E D I T O R I A L   P A G E

EDITORIALS

Dam route to progress
Himachal Pradesh has indeed made big strides in exploiting its hydroelectric potential during the past few years. Chamera-II, Parbati, Karcham Wangtu and Bassi have all got going one after the other. The drive has continued with the Kol dam, whose foundation stone Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee laid at Kangoo (Mandi) on Monday. But much more needs to be done.

EDIT PAGE ARTICLE

PROBLEMS OF THE NORTH-EAST
Physical isolation aggravating the crisis
by K.K. Khullar
LISTING the steps the Ministry of Tribal Affairs has taken for the uplift of tribals, Mrs Maneka Gandhi, Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, stated in reply to a question in Parliament recently that special Central assistance was given to 20 tribal Sub-Plan states, including the north-eastern states of Assam, Manipur and Tripura, to meet the gaps in the state Plans for the socio-economic development of the Scheduled Tribes.

 

ON THE SPOT

by Tavleen Singh
How things work in richest democracy
THIS week I write from the capital of the free world. Every time I come here I marvel at the fact that it is not as impressive as you somehow expect it to be. Its hard to see Manhattan without being overwhelmed by the scale of it, at how they were building the Empire State Building at around the same time that the British, then rulers of the world, were building New Delhi.

SPIRITUAL NUGGETS

75 years ago
Water-rate
OF immediate interest to this province, however, is the very reasonable proposition which Rao Bahadur N.G. Iyengar urged in regard to the principle on which water-rate should be levied.

Towards 10 pc growth 

Union Finance Minister Yashwant Sinha is convinced of two things: the attack on him is part of a larger conspiracy and the country can pitch for 8 per cent to 10 per cent economic growth. And what is more, he sees a link between the two. To blunt the criticism he has to step on the reforms pedal and that will accelerate the growth rate. Many will not agree with this strange linkage; intensifying the liberalisation process just to silence his detractors is not the done thing. If the opposition-fired charges inspire him to energetically get back to the reform process, so be it. Just before he left for Bangalore on Monday, where he shared his growth dream, he listed the tasks he had set for himself. The financial sector, banks mostly, is in for a second shake-up, the privatisation drive will get a push, the Department of Telecom Services will become a corporate body and a new convergence legislation will see the light of the day. In the last week of the month the Cabinet Committee on Disinvestment will meet to clear a clutch of public sector units for sale. A heavy agenda and if Mr Sinha turns it into a weapon to clobber the opposition, rather his critics, the BJP will stand by him. And his enemies too will stand firm.

His speeches at two engagements reveal another area of his worry. Until now it was the weakening zeal and consensus for economic reforms. Now it is this shrinking consensus and also open attack on the ongoing process. He goes back to the basics to defend himself. In the eighties, the economy expanded by between 3 per cent and 3.5 per cent — the so-called Hindu rate of growth. In the nineties, the decade of liberalisation, this rate doubled, to swing between 6 per cent and 6.5 per cent. In this decade it can climb to about 10 per cent, to make this country one of the fastest growing ones in the world. A fast pace of expansion is necessary if the attack on poverty and unemployment has to be effective within two decades. And, happily, the country can achieve it. The recovery phase is complete and industry is revving up to go. One statistic tells it loudly. In April imports of non-oil products swelled by more than 25 per cent, indicating that many units are touching capacity utilisation. There are bound to be hiccups but overall, hope fills the medium term expectations.

But he falters in countering the growing opposition to reforms. He challenges the critics to a debate, but he does not engage them in one. He sees demons in the four former Prime Ministers and their dismissing his package as anti-poor. The conclave at the Bondsi ashram provided an excellent opportunity to the Finance Minister to take his case to the people. It would not do to keep asserting that the poor will not lose out in the initial stages of reform. As many experts have told him, free market forces encourage generation of wealth but skew distribution of wealth. In the case of India, this will translate into 5 per cent of the people being direct and major beneficiaries and between 20 per cent and 25 per cent being indirect and minor beneficiaries. The others will miss the bus. And this is what happened with the food and fuel subsidies cut. If the government agrees to a hire-and-fire policy of workers, many will lose their job. If foreign investors demand urban land to set up pollution-free industries, slums will disappear. This is the grim scenario and Mr Sinha should frankly list the difficulties on the way but plead helplessness. It is his reluctance and the insistent clamour for “subsidy reduction”, which has so far meant taking away from the dispossessed that lend strength and credence to opposition to reforms. It is well to ask: subsidies of all types account for 14 per cent of the GDP and the Minister has started pruning them and how much has the total come down? At the present rate, the subsidies will remain stubbornly at 14 per cent at the end of the year, leaving the very poor wondering what hit them. 

Dam route to progress

Himachal Pradesh has indeed made big strides in exploiting its hydroelectric potential during the past few years. Chamera-II, Parbati, Karcham Wangtu and Bassi have all got going one after the other. The drive has continued with the Kol dam, whose foundation stone Prime Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee laid at Kangoo (Mandi) on Monday. But much more needs to be done. Himachal Pradesh has limited resources but has been endowed with a large hydroelectric potential. In fact, nearly one-fourth of the country's identified potential of 84,000 MW is in the state. It is unfortunate that instead of being exploited, much of this natural resource has been allowed to go waste. Even harnessing half of this bounty of nature can transform the economy of the hill state. This fact has been known to policy-makers all along and yet only 3830 MW of power could be tapped during the past 50 years. While the health of the economy of Himachal Pradesh, which has only tourism and power generation to fall back on, has been deteriorating, the power situation in the northern region has been going from bad to worse. Things are hardly different on the all-India level. There is a shortage of 6 per cent power at the base load, which increases to as much as 12.5 per cent at the peak load. Hydel generation is cheap, clean and environment-friendly and yet has not been utilised to the extent possible. As the Power Minister revealed, the thermal-hydel power generation ratio should be 60:40 but the share of the latter has shrunk to 24 per cent. Himachal Pradesh can easily feed the neighbouring states, earning considerable revenue in the process. For instance, from the Kol dam alone, it will get a royalty amounting to some Rs 150 crore a year by way of 12 per cent free power. This is besides the 3 to 4 per cent share as a state of the region. The problem of recurring floods-water shortage cycle can also be tackled to a great extent. The main stumbling block has been a shortage of funds for these megaprojects. One hopes the Centre's offer of generous help in this regard will materialise soon enough. If necessary, bonds can be floated to raise funds.

If dams are not getting their due, it is because of the bureaucratic inertia in tackling related issues such as the resettlement of the oustees. The Chief Minister, Mr Prem Kumar Dhumal, has highlighted that the problems of the Bhakra oustees have not been solved even after 40 years. It is here that the Centre has a lot of rethinking to do. Simultaneously, care must be taken that the dams do not cause environmental problems. "Indiscriminate developments" that the Prime Minister referred to while laying the foundation stone of the 800-MW Kol dam project, are becoming part and parcel of various megaprojects. Surely, a neat balance can be struck between progress and conservation of ecology. While a few large dams may be necessary and safe, the overall orientation has to be towards small and medium-sized projects, at least in Himachal.

PROBLEMS OF THE NORTH-EAST
Physical isolation aggravating the crisis
by K.K. Khullar

LISTING the steps the Ministry of Tribal Affairs has taken for the uplift of tribals, Mrs Maneka Gandhi, Minister of State in the Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment, stated in reply to a question in Parliament recently that special Central assistance was given to 20 tribal Sub-Plan states, including the north-eastern states of Assam, Manipur and Tripura, to meet the gaps in the state Plans for the socio-economic development of the Scheduled Tribes.

She added that the special Central assistance is basically meant for family-oriented, income-generating schemes in sectors such as agriculture, horticulture, minor irrigation and conservation, animal husbandry, forests, education, cooperation, fisheries, village and small-scale industries and the minimum needs programme. A part of this special assistance is also used for the development of infrastructure incidental to such income-generating activities. Grants are also given under Article 275 (1) of the Constitution for schemes to promote the welfare of tribes in the states and raising the level of administration of the Scheduled areas. In the field of education there are schemes such as the Girls Hostel Scheme, the Boys Hostel Scheme, Ashram Schools and educational complexes.

All this is fine and shall contribute to the development of the region. But the real problem in the region is its isolation, its alienation from the mainstream. Let us examine this in the light of the history, geography and culture of the region.

The north-eastern region of India comprises Assam, Arunachal Pradesh, Manipur, Meghalaya, Mizoram, Nagaland and Tripura. Endearingly they are called Seven Sisters. Four of these seven states were carved out of Assam. The region has a very long international border with China, Bhutan, Myanmar and Bangladesh. Attracting different people and races since time immemorial, the region has a distinct ethnic identity, rich cultural diversity and an environment which is compelling.

The region is very rich in natural resources such as forests, coal, natural gas, hydel power, limestone and dolomite. Six of the seven states have a literacy rate higher than the national average as per the National Sample Survey figures for 1997: Mizoram 95 per cent, Nagaland 84 per cent, Tripura 73 per cent, Manipur 76 per cent, Assam 75 per cent and Meghalaya 77 per cent as against the national average of 62 per cent. These six states have female literacy higher than the national average of 50 per cent. In Mizoram, female literacy is 95 per cent, higher than even Kerala with 90 per cent.

The female work participation rate is also higher than the national average. In rural areas it is even higher — 39 per cent to 47 per cent as against the national average of 27 per cent. There is no caste system in the region. Women have always enjoyed a higher status in society than men. And yet there are problems. The region is marked by under-development, inaccessibility, total inadequacy of railways and other communications, dispersed population, low levels of urbanisation, high cost of living and unemployment. Life is hard. The once self-sufficient tribal societies are forced to depend on external forces for survival.

The founding fathers of the Constitution had conceived the North-East to be governed by special administrative arrangements. Article 244 of the Constitution read with the Fifth and the Sixth Schedules provide for special administrative arrangements in terms of the Scheduled Areas, the Scheduled Tribes, the Tribal Advisory Councils, autonomous districts and regions. It also provides for a network of village councils and courts for law and justice within the districts and autonomous regions. The district councils are empowered to establish primary schools, dispensaries, markets, cattle pounds, ferries, fisheries, roads and waterways. Consistent with their culture, tradition and practices, they are responsible for raising resources as also for the implementation of all developmental programmes. In other words, the Constitution has recognised the special character of the region and provided for its development consistent with its diversities and culture.

Keeping in view the constitutional directives and the distinctive features of the region, the development of the North-East has taken place through successive Five-year Plans, Tribal Sub-Plans, Special Area Plans. The enactment of the 73rd and 74th amendments to the Constitution of the Panchayati Raj system and the municipalities is a step in the right direction. Its full implementation will go a long way on the road to development. But care should be taken to avoid any overlapping in the functions between these institutions and the departments of the state governments. There should also be the much-desired devolution of financial powers.

Immediately after Independence Jawaharlal Nehru had evolved what is called the Tribal Panchsheel — the five Principles for tribal development. These are: (a) development of tribal people along the lines of their own genius; (b) recognition of tribal rights in land and forests; (c) building of a team of their own people for administration and development; (d) avoiding over-administration with regard to them. We should rather work through and not in rivalry to their own social and cultural institutions; and (e) Judging the results neither by statistics nor by the amount of money spent but by the quality of human character that is evolved.

This Panchsheel was supported by the Dhebar Commission in 1961 as well as by the Shilu Ao Committee in 1969. However, the implementation of this formula was tardy and was replaced by the Tribal Sub-Plans in 1974. Since then it is the Tribal Sub-Plan strategy which has been at work. Going by the results, it is not proving very effective.

The main problem in the region is that it has a large number of ethnic groups and an equally large number of languages and dialects. Only Manipuri finds its place in the VIII Schedule of the Constitution, that also after a long struggle. The North-East has a vast potential but little Plan resources. In fact, many states joined the planning process rather late. It has not been able to generate its own resources. Government employment is the major source of avenue for employment. There is a lot of work but no jobs. The region is in heavy debt. Some new initiatives were taken in 1996, but they also did not last long. Too many changes in the government at the Centre in the past resulted in the neglect of the region.

In the words of Lieut-Gen V.K. Nayar, a former Governor of Manipur and Nagaland and an expert on the north-eastern situation: “To break the alienation of the people of the North-East, first and foremost is the requirement of honesty of intentions and sincerity of purpose. This needs to be backed by a pragmatic policy framework based on correct inputs recognising the genius of divergent societies that inhabit the area. The key element is to break the physical isolation.”

It is also essential that the local communities are fully involved not only in the formulation of the development plans but also in their implementation. Grassroots institutions need to be activated. Transparency will ensure accountability and prevent leakage. One important recommendation made in this regard is that the state governments should raise resources to the extent of 15 per cent of the allocations made by the Planning Commission for the purpose, thereby augmenting total availability. Such contributions may include land donated by the community for the construction of roads, primary school buildings, health infrastructure and godowns. At the same time, investments may be made in the oil and natural gas sector for the production of energy. The educated manpower may be trained in software development. Tourism should be developed on modern lines. Commercial ventures may be welcome.

One of the major problems of the North-East is its geographical isolation. As aptly stated by Mr P.A. Sangma, former Speaker of the Lok Sabha: “The geographical isolation of the region needs to be terminated. This can be brought about by thoughtful development of infrastructure cutting across state boundaries within the region and linking the region with the rest of the country.” As for the isolation of the tribes from the national mainstream, he says: “The tribes should themselves dismantle the barriers of their isolation, even as they should maintain their basic cultural values and ethnic genius intact.”

The North-East is India’s pride. It is also our cultural base. It connects us with our roots.

How things work in richest democracy
by Tavleen Singh

THIS week I write from the capital of the free world. Every time I come here I marvel at the fact that it is not as impressive as you somehow expect it to be. Its hard to see Manhattan without being overwhelmed by the scale of it, at how they were building the Empire State Building at around the same time that the British, then rulers of the world, were building New Delhi. But, Washington DC is not nearly that stunning especially not when you remember that you are in the capital city of the richest, most powerful country in the world. But, this time one of my first engagements in the city was lunch with a Congressman.

Congress was in session and since I arrived early at his office on Capital Hill a member of his staff offered to give me a guided tour. We took an elevator that seemed to take us into the bowels of the Hill whence we arrived at an underground train station and from here a small, white train took us to the innards of the circular building which is the hub of the world’s richest democracy. Long queues of visitors mainly Americans in shorts and sneakers — snaked their way through security checks and metal detectors through halls filled with statues and remnants of American history. “This spot here” said my guide “was the exact centre of Washington when they built it and this hall which is now called statuary hall was at one point turned into a market, a bazaar, then they took it back and put in these statues of famous Americans”.

Then, suddenly, we were in the vast dome that I, like most other tourists had only ever seen from the outside and at a distance, and from the inside it was a place of magnificence and exquisite frescoes that told the story of America from the time that Christopher Columbus first arrived here looking for India.

Like the hundreds of other visitors, that morning, I craned my neck upwards to see the details of America’s story but ended up recognizing only Columbus (because my guide pointed him out) and a few red Indians who are now called native Americans because it is politically incorrect to call them anything else.

The queues to enter the American equivalent of the Lok Sabha were longer than they had been on the rest of the tour but since my guide was a member of a Congressman’s staff he managed to hustle us through. My first reaction, I have to tell you, was surprise that it was smaller than the Lok Sabha and in an indefinable kind of way not quite as awesome. But, then I started paying more attention to the proceedings of the House and found myself humbled by their civility and orderliness. Never, in my many years of covering the Lok Sabha have I witnessed a session when members were allowed to speak without being rudely interrupted by someone or other. And without the Speaker constantly yelling, “Pliz, pliz sit down. I am on my legs”.

Here, the Speaker informed whoever was speaking how much time he had to say what he had to and then whichever Congressman was saying his piece went ahead and said it without being interrupted. But, later at lunch when I mentioned this to the Congressman he said that this was not necessarily a good thing because it had reduced the quality of debate. “When we democrats were controlling the House we had much better debate because everyone was given more time to say what they had to”.

We ate lunch in the Congress version of the Lok Sabha canteen in which often have I lunched with some MP or other. US hacks are also allowed to use it and often do because the food is not just of reasonable quality but cheap because it is heavily subsidised. “Was the food here subsidised” I asked the Congressman as we tucked into our Mediterranean salad.

“No” he said “its just bad food”.

“My salad is quite good. I like the feta cheese”.

“They don’t make the cheese”.

As someone who has long believed that we should pay our MPs more and take away their perks and privileges I was curious to know how things worked in the richest democracy in the world. How much did the Congressman get paid? A member of his staff informed us that his salary was $ 137,000 a year and that in addition to that he was given a budget to run his office which allowed him a staff of about 18 people. But, unlike our MPs, he was not provided a palatial bungalow, free travel, subsidised electricity and water and all those other little perks that according to some estimates cost us between Rs 1,00,000 and Rs 1,50,000 a month. Nor could he hope, as our own ex-MPs now can, that even if he lost his election as politicians are wont to he could still rely on taxpayers money being used to provide him with a permanent home in Washington. Ironic, isn’t it, that MPs in one of the poorest countries in the world should be better off, despite their ostensibly small salaries, than members of Parliament in the richest country in the world but then we still have not shaken off the shackles of the feudal socialism we have had for fifty years.

My lunch with the Congressman took place exactly a day after Congress voted to renew its special trade relations with China. There had been considerable opposition to the bill from those who believed that the United States needed to pay more attention to China’s human rights record and other misdemeanors but those who believed that China entering the mainstream of the global village would make it behave better won the day.

I asked my Congressman friend why Americans seemed so soft on China and so hard on India and he laughed and said: “Because we expect more from you, you are after all the world’s largest democracy”.

The truth is that China matters much more than India. It matters more not because it has nuclear missiles that could reach the capital of the free world, as some of our policy-makers like to believe, but because it is economically more important than we are. As I posed, afterwards, for a picture with the Congressman on the steps of Congress I could not help wondering when I would be able to return as someone who belonged to a country which was more important than ours currently is and the answer is — we still have a long way to go. Because, in the end, it’s the economy that matters not how many nuclear bombs we have. When will we realise this?

• A firm faith in God is the only ray of hope that penetrates this gloom of fear and ignorance.

— The Bhagavad Gita, 9.34

75 years ago

Water-rate

OF immediate interest to this province, however, is the very reasonable proposition which Rao Bahadur N.G. Iyengar urged in regard to the principle on which water-rate should be levied. “The charge for water”, he said, “should not be regulated on a considerate of the needs of the estate or on the principle of maximum squeezability, but the supply of water for irrigation should be treated as a commercial undertaking run by the State, and, therefore, only a reasonable commercial return should be the aim of the Government in fixing water-rates”. Contrary to this wholesome and equitable principle, where the State is the agency dispensing a service of public utility, we have of late been hearing in our own province the argument being officially advanced in favour of the recent enhancements in abiana, that the enchanted rates only brought those tracts that previously paid less than others up to level of these latter and that the enhancement meant no hardship on the agriculturist because he could afford to pay the higher rate. So the enhanced water-rate is being asked from the agriculturist more because he did not previously pay as much as he could than because the service costs more than what he paid formerly.