have a “strategic partnership” with Russia. We should do nothing to damage the spirit of that agreement.
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Shimla |
Never say in weakness, "This task is too difficult". Perseverance will confer the ability to accomplish it. * * * Beware of leaving any work undone, remembering that the world abandons those who abandon their work unfinished. * * * The pride of profuse giving dwells only with the dignity of diligent effort. * * * Like the swordsmanship of an effeminate man, the philanthropy of those who avoid hard work will end in failure. * * * Standing like a pillar, he who prefers work to pleasure supports his family and sweeps away their every sad sorrow. * * * Perseverance generates prosperity, and the lack of it engenders poverty. * * * They say the black ogress called misfortune lurks in laziness, while Goddess fortune lingers In the labouring toilds of active men. * * * To be destitute of good fortune is no one's disgrace, but shame belongs to those devoid of wisdom and tenacity. * * * — The Tirukural, 611-620. Satguru Sivaya Subramuniyaswami's translation. * * * How mean am I when life gives me gold and I give you silver, and yet I deem myself generous. * * * The truly good is he who is one with all those who are deemed bad. * * * They spread before us their riches of gold and silver, of irony and ebony and we spread before them our hearts and our spirits; And yet they deem themselves the hosts and us the guests. * * * Once I spoke of the sea to a brook, and the brook thought me but an imaginative exaggerator; And once I spoke of a brook to the sea, and the sea thought me but a depreciative defamer. * * * The highest virtue here may be the least in another world. * * * When you sing the hungry hears you with his stomach. * * * Death is not nearer to the aged than to the new-born; neither is life. * * * The obvious is that which is never seen until someone expresses it simply. — Khalil
Gibran, Sand and Foam |
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