Wednesday, September 8, 1999
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Wednesday, September 8, 1999 |
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Cong raises quota issue DHARAMSALA: Possessing the potential to tilt the scales in favour of any party, the OBCs who constitute a considerable chunk of the electorate in the Kangra Lok Sabha seat, are being wooed and pampered by all political parties. Caste being a predominant factor in Kangra politics, various political parties are chalking out poll strategies around it. The OBCs constitute 25 per cent of the electorate in the Kangra Lok Sabha constituency. The stance adopted by the OBCs has always been decisive. With this factor in mind the Congress started its election campaign under the leadership of former Chief Minister Virbhadra Singh in the OBC pocket in the Kangra Assembly segment. An election meeting was organised at Abdullahpur, the native village of Agriculture Minister Vidyasagar. A clear signal was sent that it was with the Congress alone that the interests of the OBC community were secure. The four assembly segments of Kangra, Nagrota, Shahpur and Dharmsala have the highest concentration of OBCs. The anti-BJP stance of the OBCs during the 1996 Lok Sabha elections was one of the main reasons for the defeat of the BJP candidate Mr Shanta Kumar. The community say that as Chief Minister, Mr Shanta Kumar had opposed the implementation of the recommendations of the Mandal Commission report. They accuse him of crushing the Mandal agitation. However, the holding of the Lok Sabha elections along with the assembly poll worked in favour of Mr Shanta Kumar. Due to the presence of a number of OBC leaders like Mr Vidyasagar and Mrs Sharveen Chaudhary in the BJP, the party got the support of the OBCs. Not only did Mr Shanta Kumar win the elections but the BJP managed to bag 10 of the 16 seats from Kangra district. The Congress has been claiming that it is the only party which increased reservation for the OBCs to 18 per cent and continued to remain committed to raising it to 27 per cent. Congress leaders say even the Dhumal government has not raised the percentage of reservation. Instead of voting on party lines, the OBCs are known to support those belonging to their own community. However, this time they seem to be more disenchanted with leaders from their community than anyone else. So far the OBCs are silence as to which political party they will side with. Though the Janata Dal has fielded Capt Pratap Chaudhary and the Samajwadi Party Chaudhary Hardyal as candidates, these two parties, unlike other parts of the state, have practically no standing in state politics. As such, it will be choice between BJP’s Shanta Kumar and the Congress nominee, Mr Sat Mahajan, for the OBCs. The assembly segments
where the OBCs are in a majority are Kangra (35,000),
Nagrota (31,700), Shahpur (15,000), Dharamsala (13,000),
Jwali (17,000), Guler (14,000) and Palampur (10,000). |
Karunakaran plays safe THRISSUR: Of all the 20 Lok Sabha constituencies in Kerala that go to the polls on September 11, Mukundapuram has attracted national attention because of the presence of Congress Working Committee member K. Karunakaran, a former Union Minister and three-time Chief Minister. The constituency, spread over the districts of Thrissur and Ernakulam, is considered to be one of the “safe” seats of the Congress-led Opposition United Democratic Front (UDF) and it may be because of that Mr Karunakaran shifted to Mukundapuram from the capital city of Thiruvananthapuram which he represented in the dissolved Lok Sabha. He could not afford a defeat in the twilight of his political career that spanned over five decades when he began his public life as a councillor of the Thrissur Municipality way back in 1945. Mr Karunakaran is 81 now. Mala, one of the seven assembly segments of the constituency, may be another reason for his opting for Mukundapuram. He had represented it in the state assembly for three decades having sentimental attachment to it and the people there. Despite his close association with Mala and the neighbouring assembly segments, Mr Karunakaran is not prepared to take any chances because of the bitter memory of his shocking defeat in the adjacent Thrissur in the 1996 Lok Sabha elections. He was defeated by Mr V.V. Raghavan (CPM) by a slender margin of 1,480 votes. It was his second electoral debacle out of a total of 15 contests to legislative bodies, the first being in 1957 when he lost to Mr A.R. Menon in the assembly election from Thrissur itself. Although there are nine candidates in the fray in Mukundapuram in the September 11 poll, the main contest is between Mr Karunakaran and Mr E.M. Sreedharan (CPM), son and political heir of the Marxist theoretician, the late E.M.S. Namboodiripad. A chartered accountant by profession, this is the second electoral battle for Mr Sreedharan, the first being a bid to enter the state assembly from Sreekrishnapuram in 1991. He resigned as a member of the state Planning Board where he had been closely associated with the much-trumpeted People’s Plan Campaign (PPC) of the ruling Left Democratic Front (LDF) headed by his party. Mr Sreedharan, who is known as E.M.S. junior, is also claiming to have a connection with Mukundapuram as his wife is employed as a gynaecologist with a church-run hospital at Angamaly in the constituency. While Mr Karunakaran is harping on the need for a stable government at the Centre to keep the country’s borders intact and protect the minorities from the attack of communal fascist forces, Mr Sreedharan is highlighting the achievements of the LDF government in the overall development of the state and the delegation of more powers to the local bodies through the PPC. Both of them also say that the Rs 250-crore Kochi international airport at Nedumbasserry in the constituency as an achievement of their respective governments. The BJP, which had secured 54,479 votes out of 7,44,981 valid votes polled in the last election, has allocated the seat to the Socialist Republican Party (SRP), a constituent of the National Democratic Alliance (NDA) led by the party, this time. Mr M.S. Muraleedharan, a postgraduate in public administration and Hindi, is the SRP candidate. Mr Karunakaran’s campaign managers point out that the UDF had been consistently leading in the assembly segments of Chalakkudy, Mala, Angamaly and Perumbavoor since 1984, while Vadakkekara and Irinjalakuda had shown fluctuating trends. The only segment where the LDF had been able to put up a better show was Kodungallur. The UDF is heavily banking on the personal charisma of Mr Karunakaran who, despite his age, tries to meet as many voters as possible right from the Tamil Nadu border at Vettilappara in the Western Ghats to the coastal plains of Kodungallur and Vadakkekara. UDF leaders argue that Mr Karunakaran has extensive personal contacts with the voters of Mukundapuram and it would enable him to swell his winning margin. The LDF believes that it could translate into votes for Mr Sreedharan the emotional attachment the people of Kerala had with his father, E.M.S. Namboodiripad. He had already established contacts with people in Mukundapuram while he was a member of the state Planning Board guiding the PPC. The constituency has an
electorate of 10,82,858 of which 48,927 are new voters.
— UNI |
Power strings with sugar lobby KOPARGAON: The Kopargaon Lok Sabha seat in the sugar belt of Maharashtra is witnessing an interesting electoral battle with senior Congress leader and Rajya Sabha member Govindrao Adik facing five-time Congress MP Balasaheb Vikhe-Patil, who is contesting on the Shiv Sena ticket. Kopargaon, a traditional Congress stronghold since 1952, had elected 10 Congress candidates in 12 elections. In 1957, Independent candidate Bapu Kamble had won the seat and other parties had to wait till 1996 when Shiv Sena nominee Bhimrao Badade emerged victorious. Mr Vikhe-Patil, after joining the Shiv Sena, had won the last election from the Ahmednagar constituency and decided to test the electoral waters on September 11 from his home turf. He is facing Adik and Mr Gulabrao Shelke of the Nationalist Congress Party (NCP) and Dr Radheshyam Gunjal of the CPI. The electoral history of the constituency shows that whichever candidate had the backing of the sugar lobby won easily. This was witnessed in 1996 when Badade snatched the seat from the Congress, which had the support of sugar baron Vikhe-Patil, who also runs a strong chain of various institutions. As soon as the poll was announced, Mr Vikhe-Patil sought a change in his constituency and came back to his traditional stronghold. He got clearance without any grudge from the BJP as its candidate had lost the last election by a margin of over 1.5 lakh votes. When it was confirmed that Mr Vikhe-Patil would be contesting from Kopargaon, nobody from the opposition was willing to fight against him. Finally, Mr Govindrao Adik, brother of senior Congress leader Ramrao Adik, accepted the challenge. Mr Adik is a well-known trade union leader, while Mr Vikhe-Patil’s direct contact with the masses may work to his advantage. Mr Shelke is comparatively an unknown candidate in the constituency. However, the presence of strong assembly candidates of the NCP, who were earlier in the Congress, may work to Mr Shelke’s advantage and help him garner a sizeable chunk of the votes. Mr Badade, who was denied the party ticket this time, has opened a front against Mr Vikhe-Patil. This may cause some damage to the latter’s prospects. Several stalwarts, including former Union Minister Annasaheb Shinde, former Deputy Chairman of the Planning Commission Dhananjayrao Gadgil, Mr Vithalrao Vikhe-Patil, father of the Shiv Sena nominee, and former state Finance Minister Vaikunthbhai Mehta had earlier represented Kopargaon. Cooperatives and power
politics have always gone hand in hand in this
constituency, with an electorate of 9.5 lakh. The other
candidates in the fray include CPI nominee Gunjal Shivram
and two Independents. — PTI |
Parties turn
‘media-centric’ NEW DELHI: There might have been fewer posters and processions in the run-up to the 13th Lok Sabha elections, but the campaign has been no less intensive with “media-centric” political parties making the most of the age of satellite news channels and instant communication. “Media management” is now the buzzword for the parties as they try to reach out to the masses. Along side a political battle, the parties also fight a media war. Gone are the days when poll campaigns centred primarily on the charisma of individual leaders and a couple of catchy slogans like “garibi hatao” as during the days of Mrs Indira Gandhi. Today the media-savvy political parties evolve strategies to “market” through the media their policies and programmes besides the political issues of the day by hiring professional agencies. Websites have been launched not only by parties but by individual candidates and organisations as an interactive tool to facilitate political participation. Though Mr Rajiv Gandhi secured the largest majority in India’s electoral history in 1984 poll largely due to the ‘sympathy wave’ following the assassination of Mrs Indira Gandhi, but he also heralded what can be termed as the ‘management approach to politics’ by taking into the party-fold people who had made a mark in high managerial positions. Even before the campaign peaked that year, big advertisements were inserted in leading newspapers by the party. “Do you expect your daily shopping list to include acid bulbs, swords and daggers? Give peace a hand,” read one of the ads attempting to stir the psyche of the country writhing under the shadow of terrorism in those days. With the advent of a wide network of television channels which bring the action of the electioneering into the homes far and wide, media itself has become the message and acts as a “force multiplier” by playing a direct role in moulding public opinion. “Media is no more a mere carrier of views but it has taken on itself the role of being the ‘devil’s advocate’,” says a communication expert. Weeks after the Atal Behari Vajpayee government fell in mid-April, the first signs of preparations for the mid-term parliamentary polls were seen in the briefing rooms at the headquarters of the BJP and the Congress, the two major players in the Indian polity today. The rooms with all the trappings of studios provide a tailor-made setting, especially for the electronic media which rules the roost. “The reach of the media has radically transformed the campaign style,” says Congress spokesman Kapil Sibal who is primarily known for his argumentative skills inside courtrooms. “The electronic media has brought about ‘instant’ campaigning as political leaders debate issues on screen and rejoinders follow without any time lag,” says a noted television presenter who does not want to be identified. “Since interaction through the TV, is direct, it gives a chance to the viewer to judge for himself the political leader through his body language,” he says adding” the key element is being telegenic.” Be it ‘Kargil’ or ‘sugargate’, it is not the people but the media which dictates the issues for the polls. “In the process the real developmental issues affecting the people remain hidden,” he laments. The current campaign has seen one-upmanship between parties as they matched their skills in media management. The important leaders of all national parties have taken journalists with them on the campaign trail for what can be called “heli-coverage”. National parties, almost without exception, have chartered aircraft and choppers for the purpose. “The expenditure on taking journalists on campaign tours is worthwhile as people get first hand account of the campaign and can judge the ground realities better,” says BJP Vice-President J.P. Mathur. “The newspaper ads, though in vogue, are not as paying as one cannot be sure of the impact they have on the electorate,” he says. “But we have to put in ads if the rival parties do so,” he adds. If the Congress has the likes of Mr Sibal and Mr Jairam Ramesh (AICC economic cell), the BJP has noted lawyer Arun Jaitley and senior journalist Arun Shourie as the media strategists. “Electronic media thrives on ‘bytes’. Those few seconds of exposure demand succinct articulation of views. For a level playing field, it is essential that those who disseminate the party’s views match the oratorial skills of their rivals,” says Mr Sibal, justifying the new trend of having ‘specialists’ to routinely brief the media. Besides, the parties also groom some select leaders for image-presentation on the media. Another feature noticed during the ongoing elections has been the consistent ‘ghost’ campaign by non-political organisations like the Combat Communalism to sensitise the public to certain issues through posters and newspaper ads. The battle for space in
the media seems to be finally deciding the outcome of the
‘war’ for greater sway over the electorate.
— UNI |
Electioneering sans gusto THIRUVANANTHAPURAM: Electioneering for 20 Lok Sabha seats in Kerala has been bereft of the customary gusto with commoners showing little enthusiasm for the September 11 poll. The usual din and bustle, acrimonious arguments from makeshift podiums in street corners, blaring loudspeakers on campaign vehicles and colourful banners and buntings that normally go with elections are largely missing this time. Frequency of elections, preoccupation with the Onam festival and eagerness of parties and candidates to limit expenses to the minimum possible are among the reasons for the low-key electioneering. Also, unlike in other states, star campaigners like Prime Minister A.B. Vajpayee and Congress President Sonia Gandhi are yet to hit the campaign trail in Kerala. Even in rural areas, meeting places like tea or barber shops, which used to see heated poll debates, are largely silent this time. People come, read the newspapers or listen to radio bulletins but when they are sought to be initiated into poll talk, they respond with a wry smile refusing to be drawn into any debate. Fearing that the show of opulence may send negative signals, the main contenders — the Congress-led UDF, the CPI-controlled LDF and the BJP-led NDA — are concentrating more on door-to-door canvassing than on show of strength in the streets. In all constituencies, the principal candidates are active in the field, moving from villages to towns addressing small gatherings. Campaign managers of major parties are hopeful that the run-up will gather momentum before the polling date with leaders like Ms Sonia Gandhi and Mr L.K. Advani expected to address a few big rallies across the state. Barring a fresh bout of RSS-CPM violence in parts of Kannur district, the electioneering has largely been violence free. CPM state committee member P. Jayarajan was seriously injured in an attack allegedly by RSS-BJP workers in Thalassery. In a separate incident, another party worker was done to death in the locality. For the first time, the CPI-ML (Red Flag) has put up its candidates in a few seats. The Congress and its UDF allies are mainly harping on the need for returning the maximum number of Congress members to the next Lok Sabha to ensure that the Congress gets the first invitation to form the government. CWC member and Opposition leader in the state assembly A. K. Antony is the major campaigner for the UDF. Party veteran and former Chief Minister K. Karunakaran is confined to Mukundapuram in central Kerala where he is locked in a fierce combat with the CPM’s E.M. Sreedharan, son of the late Marxist E.M.S. Namboodiripad. Contesting more seats this time, the CPM is making efforts to realise its goal of increasing the presence of the Communist Parties in the next Lok Sabha. The party’s major campaigners are Chief Minister E.K. Nayanar, party state secretary Pinarayi Vijayan and LDF convener V.S. Achuthanandan. The BJP, which contests 12 seats on its own leaving the rest to its allies, is concentrating on Thiruvananthapuram, Kasargode and Mavelikkara where prominent party candidates O. Rajagopal, P.K. Krishnadas and K. Raman Pillai, respectively, are in the fray. Prominent UDF candidates in the fray include Indian Union Muslim League President G.M. Banatwala and general secretary E. Ahamad, both seeking re-election in the Mappila heartland of Ponnani and Manjery. Among the prominent LDF
candidates are cine actor Murali of the CPM in Alappuzha
and former Union Minister C.M. Ibrahim of the JD (S) in
Kozhikode. — PTI |
Maran attempting hat-trick CHENNAI: Religious minorities constituting about 30 per cent of the electorate hold the key to the result in the Madras Central parliamentary constituency from where DMK President M. Karunanidhi's nephew and confidant Murasoli Maran is seeking a hat-trick in the September 11 polling. Mr Maran, whose victory margin dropped from over three lakh in the 1996 general election to less than 72,000 two years later in 1998, finds himself pitted against an estranged ally of the DMK. His main rivals are Mr M. Abdul Latheef, is General Secretary of the Indian National League (INL), now a constituent of the AIADMK-led front and Ms Janaki Ammal of the Puthiya Tamilagam (PT), an ally of the third front led by TMC and 15 others. While Mr Maran is pinning his hopes on the popularity of his party and its president and the attention he had been giving to this sprawling constituency, carved out from Madras North and Madras South Lok Sabha seats in 1977, Mr Latheef is expecting the sizeable Muslim community to back him to the hilt. The INL candidate also hopes that the changed political equations would turn out to be in his favour. Mr Maran, a former Union Minister in the ministries of Mr V.P. Singh, Mr H.D. Deve Gowda and Mr I.K. Gujral, successfully took on the AIADMK-Congress combine in 1996 and the AIADMK-BJP front in 1998 with the support of the TMC and Left parties, which formed part of the DMK-led front. After having criticised the BJP for its alleged communal tendencies while campaigning in 1998, he, however, now finds himself aligned with that party and its same allies minus the AIADMK, which has struck a deal with the Congress and some smaller parties. The TMC led third front has also fielded a candidate against him. Mr Latheef, backed by the AIADMK and the congress, says he is confident of upsetting the DMK and unseating Mr Maran who, he alleges, was the brain behind the DMK-BJP alliance. The alliance, he claims, has hurt the sentiments of minorities. Despite the new alliances in the state, Mr Maran says his role in attracting foreign investment to Tamil Nadu as Union Industries Minister in the Deve Gowda and Gujral Governments, allocation of more funds for development of the state during his stint as Urban Development Minister in the V.P. Singh ministry and the part played by him in the speedy completion of the MRTS would see him achieve a hat-trick. Despite five of the six assembly segments, which make up the constituency, being represented by DMK party stalwarts, including Mr Karunanidhi, Mr Maran is leaving no stone unturned in his bid to retain the seat, fully realising that in the changed political scenario the votes of the Muslims, Christians and Jains could well decide his electoral fortune. While the Chepauk and Anna Nagar Assembly segments are represented by Tamil Nadu Chief Minister Karunanidhi and state Health Minister Arcot N. Veerasamy, respectively, Tamil Nadu Assembly Deputy Speaker Parithi Illanvazhuthi represents the Egmore segment and city mayor and Chief Minister's son M. Stalin. Purusuwalkam is being represented by the TMC, which bagged it in alliance with the DMK in 1996. Ms Janaki Ammal of the Puthiya Tamilagam, a Dalit outfit and a constituent of the third front, is also expected to garner a sizeable number of backward caste votes, besides getting a slice of the Muslim and Christian votes. She is one of the six women representing the three fronts in the state. The main focus of the DMK-led alliance on corruption cases against AIADMK supremo Jayalalitha, the armed forces success in Kargil and bringing down of the Vajpayee government by the AIADMK is going down well with a section of the over 12.80 lakh electorate of this constituency of which over 6.17 lakh are women. Slum dwellers, however, seem more keen to hear about steps to be taken for their benefit, a point being well exploited by the Puthiya Tamilagam. — PTI
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Mamata maintains distance from
BJP MS MAMATA BANERJEE, the Trinamool Congress (TMC) supremo is relentless in her attacks on the Left Front, especially the CPM, during campaigning in West Bengal. But she is different on at least two counts. For one, although considered as a BJP ally, she has been steadfast in her refusal to join the National Democratic Alliance (NDA). Second, the election manifesto of the TMC, scrupulously avoids any hostile reference to either Mrs Sonia Gandhi’s foreign origin or her inexperience in public life. “We have merely seat adjustment with the BJP, not any alliance,” emphasises Ms Mamata to keep a distance from the saffron party. The poll tempo in West Bengal has picked up, particularly in the rural hinterlands because of Ms Mamata Banerjee’s indefatigable electioneering zeal. The TMC has put up candidates in 28 parliamentary seats and is lending support to an Independent candidate in one seat. Though elections in West Bengal will be held on October 3, the last date of the country’s poll schedule, Mamata has already covered more than half of the constituencies to address election meetings. And if the attendance at these meetings is any indication, the Left Front appears to be facing its toughest poll battle since 1977. West Bengal has 42 parliamentary seats and the BJP is contesting in 13 constituencies under a seat-sharing agreement with the TMC. For Ms Mamata Banerjee, the current poll battle is merely the “semi-final” in which the CPM-led Left Front needs to be defeated in as many seats as possible. “The final battle will take place in March or April next year when we will force an assembly election in the state,” thunders the Trinamool leader. We need a friendly government at the Centre to create a situation where the West Bengal assembly poll will be held in the year 2000 itself, she adds. “It is, therefore, necessary to bring the Vajpayee government in power and you must vote for the BJP in the constituencies where the Trinamool is not contesting,” says Ms Mamata Banerjee at all her election meetings. As a matter of fact, the Trinamool election manifesto reads more like one targeted towards a future state assembly poll rather than the present parliamentary elections. The manifesto declares that the TMC’s main goal is to dethrone the CPM and that is possible only through assembly elections. The manifesto, however, argues that for achieving this goal we first require to have a government at the Centre which is friendly to the people of the state. Interestingly, the TMC manifesto in all seriousness threatens that as and when the party comes to power in West Bengal, it will transform the multi-storeyed CPI and CPM state party offices as well the Ganashakti (CPM newspaper) office into government hospitals. Political analysts in West Bengal are almost unanimous in rating the TMC as the main poll opponent of the ruling Left Front. Speaking at different mass meetings across the state, the Trinamool supremo claims that her party will bag 27 out of the 42 seats in West Bengal. According to inside sources, Ms Mamata has told her confidants that the TMC will win at least 16 Lok Sabha seats in West Bengal. In the 1998 parliamentary poll the party won seven seats compared to 33 bagged by the Left Front. Left Front sources claim that Ms Mamata’s tally of seats will be actually reduced in the present parliamentary polls. “Crowds at election meetings does not mean that the votes will also go Mamata’s way,” says Mr Anil Biswas, the state secretary of the West Bengal CPM. There is little doubt that Ms Mamata Banerjee, at the moment, is the second most popular leader in West Bengal next only to the re-doubtable Jyoti Basu, the state Chief Minister. “The great majority of the people who are opposed to the Left regime for one reason or another have rallied behind her,” concedes Mr Dilip Das, a grassroots level CPM leader from Calcutta. Even pro-Left newspapers in Calcutta apprehend that the ruling Left Front is destined to lose some ground in the state during the next month’s parliamentary elections. There is, however, a geographical limit to Ms Mamata Banerjee’s seat-winning capacity, opine many political analysts at Calcutta. It is widely expected that the Left Front will lose some additional seats in South Bengal, especially in the districts of Hooghly, Howrah, Midnapur and 24 Parganas. Although Mamata’s popularity as a staunch anti-CPM crusader has spread across the state, it may be difficult for her to win seats in the central and northern parts of the state where the TMC organisation remains weak, believe political analysts. Ms Mamata Banerjee’s rising popularity is also evident from the fact that a large number of state Congress leaders have deserted Ms Sonia Gandhi to climb the Trinamool bandwagon. Mr Subrata Mukherjee, former Congress minister and the state president of the Indian National Trade Union Congress (INTUC), was the latest to join hands with Ms Mamata on August 31. “This is the real Congress in West Bengal,” asserts Mr Mukherjee to justify his change of colour. In fact, Ms Mamata, too, never tires of claiming that her Trinamool Congress, truly represents the glorious Gandhi-Nehru traditions. The TMC has this time decided to join the government if the NDA returns to power. Further, Ms Mamata insists that Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee is the best candidate for the Prime Minister’s post. She, nevertheless, makes a distinction between the BJP as a party and Mr Vajpayee as an individual leader. Ms Mamata has also made it a point to confine her election campaign only to constituencies where the TMC has candidates, leaving the BJP to fend for itself. Many close lieutenants of Ms Mamata within the TMC hold that her proximity to the BJP is mere tactical in nature. If the Congress under Ms Sonia Gandhi fares exceptionally well in the elections, Ms Mamata may be willing to change her stand, say political analysts in Calcutta. That is why she has kept
her options open by refusing to make any personal attack
on Mrs Sonia Gandhi and to become a part of the NDA, they
argue. And in such a scenario, her image as a true
Congress woman may stand her in good stead. |
“Maharaja” faces tough BJP rival MYSORE: When in 1984, Srikantadatta Narasimharaja Wodeyar, scion of the Mysore royal family, was roped in by the Congress (I) to enter politics and made his debut as a member of the Lok Sabha, his victory had been declared by voters even before they cast their vote. But in the September 11 polling this time round, it is certainly not a cakewalk for him as he faces a tough BJP rival in Mr Vijaya Shankar, a clean image member of the dissolved Lok Sabha. When the 'Maharaja', as he is still called reverentially in rural areas of Mysore, accompanied by his wife Pramoda Devi undertook a door-to-door padayatra seeking votes, enthusiastic voters cleaned the streets as they normally do when a deity is taken in procession and offered "arti". Even when there was the Janata wave with the charismatic Ramakrishna Hegde as Chief Minister of Karnataka, the erstwhile ruler won the 1984 elections with a margin of 64,000 votes, defeating the Janata candidate K.P. Shanta Murthy. In the 1989 mid-term poll, he humiliated his nearest rival D. Made Gowda (Janata Party), defeating him with a huge margin of 2,49,364 votes. However, in the 1991 mid-term poll Mr Wodeyar changed his party affiliation from the Congress to the BJP and lost to Congress nominee Chandra Prabha Urs, daughter of the late Chief Minister Dev Raj Urs, by about 17,000 votes. In the 1996 elections, he came back to the Congress fold and won the seat defeating Mr G.T. Deve Gowda, Janata Dal candidate and former president of the Mysore Zila panchayat. However, his margin of victory had slumped to 11,676. However, in the mid-term poll in 1998, the BJP, for the first time, made its presence in a big way winning as many as 13 seats and its ally Lok Shakthi, three. Mr Wodeyar was not in the fray due to medical reasons and BJP nominee C.H. Vijaya Shankar won, defeating Congress candidate Chikkamadu by a margin of over one lakh. According to observers, the caste factor will loom large in the current elections. Mr Vijay Shankar of the BJP belongs to the Kuruba community, constituting about a third of the electorate in the constituency. Mr Wodeyar, on the other
hand belongs to a minority among minorities (Urs
community) whose community members number just a few
thousands. However, his asset is his lineage. —
PTI |
Papers of 3 covering candidates
rejected SHIMLA, Sept 7 — Nomination papers of three candidates were rejected during scrutiny today. In all, 23 candidates have been left in the fray for the four seats in the state. The last date for withdrawal is September 9. Papers of official candidates of all main parties were found in order. The three names, which were rejected were those of covering candidates. While the nomination papers of Mr Adan Singh, BJP covering candidate, were rejected for the Mandi seat, those of Mr P.C. Azad, covering candidate of the BSP, were rejected from the Hamirpur constituency. Papers of all five candidates for the Kangra seat were found in order. From the Shimla constituency, the papers of Mr Amarnath, covering candidate of the HVC, were rejected and the scrutiny of papers of Ms Sheela Shandil, Independent, was deferred for tomorrow after she promised to produce the essential caste certificate. The BJP and the HVC are contesting the elections jointly with the former fielding candidates for the Kangra, Mandi and Hamirpur seats. The HVC has put up a candidate from the Shimla constituency. The Nationalist Congress Party, the political outfit floated by Mr Sharad Pawar, is contesting all seats, except Kangra. In the last elections, the Janata Dal contested three seats but this time its splinter group, JD (S), has fielded candidates for two seats. The Shiv Sena, which does not have any base in the state, is contesting three seats. While the CPI is contesting only the Shimla seat, the BSP has put up its candidate for the Hamirpur seat. The Samajwadi Party is contesting the lone Kangra seat. As against one Independent in the last elections, as many as four are trying their luck this time. There are two women candidates in the fray as against one in the last elections. The total number of
candidates left in the fray constituency-wise is Mandi 4;
Kangra 5; Hamirpur 7 and Shimla 7. |
Quote...unquote My vote was for the electronic voting machine (EVM) rather than for any candidate. — A voter in the Karol Bagh constituency in New Delhi I have been voting regularly but chose to skip it this time because I have lost all faith in the election process. — Lawyer R.K. Anand of New Delhi Like always, most women voted this time also according to the wishes of their husbands or fathers wishes. — Report in The Pioneer on the Chandni Chowk parliamentary constituency in New Delhi One candidate is worse than the other. I am thoroughly fed up with politicians. — Lt. Gen H. Kaul (retd) on why he did not vote We don't fight shy of our coalitions like the Congress. We openly tell the people that we shall run the government in coalition with our alliance partners... We have proved that a coalition government can be run efficiently. — A.B. Vajpayee
at an election meeting in Kota, Rajasthan |
September 3, 1999
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