Monday, December 25, 2000, Chandigarh, India |
Red Fort
breached The
politics of iftar |
|
|
Need
for a National Audit The Singapore success
story
Who is the
boss?
Women’s
empowerment through radio
Battle
between citizens’ lungs and workers’ stomachs
|
Need for a National Audit ECONOMICALLY, we are one of the poorest. Ethically, we are one of the most corrupt. Today, this nation of a billion faces a crisis of character. There is need for a national audit. We can boast of a rich cultural heritage. Ours is the land of sages and scriptures. We have given the Vedas and the Upanishads to the world. But today we face a total devaluation of values. In the morning we pray. Then we look for a prey. Once upon a time we used to stand for principles. Today we fall for anything. No wonder, we praise the virtues of our ancestors. Probably, to hide the vices of the present generation. More than 50 years have passed since we attained Independence. Still poverty stalks the land. So many Five-Year Plans have been executed. Yet we face a resource crunch. We have a billion pairs of hands. We use these to beg and borrow. Periodically, our ministers go beyond the shores of our country. To get aid. We are always requesting. For more and more. From everyone. And everywhere. Shamefacedly. It does not even seem to hurt our sense of national pride. Have we lost all feeling of self-respect? Why? Where have we gone wrong? Who have failed us? The people? The laws? Our judicial system? Or our leaders? How can we remedy the wrong? After Independence we have given unto ourselves a “constitution”. It embodies the hopes and aspirations of the people. It lays down the do’s and don’ts for the state. It delineates the duties of the people. It aims at eradicating the social evils. It promises a society based on justice — social, economic and political — where the individual’s person and property are protected. Yet nobody is satisfied. We continue to have problems. In every sphere. Even those who have to run the administration are mostly fighting in courts. And speaking frankly. Why not? What can equality mean to the people who cannot provide two square meals a day to their families? How can we claim to do justice when the people are not free from want and fear? We have too much of poverty. And too many problems. We have too many kids. But too few schools. Too many men. Too few homes. Too many who are old and sick. But too few hospitals. Too many people. Too little to eat. We have too many civil servants. We pay too much of salary. But for too little of service. Too many laws. Too many rules and regulations. Too many cases. Too much of delay. Too little of justice. We face a crisis of numbers. A possible asset has become a permanent liability. It is a crisis of our own making. If we want a change, we must check the numerical growth. Strict measures are necessary. Hard decision, which may not be populist, have to be taken. We should make a law which should debar everyone with more than two children from holding any public office or civil post. The benefits for weaker sections should be available only to the families that observe the code of numbers. Then, we have developed no work culture. For us, work is no longer worship. It is a burden. The labour does not labour. It is often on strike. The workmen do not work. The managers do not manage. The directors give no direction. The leader do not lead. The industry does not produce. Not doing has been really our undoing. Thanks to our policy of liberalisation, foreign goods are a common sight in our stores. Like the Reebok shoes. These are sold in India. In almost every city. But all made in Indonesia. Canon cameras. Made in Korea. Why? Our labour laws provide the clue and the cause. If I have an itch, I have got to scratch. If we wish to prosper, we have to develop a work culture. It is a national imperative. The entire nation has to realise this. We are also highly intolerant. Not of the intolerable alone. Of everything opposed to our own view. We wage a war. Against ourselves. We damage and destroy. Cars are smashed. Buses are burnt. Valuable public property is wasted. Very often, without any cause or provocation. We must realise that it is violence to ourselves. It is selfdestruction. It is very difficult to build. Any fool can destroy. This mad destruction must attract the nation’s severest wrath. Deterrent punishment should be provided. That shall be the only way to do justice to the unjust. We need to have a look at our system of education. Today we are producing only job-seekers. Not nation-builders. Mainly pen pushers. Not patriots. We must take corrective steps. Character building should be the main if not the sole objective of education. We must imbue the young minds with old values of “tap” and “tyag”. Hard and honest work. Selfless sacrifice. Only then can we hope to rebuild this nation. We face the curse of corruption. At all levels. The existing law has been invariably invoked to catch the small fry. To check the petty corruption of the poor. Of peons and patwaris. The big fish invariably escape. It must be implemented equally and effectively. In fact, the existing law needs to be given more teeth. It must be realised that an ill-gotten rupee taints the entire property. All the family assets should escheat to the State. We must amend the law to make a specific provision in this behalf. We are hypocrites. We worship God. But we torture man. We must lay down a code of conduct. For ourselves. For all people of India. For everyone. To observe rigorously. The chapter on duties in the Constitution should not remain a pious wish. Each one of us must realise that every right carries with it a solemn duty. The right to wages should be dependent upon the doing of work. We can claim services from the State only after we pay the taxes. Violation of the code should attract penalty. And it should be enforced ruthlessly. Above all, we must remember that governments, laws and law courts cannot solve all the problems. We may have a government of one party or another till we run out of the alternatives. We may make laws till there is a shortage of parchment and pens in the world. Yet we may not have done enough to restore the old values. Or to help the poor and the needy. The foundations of an austere and honest existence, of good governance, have to be laid in the hearts of men. The habits of hard work and honest labour must be built in the minds of people. And we must also remember that the moral fibre always percolates from the top to the bottom. Everyone, not the leaders only, must set a personal example. The people trust their eyes more than their ears. And if we set good examples, nothing shall be difficult. We have the potential. Our scientists have worked hard. They have put our satellites in the outer space. They have also given us effective means for ensuring our national security. We are a member of the exclusive ‘nuclear club’ of the world. We have the knowledge and the means to even reach the moon. It does not matter how tall our ancestors were. We have to grow up on our own. We can make no progress unless we work hard. Controlling the numbers, developing a work culture and restoring the old values are important milestones. Each Indian has to help. Wholeheartedly. Only then can we move forward on the road to progress and achieve the goal of justice and equality. Within our lifetime. |
The Singapore success story I MUST have first come to Singapore (where I am at the moment), some 30 or so years ago. It was then not so very different from India, with a great deal of poverty and lots of dirt. Since then I have been to this island nation four or five times over the last three decades. On the last occasion, in 1992, the Singapore Tourist Board looked after me. They were eager to show off the city to me. And they had much to show off: The glittering shopping malls, particularly on the famed Orchard Road, the old historical parts of the city, beautifully maintained, Chinatown and Little India, with their distinctive temples and styles of architecture. There were also the botanical gardens and Sentosa island, where you could while away the entire day at the various amusement parks and shows. The stunning aquarium, Waterworld, probably among the best in the world, has always stuck in my mind. I was taken on the public transport, the buses and the railways which traversed the city so efficiently. I also vividly remember taking a taxi ride to my hotel. The taxi-driver, took a wrong detour (I would have been none the wiser, since I did not know the city). On my arrival at my hotel, he told me that he was going to charge me less than the meter showed because of the wrong turning that he had taken! I was completely taken aback. I cannot think of any other city where you could find such honest taxi drivers, certainly not in Mumbai or Delhi. As I said, I have been to Singapore several times over a span of some three decades. Every time, the city has looked better, more prosperous, and the people just as honest. There is very little crime in Singapore. You can walk the streets and use the public transport, without bothering about pick-pockets, touts and muggers, as you have to do in most big cities in the world. The financial crisis which hit most of South-East and Far-East Asia a couple of years ago, somehow bypassed Singapore. The island-nation has continued to record economic growth rates upwards of 8 per cent, among the highest in the world. As a result of such continued growth, year after year, from being one of the poorest areas in the world in the 1950s, it has become one of the richest. What I find most admirable about the place is its ethnic mix and how all the races live in communal harmony, proving that when people are doing well and working hard, there is less to divide them. The majority, around three quarters of the population, are ethnically Chinese, with Malays and Indians (mostly Tamils), constituting about 20 per cent of the population, the rest being what are called “expatriates”, that is those who are there temporarily in Singapore on work (which includes quite a few Indians). The only complaints I have heard from those who have lived here for some time is that Singapore can get quite “boring”. There isn’t too much cultural life, simply because everybody is busy making money. Singapore, like Hong Kong, and to some extent, the United Arab Emirates as well, are huge success stories of good old fashioned capitalism. But unlike Hong Kong, which has always had quite a bit of crime and where the underworld has always been active, in Singapore, the authorities come down on law-breakers with a very heavy hand. Corruption, even petty corruption, is rare. The country’s civil servants are paid enormous salaries, unlike in India where they are paid a pittance and thereby become vulnerable to bribery and venality. Foreign investment is welcomed with open arms and the red carpet unrolled for investors. There is the downside. I mentioned boredom. There is also a strong streak of puritanism which can be somewhat offputting, but which the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) would approve of. Films are rigorously censored and unorthodox behaviour stamped on. You can be fined heavily if you litter in public. Criticism of the authorities in the press can have serious repercussions. If you lose your job, for whatever reason, and are not a citizen of Singapore, you are given 14 days to leave the country. The message is clear: a non-Singaporean is here only to work or as a tourist, not for any other reason. The heavy hand of Mr Lee Kuan Yew, the man who made Singapore the success story it is but who had the thinnest of skins where criticism of his policies was concerned, remains stamped firmly on the country, though he has long retired as Prime Minister (he remains active in public life as a “senior minister”). He imparted a sense of discipline in the people — Chinese, Malays, Indians and expatriates — that is both admirable, yet a little frightening. In the three days I was in Singapore, I happened to read Arundhati Roy’s emotional diatribe against privatisation and globalisation in a recent issue of Outlook. I can just see how she would react to Singapore and its success story, a success story made almost entirely through privatisation and globalisation — and, of course, sheer hard work and discipline. She would call the people “deculturised” and “Americanised”. And, to some extent, she would be right. But Singapore has got rid of poverty and dirt while giving its people a higher standard of life than any other country outside the West and Japan. Isn’t that what humanity is at least partly about? |
Who is the boss? THE question “Who is the boss?” is not easily answered as it has many dimensions. Is the boss the one who is in-charge of an organisation and tells others what to do? Is it the paymaster, who gives wages and has the authority to hire and fire? Or, the one to make every important decision, leaving implementation to the rest? Or, the person, whose charisma, of strength, intellect, beauty, or accomplishment, is so irresistible, as to compel deference? Indeed, where and how to find the person or the entity with the power to wield the whip, call the shots, rule the root and pull the wires? Let us examine. For long, man had given himself the airs that he was the boss at home, or its managing director, to use the current jargon. As the family’s bread winner, protector and purveyor he got used to being regarded as its unquestioned master. But, times have since changed. Woman is now leaving the backyard and coming to the fore. She has begun to assert herself. She has given ample evidence of her capacity to combine mind with mettle and hold any position with dignity. It should, therefore, surprise nobody if, increasingly, it is the wife who fixes the decor of the house, chooses the annuals to be grown, prepares the list of guests to be invited, decides the menu to be served, even the merchandise to be purchased and the relations to be visited. There is a difference, though. The new boss is gentle of mien but firm of command, slow to promise but stern of resolve, and knows full well how to procure obedience and chasten dissent. A story is told about the taming of man by the better half. A factory in the USA, for some strange reason, hired only married men. On receiving perplexed queries about this preference, the manager explained: “You see, we like our employees to obey orders without demur, get pushed around uncomplainingly, and keep their mouths shut when yelled at. Only married men, by habit, can fill the bill”. Peter Dunne echoes the same idea but in his own characteristic manner: “Many a man that could rule a hundred million strangers with an iron hand is careful to take off his shoes in the front hallway when he comes home late at night”. Even the mighty Caesar lay prostrate before the imperious charm and enervating presence of Cleopatra. The dilemma of the boss at home has another aspect. It is a delusion that one can lord over the maidservant, the cook, the mali, the charwoman, or the driver. These creatures, if you fire them, can find another employer in no time, but you will be hard put to search their replacement. Gradually, wisdom dawns on you, and you begin to recognise another seat of power, if you want your kitchen clean, garden trim, house in order, and life to schedule. You also learn to tolerate unannounced off-days, forget broken pots, humour sullen moods, and eat every humble pie, but never ever to throw about your weight or boss around. On the office front chain of command is so tortuous, authority so diffused, and power so circumscribed that it is difficult to lay hands on the boss. He is so very elusive. The orders issued with fanfare, by one boss, are undone by his superior, or by the courts. The high bureaucrat is at the beck and call of the politician. The minister occupies his august office at the pleasure of the chief executive. And politicians of all hues, put together, never tire themselves or saying that the people are the ultimate masters, and that it is their verdict which is paramount. Who, in all this rigmarole, pray tell me, is the boss? Truly speaking, man is not even his own boss. Every time he is impelled by one desire or the other. Some are slave to the stomach, some to beauty, others crave for a drink, yet one more drink. As the English bishop Hall says: “The proud man would have honour; the covetous man, wealth and abundance; the malicious man, revenge on his enemies; the epicure, pleasure and long life; the barren, children; the wanton, beauty”. But the satisfaction man seeks is always absent, and the happiness he aims at, illusory. Starting as a vainglorious hero and the master of all he surveyed, he ends up a lackey of his own yearnings. So, what is the conclusion? Simply this, my friend! Thank the Lord for His myriad blessings, obey His will, and give up all notions of being a lord, or the boss you wanted to be. For, He is the supreme Boss, the final Arbiter, the benign Bestower, commanding the most fidelity and the most love. |
Women’s empowerment through radio ALMOST half the population of India, meaning women, has grown faster in the developmental activities in the last five decades. The government and NGOs have worked hard to make them reach this status but, Radio has played a significant role by entering into their houses and being their intimate friend by imparting education, information and entertainment and transforming them from a weaker sex to being self-sufficient and independent. The programmes directed at women listeners cover subjects related to socio-economic development of women, health and family welfare, food and nutrition, scientific home management, women entrepreneurship, education, including adult education, etc. These programmes also aim at creating wide social awareness about rights and privileges of women through the propagation of legal literacy. Topics like women’s education formal/informal, legislation for improvement in the status of women, employment opportunities for women form an integral part of the programmes. These broadcasts are both utilitarian and informative and women listeners look forward at specific timings to listening to these programmes specifically designed for them. Almost all the primary channel stations, about 186, spread over in the country, broadcast women’s programmes. Allahabad station broadcasts Grihlakshmi, Ghar Angan, and Panghat everyday. Rampur Station broadcasts Anchal programme for women twice in a week. Dharmshala Station in Himachal Pradesh broadcasts Mahila Sabha once a week. Ahmednagar in Maharashtra broadcasts programmes once in a week under the title Mahila Jagat. Sambalpur Station Orissa broadcasts Ghar Sansar thrice a week. Dhule and Akola stations of Maharashtra under the titles Stree Sakhi, Nagpur broadcasts Vanita Viswa, Obra in Uttar Pradesh broadcasts Grih Lakshmi, Grihini and Apna Ghar and Mahila Sansar. In this way all the stations include women’s programme in their broadcast. All India Radio strives, through its programmes, to seek to raise the social consciousness of the country in regard to various problems of women. These programmes essentially project various problems of women with reference to their status and poverty and suggest possible solutions. Adequate care is taken during the production of programmes for women to avoid sensationalism instead, the women listeners are exposed to various schemes and projects aimed at their socio-economic development. Their rights and privileges are frequently spelled out in clear terms. All these programmes are prepared in local languages for better understanding and comprehension by every section of women’s community. The programmes directed at rural women cover all the above aspects, besides the subjects related to the participation of rural women in agriculture, dairy, poultry, fisheries, etc.
(Grassroots) Feeling in control Older adults who feel that they have control over the role they most value — be it homemaker, provider or volunteer — may live longer than adults who feel less in control, researchers report. According to findings published in the December issue of Psychology and Aging, people who felt in control of the roles they most value were more likely to report healthy lifestyle habits such as exercising and not smoking. On the other hand, adults who felt that they did not have such control were more likely to be obese, drink alcohol and smoke. They were also more likely to die prematurely, the report indicates. “When we are able to perform a role well, for example, be a good provider, it gives us a sense of satisfaction and meaning,” lead author Dr Neal Krause, a psychologist from the University of Michigan in Ann Arbor, said in an interview with Reuters Health. He explained that people who feel in control believe they can handle problems that arise and that the plans they make will be realised. While there is no way to make older people feel in control, it is possible to encourage adults to become fully engaged in the roles they most value, Krause said. For example, the belief that aging is a time of inevitable decline might lead people to go out of their way to do things for older people, which can undermine their sense of independence and control. “Active engagement in highly valued roles should promote feelings of control, and feelings of control are good for one’s health and longevity,” he added. The study included 884 retired US adults aged 65 and older who ranked eight roles in order of importance.
(Reuters) |
Battle between citizens’ lungs and workers’ stomachs THE nation’s capital is being cleaned up under court orders, leaving behind a trail of confusion, bitterness and dismay. Polluting industries, non-conforming areas, closure, relocation — never before has ill-defined bureaucratic and legal jargon, backed by the sledgehammer of contempt, had greater impact on the daily lives of millions of citizens, for better or worse. Whether it is Indira Gandhi’s 20-point programme, as forcible and brittle as the emergency, or — on a widely different plane of intent and endeavour — the Supreme Court’s decade-old environmental crusade in Delhi, all reform campaigns in India run the risk of being translated to the masses by a bureaucratic machinery that is pervasively corrupt, inept and insensitive. Judicial action in aid of the environment tends, in fact, to oscillate between two extremes. Total dismissiveness towards official (in)action, on the one hand, and implicit reliance on the same officialdom, on the other. The dividing line, or the swing of the pendulum from one end to the other, is marked as in Delhi by judicial threat(s) of contempt action. For all their commitment to ecology, a commitment that is writ large over an unending flow of decisions and orders issued in varying contexts during the past one decade and more, the courts appear however to be oblivious to this contradiction. Yet it is a contradiction which touches the heart of the problem in Delhi, a metropolis as unplanned as history itself and the very opposite of an urban idyll (such as Chandigarh) that has grown out of nowhere. “City planners plan cities,” wrote Dunu Roy in The Hindustan Times on November 24, “they do not make them. Cities have their own organic logic of growth. Different interests compete with each other to make the city the way they want it to be for their own survival. Those planners who fail to see this central truth end up by catering to the needs of those whose interests are most powerful. Nothing illustrates this better than the history of the city of Delhi....” Director of Hazards Centre, a technical support group for community and mass organisations, Roy traced Delhi’s growth from the late 1940s, when 4½ lakh refugees arrived almost overnight, to the Asiad boom of the eighties — when huge stadia, roads, hotels, flyovers, offices, apartments and colonies were constructed in complete violation of the 1962 Master Plan then in force. It was in 1985, soon after the Asiad Games, that environmental activist and advocate M.C. Mehta filed a public interest petition in the Supreme Court which ultimately culminated in the recent direction to relocate all polluting industries and industries in “non-conforming” or residential areas in Delhi, to areas outside the capital. The petition, says Dunu Roy in his HT article, offering an expert analysis, could logically have focused on planning violations by the government itself, such as the refugee resettlement of the ’50s, the select regularisation of unauthorised colonies in the ’70s, and the Asiad boom of the ’80s. It could also have discussed, he adds, the root causes of the environmental degradation in Delhi — such as non-provision of space for industries and workers (in the sixties), the forced eviction of 1½ lakh squatter families from the city to its periphery and the subsequent death of 1500 amongst them in a cholera epidemic (in the seventies), and the huge growth of private vehicles in the eighties. Instead, the petition highlighted the existence of hazardous industries in the city, “many of which pre-dated the (city’s) First Master Plan itself.” The judicial tendency to view the Master Plan as an ahistorical document, as an unalterable source of civic planning and development, underlies in fact much of the present problem in Delhi and the way it is being tackled. It would (I believe) neither be unfair to the Supreme Court nor an exaggeration in itself to state that in its endeavour to clean up the nation’s capital by removing polluting industries and industries from non-conforming areas, the court has accorded to the city’s Master Plan a kind of fixity and respect that even some provisions of the Constitution of India have failed to evoke. “There is invariably a wide chasm between the real world and the (world of the) drawing board where plans are evolved,” writes bureau chief Sukumar Muralidharan in the latest, December 22 issue of the Frontline magazine devoted to the problem. There may be no cause, he says, to submit to the realities of an unplanned and uncoordinated scheme of development. It would be equally unreasonable, however, to believe that a recalcitrant reality could be coerced into a pre-ordained course of development. The situation in Delhi today, he maintains (and I am inclined to agree), focuses attention on some of the “inherent irrationalities of using judicial fiat to settle complex matters of public importance.” Not the least important of these ‘“inherent” failings is lack of systemic thinking. Or what leading Supreme Court lawyer and former academic, Rajeev Dhavan, a known supporter of judicial activism, prefers to call “schematic” or systematic thinking. The bane of M.C. Mehta’s petitions, argues Dhavan in an incisive article “Turmoil in Delhi” published by The Hindu on December 1, “has always been to identify a problem without giving any systematic thought to the solution.” All the solutions have to be devised by Judges, faced with a recalcitrant administration and inadequate data, knowledge and experience. A signal feature of public interest litigation (PIL), he said, is expert schematic investigation and oversight. Schematic relief involves realistic relief for complex situations. This is not an easy task, still less for the court to take on single-handed. The problem with the Delhi pollution case, he said, was that the Supreme Court was (and is) over-committed to a policy of shutdown and relocation. In doing so, the court seems to have ignored its own wise policy of evolving practical, comprehensive, realistic and equitable schemes — even when faced with gross illegalities. The worst hit by this failure to evolve schematic, equitable relief are the workers employed in the polluting units, as is now generally acknowledged on all sides. Their number runs into lakhs. The immediate victims of industrial pollution — they work in the very factories or workshops which pollute — they are also the first casualty of industrial closure and relocation. Suffering double injury, first in the event of pollution, and then in the event of the removal of pollution, they remain unwept and unsung in an otherwise blazing jurisprudence of the environment which springs from no specific legal source and knows no definite legal boundaries. |
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