E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

A status quo verdict 
THE political equation remains dismayingly unchanged in Sri Lanka. People’s Alliance “strongman” Chandrika Kumara-tunga must be bitter that the electorate has not given her a two-thirds majority to rewrite the Constitution. Her main opponent, Mr Ranil Wickre-mesinghe, is sore that his United National Party has not been reinstated in power which it lost in 1994.

One more Nehru-Gandhi
THE high profile launch of 20-year-old Feroze Varun Gandhi's book titled "The Otherness of Self" in Delhi reflected both the poetry of politics and the politics of poetry in abundant measure. Normally books are released, but this one was literally launched. 

OPINION

FRESH QUESTIONS ON J & K
Limits of private initiative
by Salman Haidar
A RECENT seminar in Srinagar has drawn fresh attention to the many issues that still simmer and boil in Jammu and Kashmir. The seminar was one in a series organised by the Kashmir Foundation for Peace and Development Studies. This valley-based institution seeks to build bridges by bringing together local persons with a group from outside J & K, including the writer of this article, to engage in on open-ended and unconstrained discussion on new questions. 

What to grow and where
by G.S. Dhillon
THE current glut of paddy in the mandis and purchases not being done at the desired pace have led to the blocking of national highways and rail traffic by irate farmers at many places. Where the purchases are done, difficulties are experienced by the purchase agencies as the stock being marketed does not conform to the specifications prescribed though these have been reviewed.

MIDDLE

Delhi in autumn
by O.P. Bhagat
NO, it is not the time of falling leaves. In autumn the leaves do turn yellow and russet and fall, but that is in the high hills. In Delhi, or for that matter anywhere in the plains, it is different. All the trees and shrubs are green, and some of them bloom at this time.

If strike we must, strike now
By M.S.N. Menon
WILL India and Russia join forces against the Taliban? Will they make a pre-emptive strike? Is the time right for it? And also the circumstances? The Putin visit has naturally thrown up these questions.

Gates happy spending son’s money
A child who is hooked on computers, who sneaks out in the dead of night to go to the computer centre and gets in with a gang who live and breathe computers, might normally be a worry to his parents.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

A status quo verdict 

THE political equation remains dismayingly unchanged in Sri Lanka. People’s Alliance “strongman” Chandrika Kumara-tunga must be bitter that the electorate has not given her a two-thirds majority to rewrite the Constitution. Her main opponent, Mr Ranil Wickre-mesinghe, is sore that his United National Party has not been reinstated in power which it lost in 1994. The once militant Jatiya Vimukthi Peramuna has reasons to be happy that it has for the first time won some seats (10) to enter Parliament. The Tamil parties continue to be both divided and irrelevant, although numerically (more than 16 per cent of the population) they can command greater respect. A splintered polity is particularly bad news in the island republic which is convulsed in a bloody civil war for more than 13 years. President Kumaratunga, who retained her position earlier this year, tabled a radical devolution package to win over the estranged Tamil minority but could not drum up the necessary two-thirds majority of 150 votes. She had consulted all political parties, including the UNP, but the opposition went back on its promise afraid of a Sinhala backlash spearheaded by Buddhist monks and the essentially southern-based JVP. The UNP made the constitutional reforms the main plank of its election campaign but it failed to click. Mrs Kumaratunga now has two options. She can claim popular support for her proposals by pointing out that not only her party was not defeated in the Monday poll but her alliance has marginally increased its tally to 107 from 104 in the dissolved House. Two, armed with this argument she can convert Parliament into a Constitutional Assembly and get the legislation through. A Constitutional Assembly can introduce changes in the statute by a simple majority while a Parliament will need a two-thirds majority. The UNP has warned that it will oppose any such strategy both through street demonstrations and by approaching the Supreme Court. The court had upheld the constitutional validity of the Bill but not the idea of converting the elected body mainly to overcome the numbers deficiency

President Kumaratunga should banish that thought from her mind. For one thing, the threatened agitation may spin out of control and engulf much of the southern provinces. Further, it will needlessly drag the monks into politics and communalise the situation, which in turn will alienate the minority groups. There is an alternative and that is to hold a referendum. This time she seems to have secured slightly less than 47 per cent of the votes polled; but when she contested the presidential election she romped home with a comfortable 52 per cent vote. In a referendum the issue will be straight calling for yes or no and all smaller parties will be absent. In the overall picture of the verdict, there are several indications that a good majority of people support the amendments. Anyway, in a democracy going to the people again and again is a healthy practice. These changes are the first step in ending the LTTE depredations in the northern and eastern parts. Not that mere adoption of the proposals will automatically end the civil war but it will mark a giant step in paving the way for eventual peace. The present lull in the fighting in Jaffna enables the country to think of the old problems in an unemotional frame of mind which should normally favour an early cessation of violence. That and a reasonably satisfactory verdict point to a referendum and not cutting constitutional corners. 

One more Nehru-Gandhi

THE high profile launch of 20-year-old Feroze Varun Gandhi's book titled "The Otherness of Self" in Delhi reflected both the poetry of politics and the politics of poetry in abundant measure. Normally books are released, but this one was literally launched. There could even be a debate on whether the purpose of the function at India International Centre was actually to announce the arrival of a literary genius from the famous house of Nehru-Gandhi or the emergence of a new centre of power within the country's number one political dynasty. No one from 10 Janpath turned up for the event which saw the "who is who" of the country line up to bless the potential "rashtra kavi", a position currently occupied by Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee, because no one was evidently invited. Ms Maneka Gandhi, who was at her charming best while receiving guests dropped the broadest of broad hints, when needled by the media, that she did not want to spoil the party for her son by having unwelcome visitors. Feroze Varun became an instant celebrity, even before the book of poems was read and commented upon, not merely because he is as much part of the dynasty as his cousins Priyanka and Rahul. The opportunity came in handy for the political class to send an unsubtle message to Mrs Sonia Gandhi — the aunt who never got the opportunity to bless nephew Varun. For the forgotten Sanjay Gandhi brigade the launch of the book was an opportunity for reliving the unconstitutional glory of the past. Union ministers Sushma Swaraj, Suresh Prabhu, Arun Jaitley and Arun Shourie may have been present at the function as Ms Maneka Gandhi's colleagues. But Mr Jagmohan came not because he too is a minister, but because he was once with Sanjay Gandhi. A number of BJP leaders were present for much the same reason.

But a beaming Amar Singh of the Samajwadi Party turned up not because he respects Ms Maneka Gandhi, but because he hates Mrs Sonia Gandhi more. The message he was probably trying to convey was that he would rather be seen with saffron than the faded tricolour of the flag of the once glorious Indian National Congress. The socialites, which included some writers, painters, scientists and musicians, showed up because their social survival depends on showing off by showing up at such functions. But 10 Janpath is not likely to take kindly to the presence of a large number of Congressmen at the party organised by the "other bahu", thrown out of 1 Safdarjung Road by Indira Gandhi after her husband's death. Chacha Sitaram Kesri has no political dreams left, which he could have realised by avoiding the company of the most controversial woman in the eyes of those close to the 10 Janpath darbar. He even saw in the young poet the image of the first Prime Minister of India. However, a galaxy of senior and politically active Congressmen, who attended the party, perhaps, wanted to convey to10 Janpath that they would rather "sup with the enemy" than remain on board the sinking ship she is steering to nowhere. Mr Jitendra Prasada, Mr Vasant Sathe, Mr R. K. Dhawan and Mr Kapil Sibal were among the Congressmen who blessed Feroze Varun Gandhi. They knew that they could get away by attending a function hosted by the ousted bahu of the Nehru-Gandhi dynasty. It is too early to say whether the arrival of poet Varun would ultimately result in the birth a politician who would claim ownership of the dented crown of the dynasty and reinvent the Congress as a potent force. The fact that some "Congress Magi" brought gifts for the "infant poet" does indicate the rise of another Nehru-Gandhi star on the political sky.

FRESH QUESTIONS ON J & K
Limits of private initiative
by Salman Haidar

A RECENT seminar in Srinagar has drawn fresh attention to the many issues that still simmer and boil in Jammu and Kashmir. The seminar was one in a series organised by the Kashmir Foundation for Peace and Development Studies. This valley-based institution seeks to build bridges by bringing together local persons with a group from outside J & K, including the writer of this article, to engage in on open-ended and unconstrained discussion on new questions. It is thus a valuable forum for exchanging views and forming opinions.

Recognising that development activity in the state needs to be revitalised, the foundation had commissioned some studies for the seminar. One of these addressed the key areas of tourism and apple cultivation, where the impact of militancy has been most damaging. A number of useful proposals came out, were discussed and will doubtless illuminate future policy development. There was also a challenging report on human rights violations in the state. This report, while extensively documenting the conduct of official agencies, also looks at the violations committed by the militants, an aspect of the human rights situation in J & K that is too often ignored. No less relevant is a third report that looks at the relief and rehabilitation meausres now required in the state. Together, these expert presentations chart steps that can be taken to improve the citizens’ lives, notwithstanding the troubled conditions.

A fourth set of issues relates to political dialogue. As may be expected, especially in a place as acutely politicised as Srinagar, there was plenty of heat and vigour in the discussions. One of the topics to claim attention was the issue of autonomy. This works at many levels. There is the well-known autonomy resolution passed by the J & K Assembly earlier this year which was brusquely rejected by the Centre. This is currently out of sight but not out of mind. Within the state, it is the issue of regional autonomy that claims greater attention. Even while the state Assembly seeks space of its own from the Centre, the Jammu and Ladakh regions want no less from Srinagar. Trifurcation among the regions has become the watchword.

These are well-worn issues on which a pressing discussion has been catalysed by recent events, including the report on regional autonomy released by the state government. This report sets out to divide the state into no less than eight segments for the purpose of regional-devolution, thereby opening a Pandora’s box of troubles. There are indeed numerous sub-regions in J & K with distinct ethnic and geographic features. But to come up with a proposal to make each of them into an autonomous entity seems designed as a reductio ad absurdum of the whole concept of regional autonomy within the state.

Smart move, perhaps, but it has not taken the heat out of the demand. In the Jammu region, the demand has become more vocal. There are some ominous signs of readiness to use more direct measures to press the claim for a separate state. If you ask the old hands, they shrug: they’ve seen all this before. But there is no mistaking the determined mood of some of the proponents of statehood for Jammu.

In this season of new states all over the country, a state of Jammu may not seem to amount to much. But there are complications. The trifurcation of J & K would look very much like a division along communal lines. Minority groups may take fright and move out to join their co-religionists. Add a touch of coercion and a dash of violence, the unburied ghosts of Partition can easily make a return, not in the immediate region but all over the country. That risk must be avoided at all costs. Less drastic measures than trifurcation are needed to meet the legitimate demands of J & K‘s regions.

A visit to a camp for Pandits displaced from the valley was a dispiriting affair. The best equipped with resources and skills from among this group have been able to strike out for themselves. Those who remain are the less well-equipped, uncertain of their capacity to handle fresh challenges and doomed to the apathy and emptiness of life in a camp. From being proud and useful citizens they are today dependants of the state, whose generosity is limited and whose capacity to take them back to their dwelling places in the valley is virtually non-existent. Frustration forces them to demand better facilities. While they attract strong sympathy, no viable solution to their problems is presently to be discerned.

On to Srinagar where outwardly things seem normal. People saunter through the bazars. The shops are bursting with merchandise, shikaras ply on the Dal Lake, traffic piles up on the roads. Yet close beneath the surface, resentment and insecurity become visible. The public’s lack of confidence in the authorities, whether of the Centre or the state, cannot be disguised — call it alienation. Fear and bitterness caused by the security presence are everywhere to be seen. Not that the militants draw much sympathy: there are few to back them. Militancy has become an occupational hazard for those who live in the valley. It can strike anyone, anytime. One takes one’s chance. Each strike elicits a response from the security forces, maybe a search operation, and adds to the overbrimming reservoir of remembered animosity. There is a sense of an oppressed and cowed population.

The most encouraging recent development was the ceasefire between the Hizb-ul-Mujahideen and the security forces. For the week that it lasted people were relaxed and hopeful, savouring the more easeful life it made possible. In the event, it was a short-lived hope, yet it seems to have left a residue. If it could happen once, why not again, and this time on a firmer basis.

Putting all this together, it was suggested at the seminar that the first task should be to revive the ceasefire. This can be done, but not without readiness to resume the dialogue between New Delhi and the Kashmiri parties that was beginning to take shape when the last effort was aborted by the Hizb. Many are sceptical about the prospects but no real alternative to dialogue can be envisaged. Most crucially, taking pointers from the last experience, it is necessary to resume dialogue with Pakistan. This may be controversial in view of the Centre’s steadfast — and understandable — demand for the cessation of cross- border violence by Pakistan as a precondition. Yet bilateral dialogue cannot ultimately be avoided and the Centre must prepare itself to grasp this nettle.

Private organisations can ultimately do little more than analyse and persuade, and there is no shortage of such groups in the context of J & K. What is notable about the Kashmir Foundation for Peace and Development Studies is that it is valley-based and provides a genuinely Kashmiri viewpoint. It has already begun to outline a programme and will undoubtedly attract wider attention as its activities develop and strengthen.

The writer is a former Foreign Secretary of India.

What to grow and where
by G.S. Dhillon

THE current glut of paddy in the mandis and purchases not being done at the desired pace have led to the blocking of national highways and rail traffic by irate farmers at many places. Where the purchases are done, difficulties are experienced by the purchase agencies as the stock being marketed does not conform to the specifications prescribed though these have been reviewed.

India’s current stock of foodgrains exceeds 420 lakh tonnes which is far in excess of the buffer stock limit. There is no space for the storage of the arrivals this year which are expected to exceed 250 lakh tonnes. This peculiar situation of the problem of plenty needs careful thought as to what must be done.

In Punjab, paddy arrivals may exceed 120 lakh tonnes this year. Credit for this is being given to free electricity for tubewells and free canal water supplied to the farmers in addition to the grant of 5000 connections on a emergency basis provided in the Muktsar and Malout areas, where due to waterlogging and increasing salinity, cotton growers faced huge losses. They were encouraged to go in for paddy cultivation instead. An increase in the paddy area by 30 per cent has been reported.

Though officially farmers are being asked to help in breaking the nexus of the paddy-wheat rotation cycle, they are not provided with an alternative which can compare well with the above crop rotation. The dilemma being faced by the farmers is what to grow and where. They want an alternative to the current paddy wheat rotation.

Some time ago the farmers of the region were asked to adopt sun-flower cultivation, and they were supplied imported hybrid seed kits. As the supplied seed was of the hybrid quality, the farmers could not keep their own seed and had to go in for the purchase of seed every time they wanted to grow the sun-flower crop. They adjusted to that, but when they brought their produce to the markets, they could not get the minimum support price. The glut was reported by the print media from Khanna and elsewhere. This ailment was there because the oil extracting mills for the sun-flower seed did not have enough capacity to tackle the stocks produced. So the farmers were told that the experiment had failed and they should go in for some other alternative. On the other hand, we continue to import edible oils to meet the national demand.

The farmers were then asked to adopt sugarcane cultivation. A large number of sugar mills were existing and more were proposed to be set up in the expected new sugarcane growing areas. But many of these mills turned bankrupt and could not pay for the sugarcane delivered. Some of the cooperative sugar mills were sold to private parties, but the situation did not improve. Most of the mills crushed sugarcane for a very shorter duration than the prescribed limit of 160 days in a year. So the farmers had to abandon this alternate as well.

With the coming in of the WTO regulations in March, 2001, the position of the farmers will become more difficult as they will have to compete with their counterparts in other countries not only in the matter of quality but also the sale price as the MSP (minimum support price) will no longer be a solution as it will have to be based on the world price of the crop.

While offering the alternatives to the farmers, the experts should look into the practice followed in some of the countries.

In the UK the farmers are asked before each crop season to submit the list of the crops to be grown field-wise. Such lists are compiled and viewed in the national perspective to see if any glut would result. In the cases where the crops desired to be grown are likely to produce a glut, the farmers are asked to keep their field fallow. For this, they are compensated financially by the government.

In the case of a few states in the USA, which are facing a water-table decline, certain areas are “retired from cultivation” for a specified period. The government pays the farmers for being on the “retired period”, and the compensation is viewed from the overall national perspective.

Let us examine that if the farmers in this region are also given the same alternative, will it be viable?

The amount of compensation to be paid to the farmers will have to be viewed against the following savings accruing:

• Savings in both groundwater and surface water or the canal water will be most noticeable. In the present context, both groundwater and surface water are being supplied free to the farmers, at the government’s cost. The alternate price to be considered should be equal to that being charged by the municipal corporation for the irrigation water supplied to clubs and large establishments or the rates charged to industrial units. The saving in electricity (for tubewells) will also get added to the overall savings effected.
• Due to the fact that the soil will receive much needed rest, it will help revive its lost health when it is kept fallow. The value on this account can be that suggested by our farm experts.
• The saving on account of less requirement of storage facilities can be worked out on the basis of the presently paid price for the godowns built, and the transport, supervision and other service charges.

The writer is the Water Resources Consultant, CII, Northern Region.

Delhi in autumn 
by O.P. Bhagat

NO, it is not the time of falling leaves. In autumn the leaves do turn yellow and russet and fall, but that is in the high hills.

In Delhi, or for that matter anywhere in the plains, it is different. All the trees and shrubs are green, and some of them bloom at this time.

Gone are the days of lingering heat and humidity. The mornings are cool, crisply cool. Also nice are the evenings. They promise more pleasant days ahead.

You feel like celebrating it. Indeed, our autumn is a festival time. Puja, Dasehra and Divali make for about a month of fun, gaiety and piety.

If in the cold countries it is spring-cleaning, in India it is autumn-cleaning. Rooms and verandahs have to be rid of the monsoon stains and smells. Some repairs are also necessary. Hence the white-washing and painting.

For days before the festivals craftsmen work on the image of Durga. Others make effigies of Ravana and his warriors. Ramlila and drama clubs rehearse their shows at many places.

Busier are potters, toy-makers and those who make boxes and baskets for sweets and other gifts. Shops are redecorated and makeshift counters are added to cope with the rush of buyers.

After the monsoon clearance sales it is puja sales. New clothes, gifts and toys are bought for Dasehra as well.

Soon after begin Divali melas. Some designers exhibit their new collections. There are displays and sales of ornamental lamps, eye-catching mirrors, fancy candles, ethnic wall-hangings and new-look saris and ensembles for milady.

Just before Divali it is Dhanteras, the day when people buy new kitchen pots and pans and some other things for auspiciousness.

In early autumn Delhi holds the flower festival, Phoolwalon ki Sair, since the late Mughal days it has been a symbol of communal harmony.

Sharadendu — autumn moon. It has been sung of for its beauty in the clear skies. In its light Krishna staged Maharaas in the scented groves of Vrindavan. Many cultural bodies re-enact his revels to this day.

Autumn is also a wedding season. Every evening the blare of brass bands blends with the brightness of gas lamps. Some add to it bangs which go far above the sounds of drums and trumpets.

Festive cleaning, Ramlila and Divali melas lend the city enough colour. To it nature adds its own bit. The Mexican silkcotton in all pink blooms a little before autumn set in. Some other trees follow suit.

The Harsinghar flowers at night. You may miss its small flowers in the dark, but their fragrance goes pretty far. Alstonia is another night bloomer, with a spicy perfume. In November the bougainvillaea is again in its spring-like glory.

More than any other flower you see is the chrysanthemum. In gardens, in lounges and at reception desks. In so many shapes and sizes and colours. Delhi honours the flower by holding more than one show.

With the cool days the cultural scene warms up. There is more fervour as the days become cooler. You see or read of more art exhibits, more dance and music recitals and more plays. Also some fashion shows.

Tourists come to Delhi at all times of the year. Autumn sees a spurt in their arrivals. Some come for the Puja, Dasehra and Divali festivities, and some others for the Delhi-Jaipur-Agra “golden triangle” and other trips.

This is the time when, from their lands of ice and snow, birds fly out to more hospitable environs. The Delhi zoo and nearby lakes attract more of these winged visitors.

Of late Delhi has become India’s convention capital too. It hosts a variety of national and international meets and gatherings. Many of these are scheduled for autumn and winter.

This is also VIP time. Many foreign dignitaries visit Delhi during the cooler months. So do many music, drama and other groups. This goes on right up to the beginning of spring.

Hardly a dull moment in Delhi all this while. 

If strike we must, strike now
By M.S.N. Menon

WILL India and Russia join forces against the Taliban? Will they make a pre-emptive strike? Is the time right for it? And also the circumstances? The Putin visit has naturally thrown up these questions.

Drug trade — not religion — had more to do with the mafia. Today, there are over 100 terrorist outfits in the world, of which 60 claim to be religious. And about 20 of them are in our neighbourhood. They all get a 10 per cent cut out of the drug trade. Religion is, therefore, a mere cloak for legitimacy.

Drugs move to Europe and America from Asia, and arms move to Asia from America and Europe. More often, both are controlled by the same forces. And both are highly profitable.

Terrorists are today waging low-cost wars all over the world. They claim they know better. If anyone agrees with this claim, he must be a lunatic.

The proxy war in Kashmir has gone on now for over a decade. It began as an autonomy demand. Surely, the Taliban volunteers in Kashmir have other things in mind?

It is Pakistan’s claim that it is not involved in the war. The USA was willing to believe it. Today, there is overwhelming evidence of Pakistan’s involvement, which is why there is a call for a pro-active policy. What does it involve? It involves striking at the source.

But can India do so? What is the legal position? Reprisal is permitted in international law after other means are exhausted. The UN Charter also recognises the right of a country to self-defence. There is thus a case for taking action. A stage has come when India can no more bleed.

There are other instances. Following the bombing in Russia by terrorists, the UN Security Council unanimously adopted a resolution in October 1999, which condemned all sorts of terrorism, irrespective of motives.

It was a case of opposition to terrorism per se.

The Government of India has put forward before the UN General Assembly a comprehensive “Convention against Terrorism”. It does not recognise “self-determination” as an excuse for terrorism.

Pakistan cannot disown responsibility by denying its involvement. During the Kosovo war, Milosovic also put out the same excuse — that he was not involved. But NATO refused to accept this excuse. It said that he was responsible for all acts within his state. So, it ordered the bombing of Kosovo.

In the present case, India is not alone. We have a combination of states — all real victims of terrorism, sponsored by Pakistan and Afghanistan. They are the USA, Russia, China, India and the Central Asian states. There are others. They are well within their rights to resort to joint action against Pakistan and Afghanistan. Even if the USA and China are not willing to do so, others can.

What can they do to begin with? First, they should coordinate their responses. They can try hot pursuit and the bombing of training centres. There are five centres training cadres against Central Asia and 21 against Kashmir. If this produces no positive response, they should bomb the narcotic fields. The USA has done it in Columbia. There is thus a precedent. If this too does not produce a positive response, then there must be a final blow — the bombing of Kabul with a view to put Rabbani back there.

But will the victims of terrorism unite to face this international menace? They have their distinct positions. But first about Pakistan, its creator.

The Taliban is an ISI creation. It is Sunni-Wahabi, hostile to all other forms of Islam. It owes its existance to Naseerullah Babar, Interior Minister of Mrs Bhutto. Because Hikamtyar was not able to deliver the goods and power had passed into the hands of Burhanuddin Rabbani and Ahmed Shah Masood, both Tajiks, Pakistan decided to create a new force — the Taliban. They were picked up from the religious seminaries and arms training camps.

But what are Pakistan’s motives? Firstly, it wanted “depth” (a military term) for its territory, and secondly, it wanted to prevent the Pakhtoons from coming together to claim an independent state.

It looks Pakistan cannot achieve either.

Will America join India and Russia in the struggle against the Taliban? The USA has a complex relation with the Taliban. Its main quarrel is over Osama Bin Laden, who has been given shelter in Afghanistan. But it has only words of praise for Taliban’s role in Chechnya. (It got a Pakistan General posted in Georgia in a UN mission to facilitate the smuggling of arms to Chechnya.) And America needs the help of the Taliban to get through some of its pipeline projects in Central Asia. These explain why America refuses to declare the Taliban a terrorist outfit, and continues to be in touch with the Taliban leaders.

But it is also true the USA will like a pluralistic society in Afghanistan and a coalition government in Kabul. Only these can ensure the end of terrorism and narcotic trade. It is promoting King Zahir for this purpose.

There is also the Russian-American task force to fight against Talibanism, set up in August 2000.

As for Russia, it had always wanted a neutral power in Kabul. The Taliban is not a neutral power. It wants to disrupt Moscow’s relations with Central Asia and stir up fundamentalism among the Muslims. This poses two dangers: (1) insecurity for the 30-odd million Russians in Central Asia, and (2) loss of Russia’s economic interests in Central Asia. After having invested for a century in Central Asia’s development, Russia cannot allow the USA to take over the region. Russia has thus a huge stake. It will never allow the Taliban to succeed. In fact, Moscow was ready to make a pre-emptive strike against Kabul only recently. China would have applauded it quietly.

Today, the Taliban plays a major role in Jammu and Kashmir. But India has no policy to deal with the Taliban. Its “humanitarian” assistance to the Northern Alliance is meagre. Islam Karimov, Uzbek President, was provoked to say that India should go beyond “embraces and pleasantries.”

India cannot wallow in its self-inflicted paralysis, now that there is a call from the Shanghai Five (Russia, China, Kazakhstan, Kyrghystan, Tajikistan) to join their forces to confront the Taliban.

India has been fighting a defensive war. This only encourages the terrorists. Only when they realise that they cannot get away without bringing upon themselves unbearable costs and reprisals will they change their course. Their success against Russia has gone into their head. They have to be fought head on.

As for China, it has huge stakes in Central Asia. China is the second largest investor in Central Asia after the USA. And it has revived the old Silk Route. China is not likely to allow the Taliban to take over.

What about the Central Asians? The Taliban is already at the gates of Tajikistan, Kyrghystan and Uzbekistan. Central Asia has decided to fight back. Russian troops are all along the border. The Dushanbe meeting of the Shanghai Five was momentous.

In the meantime, Central Asia is trying to get re-integrated with Russia. This is vital for their security and trade.

It is clear from brief survey that the time to deal with the Taliban is now. Perhaps it may be too late tomorrow. 

Gates happy spending son’s money

A child who is hooked on computers, who sneaks out in the dead of night to go to the computer centre and gets in with a gang who live and breathe computers, might normally be a worry to his parents.

But when you are Bill Gates — and your son is Bill Gates — things work out in the end.

Bill Gates senior, father of the richest man in the world, says that he is enormously happy in his retirement.

At the age of 73, the former lawyer now dedicates much of his time to spending his son’s vast wealth in the form of donations to health and education programmes around the world. He was in Britain yesterday to announce a $ 210-million scholarship fund for the elite Cambridge University. He told Reuters here of his son’s passion for doing ‘unusual things’ as a child.

“He had a room in the basement of the house,” Mr Gates said in an interview. “He would get up at night and go to the computer centre. We didn’t know that until some years later.”

“He describes how the young Bill Gates became fascinated with a ‘very, very old teletype sort of computer’.

“He and some of his friends used to do unusual things with it. They did the school’s schedule on it and things of that kind. These were not typical things for a kid in high school,” he said.

“There was a group of his peers who was very much into — almost addicted to — using the computer. To say that addiction does not go too far, I don’t think. And to be honest, I don’t think we were conscious at that time of how bad it was.’’

Thirty years later bad is hardly the word.

The school schedule that Gates junior worked out on the old computer at his exclusive Seattle High School became his first commercial venture. He sold a scheduling software programme for $ 4,200 when he was just 17.

Gates junior has left behind his childhood basement for a 20-bedroom mansion on the shores of Lake Washington, complete with a 100-person dining room and its own trout stream.

It cost him $ 50 million but that’s nothing to a man whose fortune is up to $ 100 billion.

Gates’ father says there were a few signs that his son might be above average, but no clue of what the future had in store for him.

“There were a lot of bright kids in his class and he was probably not the brightest. He probably got into less trouble than average for his age, but he was a pretty normal kid, he adds.

The father’s view of the son’s achievements — financial, charitable and personal — is simple.

“Of course, I am proud of him. Immensely Proud,” he says. — Reuters

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

If you see an intelligent man who tells you where true treasures are to be found, who shows what is to be avoided, and who administers reproofs, follow that wise man; it will be better not worse, for those who follow him.

—Wait Whitman, Song of Myself, 40

***

Thou shalt confess the vain pursuit

Of human glory yields no fruit

But an untimely grave.

—Thomas Carew, On the Duke of Buckingham, Poems.