119 years of Trust E D I T O R I A L
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THE TRIBUNE
Tuesday, March 30, 1999
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editorials

Close to a catastrophe
T
HE earthquake that shook a large part of North India on Sunday night was of severe intensity and had, therefore, much greater destructive potential in terms of life and property than what we have come to know of by now.

Sensex’s higher range
L
AST week was particularly bad for the Bombay Stock Exchange, sentiment-wise. After creeping up by 41 and 44 points on the first two days, the Sensex plunged by more than 150 points on Wednesday as a nervous reaction to the virtual dismissal of BSE president J.C. Parekh.

Signals from Orissa
T
HE ride up to the Assembly elections in Orissa is unlikely to be comfortable for Chief Minister Giridhar Gamang. Mr J.B. Patnaik, whom he replaced at the behest of the Congress high command, has already unfolded a gameplan for causing dissension and confusion within the Congress.

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RETURN OF SALMAN RUSHDIE
by Darshan Singh Maini

I
TRUST, in less than a year’s time, the Vajpayee government carrying on its bent back a pack of disparate and desperate mavericks ranging from the indispensable Amma of Chennai to the shrill-mouth worked-up firebrand of West Bengal has made hardly a move which is not calculated to keep it from going under at the fall of a sneeze.

Misconceived policy for women
by Praful Bidwai

THE wild mood-swings of this government on the issue of violence against women are truly stunning. From threatening to make rape punishable with the death penalty, no less, it has decided to issue an insurance policy compensating women for “disabilities” arising from rape.



What to do during an earthquake
by Roopinder Singh

E
VERYBODY in the region experienced the tremors after midnight. For us it was a new experience, though many others have had to live with this phenomenon for long. Here is some information on earthquakes taken from various sites on the Internet:

delhi durbar

A Ministry geared to defending George
T
HE name Defence Ministry seems to be acquiring a new connotation: the entire apparatus of this South Block-based prestigious government department seems to be geared up more towards defending the incumbent minister’s action in dismissing former Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat from the post of Chief of Naval Staff than perhaps for defending India’s borders, shores and skies.

Middle

The monkey’s delight
by N. Khosla

I
N olden times there existed a mighty banyan tree that gave shelter to countless creatures, big and small. There were birds of many hues, lizards, insects and playful squirrels that lived in peace and harmony in its giant crown spreading far and wide, each following its calling without let or hindrance. They ate what they liked, sang their own songs and the air was one of tranquillity. Mid-day was the time for rest but mornings and evenings were the time for song and dance.


75 Years Ago

Plague in Lahore
T
HERE is ample evidence to show that plague is on the increase in Lahore, and it is feared that the bad weather which has now been with us during the last week or ten days will make the position worse.

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Close to a catastrophe

THE earthquake that shook a large part of North India on Sunday night was of severe intensity and had, therefore, much greater destructive potential in terms of life and property than what we have come to know of by now. It measured 6.8 on the Richter scale and came abruptly at dead of night. The duration was more than 40 seconds. Seismologically speaking, the affected areas fall in Zone 5 of the country which has been classified as “very quake-prone”. The epicentre has been located near Chamoli in Garhwal. In fact, mild tremors started at midnight around Gopeshwar and there were at least 14 of them until the biggest one was felt. It is worth remembering that during the recent past the rudeness of the shocks at various places was less frightening — Jabalpur 6, Latur 6.3 and Uttarkashi 6.6 on the Richter scale. Hundreds of lives were lost in those areas. Those who believe in Providence would naturally thank their stars. In our region, Chandigarh, Shimla and Jalandhar have shown much panic reaction. A natural calamity does not warn; it strikes. One needs to learn many lessons from such happenings. Despite remarkable scientific advancement, it is not possible to forecast the occurrence of earthquakes accurately. A note of caution issued even a decade in advance has to be considered with due reservation. One should treat Japan as a model. It is far more quake-prone than India, but it still escapes earthquake fury with far less damage. One reason, of course, is that we cannot spend adequately on making quake-resistant buildings. The shortage of money is a major discouraging factor in a poor country like ours. It is necessary that we start building structures according to the required specifications in places like Uttarkashi and keep an eye on the construction of dams.

Earthquakes have killed more than 10,000 people in the country during the past nine years or so and adversely affected about 400 million, according to a recent survey. Two-thirds of India lies in the seismic zones of moderate to severe intensity. On an average, at least one major disaster hits us every year causing considerable loss of life and property. According to some definite data collected by geologists at Roorkee, the Himalayan range, the Indo-Gangetic plains, and the Kutch and Kathiawar regions of western India are geologically at risk. The Himalayan front arc, flanked by the notorious “Chaman fault” in the west, constitutes the most seismically active intra-continental belt in the world where four earthquakes attaining the magnitude of 8 on the Richter scale have occurred within a span of 53 years. The Andaman and Nicobar Islands have also been identified as vulnerable to earthquakes. Peninsular India is considered rather quiet because it is away from the tectonic activity of the boundaries. The geo-physical signatures of Sunday night’s tremors are ominous. They can be repeated and people — specially the old, the infirm and the handicapped — have to be placed under reasonable safety. Public awareness is essential and community help is the main source of sustenance in the hour of need. One hopes that the affected would receive all support and help.
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Sensex’s higher range

LAST week was particularly bad for the Bombay Stock Exchange, sentiment-wise. After creeping up by 41 and 44 points on the first two days, the Sensex plunged by more than 150 points on Wednesday as a nervous reaction to the virtual dismissal of BSE president J.C. Parekh. On Friday too pessimism prevailed and the upshot was a further loss of 86 points. Despite this huge shedding, the week’s closing figure was impressive at 3597 points. In fact, the movement of the Sensex these days is mostly in the range of 3600-3800 points, a big improvement over the 2900-3200 range some months back. A bit of analysis strengthens the impression that the band of Sensex movement has indeed shifted higher. Last week the scrips of super blue chip companies like software exporters dived in value. Of course, these very shares had set and later sustained the bull run.

Most of the shares are selling at irrationally high prices, often 100, 200, 300 or 400 times the face value of Rs 10. Infosys, which has excited the hard-nosed investors in Nasdaq in the USA, commands a price of upwards of Rs 4500. At that level, it is not an investor’s option but a speculator’s favourite. Also, it is a very hot property. A buyer wants to hold on to these shares for the shortest duration and make the highest profit. When everyone plays this game, volatility becomes the basic sentiment of the market. This fact comes out in the swinging fortunes of the companies. Last week prices of all these shares tumbled, in one case by as much as 22.8 per cent. Even the mighty Infosys lost 6.8 per cent.

Another welcome feature is the large volume of turnover and a healthy mixture of shares, both within the A group and with B 1 and B groups. B 1 prices went up by an average of 43 per cent taking the total value of all shares to Rs 16,000 crore and B group prices were up by 10 per cent to nearly Rs 150,000 crore, all during last week. More shares were traded, reflecting new found enthusiasm. All this does not mean that the small investor has finally returned to the market. The booming sale of gold and small savings instruments shows where his preference lies. But the growth impulse is getting entrenched and if a few top companies report good performance in the last quarter of the financial year, the market should respond favourably.

The behaviour of the Indian bourses was becoming somewhat scandalous during the past two years or so. While the battered South-East and East Asia were rapidly picking up the snapped thread of market revival, India went into a prolonged spell of stagnation. Both South Korea and Hong Kong have recouped 50 per cent of the losses, and their losses in the middle of 1997 were enormous. The Dow Jones index of Wall Street is hovering around 10,000 points, a hefty 30 per cent rise in one year. That is an investor’s market, where money grows steadily, outstripping inflation and yielding real and attractive returns. In India that is a distant goal, but an early end to the stranglehold of speculators is no mean achievement.
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Signals from Orissa

THE ride up to the Assembly elections in Orissa is unlikely to be comfortable for Chief Minister Giridhar Gamang. Mr J.B. Patnaik, whom he replaced at the behest of the Congress high command, has already unfolded a gameplan for causing dissension and confusion within the Congress. At a certain level it is an unfair contest because Mr Patnaik is a hardened politician while Mr Gamang is still a novice in power politics. That the Patnaik loyalists who were not included in the reconstituted ministry would make life difficult for the Chief Minister is understandable. However, reports from Bhubaneswar suggest that the pro-Patnaik Ministers too are not letting Mr Gamang feel comfortable. Of course, the developments in the Congress cannot yet be called close to an open revolt. However, if the Central leadership ignores the signals, the Congress may find it difficult to defend its turf during the Assembly poll. For the present, the Patnaik camp seems to have overlooked a vital fact while planning its move against the Chief Minister. It has not realised that Mr Gamang's lack of political craftiness may turn out to be his strength. This may not only see him survive but also gain in confidence and stature in the run-up to the Assembly elections. The post-Christian bashing tension, economic and social backwardness and the spectre of a severe drought looming over the Orissa horizon are issues which need deft handling. Mr Gamang has already announced a number of initiatives. But if he were to rely only on the Congress to see him through what is undoubtedly a critical phase in his political career, he may find himself being pushed in the wrong direction.

Mr Gamang has, instead, done what most leaders in his situation should do for tiding over seemingly intractable problems. He has announced the setting up of an all-party committee to deal with burning issues and ensure communal harmony. In effect, he has made the representatives of the people in the State Assembly collectively responsible for seeing Orissa out of its current phase of problems — some of which are the result of outside factors. The all-party committee would advise the government on sensitive issues, including the post-Staines communal tension. His straightforward reply to the Opposition's criticism of his handling of the law and order situation would have had an impact on even his most rabid adversary. He said that he was neither guided by anybody in dealing with the issue nor was he following a hide-and-seek policy. Having put the onus of tackling the problems facing the state on the all-party committee, Mr Gamang has inadvertently given himself political insurance against an attack from the Brutus within the ruling party. However, Mr Patnaik is too crafty a politician and he is unlikely to give up efforts to avenge his humiliation by the high command. In case the battle for supremacy in the Orissa Congress is fought at the highest level in Delhi, Mr Gamang is sure to have the advantage of Ms Sonia Gandhi's support.
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RETURN OF SALMAN RUSHDIE
Freedom in realm of literature
by Darshan Singh Maini

I TRUST, in less than a year’s time, the Vajpayee government carrying on its bent back a pack of disparate and desperate mavericks ranging from the indispensable Amma of Chennai to the shrill-mouth worked-up firebrand of West Bengal has made hardly a move which is not calculated to keep it from going under at the fall of a sneeze. Gone are the BJP-RSS claims of “idealism” and sacrifice; craven compromises and rank opportunistic low pragmatism have been duly installed as the new deities! Lurching from crisis to crisis it’s webbling its way almost on borrowed time from week to week. For such a cornered, shaken government to grant a visa to the celebrated and controversial novelist, Salman Rushdie, (when the earlier so-called secular governments had tamely submitted to the tyranny of the religious zealots) naturally raises a whole lot of doubts, surmises and fears.

The RSS eggheads and hotheads, we know, never do a thing without a “hidden agenda”, and right now, they are desperately in search of a ploy that could bring things back to the boil to enable its fascist cadres yet another moment of history. Already, suitable noises are being made about the right of the Indian government to give a visa to one of its distinguished emigre sons, as also the right to cancel it if the circumstances later warranted it (as conveniently/suggested by Mukhtar Naqvi — the BJP’s Muslim minister). So, the usual game of hunting the foxes and running with the hounds is on. Or, to recall, Mark Antony’s words from Julius Caesar “Mischief, thou art afoot”... So, we indeed are intrigued by the right and sensible move made by a wrong and dubious government! What are, in sum, “the designs”? It’s not difficult to see the figure in their tattered carpet, but till the actual event itself — “the return of the native” — we could rather hold back our powder.

Since, very clearly, the Rushdie affair is a volatile, inflammable political issue, any discourse on his achieved work would certainly draw us into a long polemics regarding the nature of art, of politics, of freedom, of the limits of faith etc, and for such a discourse we would naturally examine his major novels, including, of course, “The Satanic Verses”. For a great writer’s oeuvre and worldview have to be placed alongside any book that has caused a lethal controversy and still keeps stoking the fires of fundamentalism in retrospect. Our purpose in this kind of piece is, therefore, not to examine the entire body of his work even briefly, but to highlight the problematics of the case which has caused such an amount of unwarranted, distasteful controversy. Indeed, since the Khomeini fatwa 10 years ago, l’affaire Rushdie has become a global human issue of immense dimensions and immense complexities.

To begin with, one comes up against two equally difficult and perplexing questions: (a) What’s indeed, the limit of freedom in the realm of creative literature and act? (2) What’s the limit of opinion in such writings that challenge the “scriptural truths” of one faith or another? In sum, what kind of departure from the received, revered text becomes a clerical heresy and a fundamentalist’s powder, and what kind of deviation becomes a wanton and wilful assault on the corporate spirit of a people or community? Can we, in other words, define the limits either way, or suggest a balancing factor, a drawn line beyond which any transgression becomes unbearably provocative or obscene? I fear, in such matters, we are apt to be walking on very thin ice. For one man’s freedom is seen as another man’s spiritual invasion and angst.

In the West, such problems of religious heresy and apostasy were solved, more or less, with the Enlightenment so far as the writers and artists were concerned, though, to be sure, the politics of power relating to the church or religion remain, in some cases, as virulent and destructive as in the past. The inquisitional aspect is gone, but the inter-faith rivalry or vendetta still flourishes as in the case of the divided Ireland. Still, few writers in the Western world are in danger of being assaulted, quartered and drawn for their bold, heretical, revolutionary writings. There are books and even films on the life of Jesus Christ which paint him in most offensive and hurtful colours. The critics are free to demolish such writers, challenge their new “idols”, but the quarrels, in general, are confined to intellectual arguments, debates and discourses. The question of ostracization and punishment is not even brooked.

In a different way, this question can be seen operating in relation to pornography or downright, deliberate obscenity in literature, art, cinema, etc. From D.H. Lawrence’s “Lady Chatterley’s Lover” to several later novels, plays and blue films, the battle with the censors and in the law courts has resulted chiefly in the vindication of the writer, or of the artist’s freedom to interpret the human reality, including the questions of God, atheism, heresy, obscenity in sexual scenes, etc. Which question extends in our own context to the criticism of Hindu sculpture in the greatest works of temple art and architecture — as in the Sun-Temple of Konark, or in the Ajanta and Ellora caves. So in Oriental countries, in general, while we defend with passion our artistic heritage even with strong erotic motifs, quite a few puritanical pundits are prepared to burn down cinema-houses showing a lesbian story such as “Fire”. Our institutionalised ethics and institutionalised hypocrisies run alongside each other, queering the political pitch. I’m reminded of what Milan Kundra (whom, incidentally Rushdie admires) said in his novel, “The Book of Laughter and Forgetting (1979)”: “Politics unmasks the metaphysics of private life, private life unmasks the metaphysics of politics.”

As I said at the outset, I’m not discussing here the merits or lapses of Rushdie’s controversial book, which as a novel, in any case, hasn’t the magic and power of his Booker Prize “Midnight’s Children”, but the mind and motives of a government not known for its humanist, liberalist or modernist outlook. What, indeed, is “the game” the Vajpayee government is really up to? Is it a last desperate attempt to touch the raw nerve of Indian communalism once again, and return to the Babri Masjid ethos or miasma, keeping in view the fear of another mid-term election? Or, it is to prove its liberal credentials in the eyes of the world with the Christian community in India now under siege, thanks to its own rabid ranks and saffron brigades.

There’s no doubt at all in my mind regarding the inalienable right of Salman Rushdie to visit the country of his birth, or, for that matter, any country. The point in question is the wholly uncharacteristic gesture of a government whose ideology and history hardly inspire confidence. Anyway, it’s still a welcome step, the mixed motives notwithstanding.

I hope to deal separately with his major novels where the critique would be comprehensive enough to let the leader have an overview of Rushdie’s values and world-view, as also of the gothicism of his art, and the picaresque character of his troubled, gnarled, narrative techniques, and, above all, of his polished rhetoric. For it’s only in art that a creative writer’s imagination of ambiguities and ambivalences, of point-counter-point, of polarities and hidden perceptions may truly be seen at work and at play. The point I’m trying to emphasise is that at some bend in his extended work, the writer’s faith and politics, among other things, become self-reflective mirrors authenticating his labours as an artist and his miseries as a thinker, believer or non-believer. The technique itself becomes the vision. When a writer chooses “to tell truth through fantasy”, as a New York Times critic observed in relation to Rushdie’s convoluted realism, one has to be wary to get at the truth.

While I welcome “the return of the native”, and wish him a fruitful, untroubled sojourn in these parts, I’m unable to give the Vajpayee government more than a reluctant cheer or two.
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Misconceived policy for women
by Praful Bidwai

THE wild mood-swings of this government on the issue of violence against women are truly stunning. From threatening to make rape punishable with the death penalty, no less, it has decided to issue an insurance policy compensating women for “disabilities” arising from rape. This “unique” policy, called the Rajrajeshwari Mahila Kalyan Bima Yojna, was drummed up, according to the General Insurance Corporation of India, by Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee himself. He launched it as his government’s first anniversary gift to the women of India. It is one of the two new schemes — the other being the Bhagyashree Child Welfare Policy, which provides compensation in case of the death of a parent — which the GIC will vigorously promote in the coming months.

The GIC will franchise the two policies, and plans to spend as much as Rs 1 crore on advertising them. It will sell them through gram panchayats and grameen banks as part of an “innovative” marketing strategy. “Rajrajeshwari” involves a premium of Rs 15 a year and will pay Rs 12,500 for the loss of a limb or an eye (how generous !) and Rs 25,000 for a “permanent” disability caused to the policy-holder on account of rape. The GIC aims to make as much as Rs 10 crore a year in premium income alone.

Women’s groups have registered a strong protest against the scheme and demanded that it should be withdrawn. They are right. The whole idea of insuring women against rape is fraught with dangers especially when the state promotes it. It amounts to a grave dereliction of duty to protect women against this particular form of violence and to create conditions that are conducive to the ending of discrimination against women. The fact that the state is cynically doing this, amidst the worst crime wave we have ever witnessed, makes its culpability particularly grave.

The scheme is fundamentally misconceived. It is based on the idea that what women are being insured against is something natural, inevitable or routine, like death or illness. You have to die one day. Eventually, you will fall ill too. But we know that rape is neither inevitable nor normal. It is the product of specific circumstances that are within the realm of human or social control. Nor is rape like an accident or an “act of God”, or a natural calamity against which one insures oneself simply because there is no other defence. An accident is by definition an unexpected or unforeseen event, one that can happen randomly to anyone. Rape is nothing of the sort. It is a specific act of violence directed at a particular woman by a particular man.

It is totally immoral to see rape as something we have to live with. It is equally impermissible to treat it as some kind of “disability”, or as an act usually resulting in a disability, as the GIC is doing. Typically, rape does not lead to the loss of a limb or an organ, but involves long-lasting mental trauma, pain and hurt to a woman’s dignity and self-esteem. It is extremely doubtful if the GIC or any other insurance company could be even remotely sensitive to such issues and can translate mental trauma or pain into monetary figures. At the heart of “Rajrajeshwari” is unpardonable confusion over the entity that is being insured and over precisely what a woman is being compensated for.

For all intents and purposes, the infelicitously named “Rajrajesh-wari” policy will amount to marketing rape and cashing in on the growing insecurity and fear of sexual assault among women. Crimes against women have been rising at 10 per cent-plus a year. But no woman will feel secure or fortified as a result of possessing “Rajrajeshwari”. Rather, she is likely to feel lessened, cheapened, humiliated vulnerable and disempowered. If the purpose of the policy is not just to generate profit for the GIC, but to create conditions that enhance women’s security, or generally improve law and order, then it is bound to be defeated.

There is another problem pertaining to the working of the policy and establishing that the event against which the insurance was sought indeed took place. What reason can the citizen have to believe that the GIC will be easier to satisfy than the police or the law, courts who doubt and reject most women’s claims of sexual assault? According to the National Crime Records Bureau, the rate of conviction in reported rape cases (over 12,000 in 1995) is only 30 per cent . And we know from numerous surveys by organisations like RAHI (Recovering and Healing from Incest), Sakshi and others that more than half of all cases of rape are just not reported to the police and hence not recorded at all.
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The monkey’s delight
by N. Khosla

IN olden times there existed a mighty banyan tree that gave shelter to countless creatures, big and small. There were birds of many hues, lizards, insects and playful squirrels that lived in peace and harmony in its giant crown spreading far and wide, each following its calling without let or hindrance. They ate what they liked, sang their own songs and the air was one of tranquillity. Mid-day was the time for rest but mornings and evenings were the time for song and dance.

There was also a small tribe of monkeys living in the tree which was not particularly friendly with the others and never joined in the social life of the community. They roamed far and wide in search of sustenance and stayed aloof. For some reason they considered themselves superior to the rest. There was no denying their power, wit and mischievous ways. Yet, with all their cunning and deviousness, the monkeys were prone to occasional outbursts and peevishness. And they also had more than a measure of conceit and indifference to the plight of others.

With simple instinct on their side, the other residents of the ageing tree had made rudimentary homes for themselves. The birds who constituted the vast majority were especially skilful in making elaborate dwellings for themselves and their progeny and, inconsequence, enjoyed a degree of comfort and security. They kept their nests clean and some had even carried out some beautification of their immediate surroundings. They, naturally took pride in this.

One afternoon in early spring when the harsh winter had given way to balmy days and every bush and tree was in leaf and bud, dark clouds came from the horizon and a drizzle sent all birds to their shelters. There was a nip in the air and soon a chill breeze made things worse. Even the lizards crept into their holes or hollows waiting for the rain to abate. Only the monkeys were left out in the freezing weather, miserable and resentful. Resentful because such was their nature.

A small family of weaver birds had built the most comfortable nests and were least incommoded by the rain. They stayed dry in the little awnings they had painstakingly devised and were cheerfully if a trifle insolently chirping and whistling away when they caught the attention of the leader of the monkeys. Now this was too much for the proud and arrogant simian. With one flourish he demolished the well-crafted nest of the nearest sending the poor bird scurrying for cover. This was a signal for all the monkeys who took no time in tearing down the nests of all the birds within reach creating havoc. What was once an orderly and pleasant sight was in no time a shambles leaving the birds, old and young, crying in despair.

Centuries later a descendant of the weaver bird whose nest was the first to be torn down was telling of this happening to his young ones. They sat around in wide-eyed wonder and disgust at the irrational behaviour of the tribe of monkeys till one of them, more naive than the others, asked why the whole tribe of monkeys had taken recourse to such action. “Simple”, replied the senior “There were no bulldozers in those days, my dear”.
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delhi durbar
A Ministry geared to defending George

THE name Defence Ministry seems to be acquiring a new connotation: the entire apparatus of this South Block-based prestigious government department seems to be geared up more towards defending the incumbent minister’s action in dismissing former Admiral Vishnu Bhagwat from the post of Chief of Naval Staff than perhaps for defending India’s borders, shores and skies.

All norms are being thrown to the winds in this no-holds barred battle. Even secret documents (or at least documents which certainly are officially secret, though they do not carry the tag to fall into the ambit of the Official Secrets Act) are being leaked to the press.

Over the weekend, journalists were supplied with a press release to rebut the former Naval Chief’s charge in an affidavit, made at a press conference on February 22 that “as Chief of Naval Staff, I was quite improperly investigated both by the Central Bureau of Investigation and the Intelligence Bureau in October. They gave me a clean chit”.

In order to prove Bhagwat wrong, sources in the Defence Ministry supplied to journalists photocopies of letters written by the respective Joint Directors of the IB and CBI. The question arises: Are not communications from the IB to any government department to be treated as secret? Are IB letterheads and signatures of Joint Director ranking personnel to be supplied on a platter to the press? What precaution did the Defence Ministry take to ensure that these documents will not fall into the wrong hands and lead to forgeries?

In today’s computerised world, a scanner can take care of the letterhead, logo and the officer’s signature and these can be superimposed on any document.

Is the CBI, which has carried out raids under the Official Secrets Act in recent times, listening?

Tell-tale tape

The fallout of the spate of murders of journalists in the Capital may not have rocked the BJP-led Government but investigations, at least in one case, involving a lady journalist whose murder was a sensation earlier this year, may find the government in a flap.

The name of a Cabinet Minister is likely to be drawn in. The ongoing tussle between the top brass of the BJP Government may have connotations similar to the Hawala case during the P.V. Narasimha Rao regime of the Congress.

Last week an FIR was filed at the Vasant Vihar police station in south-west Delhi in which a tell-tale sound recording had been cited as evidence. The top brass of the Delhi Police, which has come under criticism owing to its inability on various fronts, is itching to give out the evidence.

The tape may prove to be the undoing of the Vajpayee regime. It may do to the government what the Vishnu Bhagwat and Mohan Guruswamy issues have not done so far.

Swamy’s tea diplomacy

The proposal of Dr Subramanian Swamy to host a tea party in honour of the AIADMK General Secretary, Ms J. Jayalalitha did create quite a storm in political circles.

Coming as it did when Parliament was in recess added to the mystery of the event. While on the face of it the BJP, which heads the coalition government at the Centre, maintained there was nothing to be alarmed about, behind-the-scene efforts are on to find the reason, particularly its timing.

Dr Swamy, who has been actively working to get relations between the Congress and its former ally, the AIADMK, on an even keel, added enough “masala” to make the affair noticeable.

To add to the mystery, Dr Swamy extended invitation to the Congress President, Mrs Sonia Gandhi, and later also added the name of former Prime Minister, Mr P.V. Narasimha Rao to the list of invitees.

Meanwhile, overzealous politicians within the Opposition have started reading the event as an attempt by non-BJP forces to regroup. The idea, it is said, is to strike soon after Parliament resumes sitting in the second and crucial half of the Budget session from April 12.

Will the government be able to cross the hurdle of getting through the money Bill passed in the Lok Sabha, is the question that is uppermost on everyone’s mind. For, if the present coalition fails, it has to bow out of office. Will the Congress re-enact what it did two years ago, pulling the rug from below the coalition’s feet during the Budget session.

Though technically, the Congress is not exactly in a position to dictate, it can certainly prompt some of the BJP allies to strike. Will it be ‘Beware the ides of March’, as the soothsayer warned Julius Caeser in Shakespeare’s play or would be Swamy’s storm in the tea cup?

BJP bid to steal thunder

The BJP, which has just acclaimed with pride the completion of one year in office by Mr Atal Behari Vajpayee, did not want to lose out to Dr Swamy on the tea party.

Perhaps having taken a cue from the Congress about the efficacy of “dinner diplomacy”, Mr Vijay Goel, the BJP MP from Chandini Chowk in old Delhi, decided to meet the challenge head on.

To steal Dr Swamy’s thunder, Mr Goel organised a tea party at his residence for the visiting AIADMK leader and timed it on the day, when the ruling coalition decided to hold the coordination meeting, so that attendence, at least, would not be a problem.

And guess who was selected to greet Ms Jayalalitha at the gate along with the host? Well, it was Gurdaspur MP, Mr Vinod Khanna, who carried a bouquet to wish her. Of course, while both shared a similar background, Mr Khanna never paired with Ms Jayalalitha, who was senior to him as a film star.

Top cop in traffic jam

Guess what happens when the police chief gets caught in a traffic hold up and has to walk his way to work? The area Station House Officer is transferred.

Such a situation occurred in the Capital last week, when an unscheduled demonstration created a mess in the busy ITO area during the morning office hours.

As it is traffic, both vehicular and pedestrian, is very heavy at all times but this increases when people assemble and disperse from their workplaces.

On that particular day, the mercury was on the higher side due to a blockade by demonstrators which added to the traffic build up. Needless to say, crossroads were blocked with vehicles lined up to a kilometre.

One of the vehicles was that of the police chief, who had to walk nearly 10 minutes to reach his workplace. En route he gave orders on the mobile phone which practically brought the top brass of HQ, located just off the ITO crossing, to clear up the mess.

(Contributed by SB, K.V. Prasad and P.N. Andley)
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What to do during an earthquake
by Roopinder Singh

EVERYBODY in the region experienced the tremors after midnight. For us it was a new experience, though many others have had to live with this phenomenon for long. Here is some information on earthquakes taken from various sites on the Internet:

During the Earthquake

Recognise it for what it is and don’t panic. If you’re indoors, stay there. Get under a desk or table, stand in a corner or in a doorway. If you’re outside, stay there, too. But get away from trees, buildings, walls or power lines.

If you’re in a high-rise building, don’t use the elevators. Stay away from the outside walls. If you’re driving, pull over and stop. Stay away from overpasses and power lines.

After the Earthquake

Check for injuries. If there are any, apply first aid. Don’t move seriously injured people unless they are in immediate danger.

Don’t use the phone unless it’s an emergency — a serious injury or fire.

Check for gas and water leaks, broken electrical wiring or sewage lines. If you find damage, turn off the utility at the source.

Check your water supplies. You can get emergency water from water heaters, melted ice cubes, toilet tanks (not bowls; and don’t drink tank water if you’re using a disinfecting agent there) and canned vegetables. Drinking pool water over a long period isn’t advisable. Likewise, water stored in vinyl plastic containers isn’t suitable for continued use.

If the electricity is out, turn on a transistor for immediate news.

If you have broken windows, tape them to prevent flying glass in case of aftershocks. Keep the streets clear for emergency vehicles. Keep at least a quarter tank of petrol in your car and maps in the glove compartment.

Check for structural damage to your home.

If you have to evacuate, leave a note.

Remember: Strong aftershocks are likely after a strong earthquake.

Planning is the best insurance

Teamwork is also a key to surviving an earthquake. In Scotts Valley, USA, an isolated area near the epicentre of the 1989 Loma Prieta earthquake, pre-planning by a group of residents saved houses and possibly lives. The neighbours learned the layout of each others’ homes and exchanged keys and telephone numbers. They set up caches of food, water and emergency supplies.

Stephanie Mann, author of “Safe Homes, Safe Neighbourhoods’’ offers advice on organising such a group. Neighbours can do a lot for each other after an earthquake.

They may rescue your child or pull you out of debris. It’s important to know if there is a doctor, nurse or fire fighter in the neighbourhood. You also need to help your neighbours. If one house goes, the whole block can go.

Neighbours should distribute an emergency neighbourhood map with names, telephone numbers and symbols for gas and electricity.

Some frequently asked questions and answers

The following are some of the frequently asked questions about earthquakes:

What is the biggest earthquake ever?

Since 1900, the earthquake in Chile on May 22, 1960, is the biggest in the world with magnitude 8.6 on Richter scale.

What is the worst earthquake in India?

India’s worst earthquake in recent times killed nearly 10, 000 persons in western India in 1993.

I want to move to a place that doesn’t have earthquake. Where can I go?

Antarctica has the least earthquake of any continent, but small earthquake can occur anywhere in the world.

What is the difference between magnitude and intensity?

Magnitude measures the energy released at the source of the earthquake. The magnitude of an earthquake is determined from the logarithm of the amplitude of waves recorded on a seismogram at a certain period. Intensity measures the strength of shaking produced by the earthquake at a certain location. Intensity is determined from effects on people, human structures, and the natural environment. Intensity does not have a mathematical basis, but is based on observed effects

Where can I buy a Richter scale?

The Richter scale is not a physical device, but a mathematical formula. The magnitude of an earthquake is determined from the logarithm of the amplitude of waves recorded on a seismogram at a certain period.

What is an aftershock?

Smaller earthquake following the largest earthquake of a series concentrated in a restricted crystal volume.

How long can an earthquake shake?

Two to three minutes.

What is a fault?

A fracture or zone of fractures in rock along which the two sides have been displaced relative to each other parallel to the fracture.

I just felt an earthquake. Is there a fault there?

If there wasn’t one before, there is one now.

When was the first instrument that actually recorded an earthquake?

Probably the earliest seismoscope was invented by the Chinese philosopher Chang Heng in A.D. 132. This was a large urn on the outside of which were eight dragon heads facing the eight principal directions of the compass. Below each dragon head was a toad with its mouth opened toward the dragon.

When an earthquake occurred, one or more of the eight dragon-mouths would release a ball into the open mouth of the toad sitting below. The direction of the shaking determined which of the dragons released its ball.

The instrument is reported to have detected an earthquake 400 miles away that was not felt at the location of the seismoscope. The inside of the seismoscope is unknown: most speculations assume that the motion of some kind of pendulum would activate the dragons.

Where do earthquakes occur?

Earthquake can strike any location at any time. But history shows they occur in the same general patterns year after year, principally in three large zones of the earth.

Can earthquake be predicted?

It is not possible for scientists to predict earthquake now and it may never be possible. Some people believe that animals and psychics can predict earthquake, but that has not been proven.
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75 YEARS AGO

Plague in Lahore

THERE is ample evidence to show that plague is on the increase in Lahore, and it is feared that the bad weather which has now been with us during the last week or ten days will make the position worse.

Even the official figures, which for obvious reasons cannot possibly be taken to be complete, clearly indicate that the mortality from the epidemic is increasing. Last week, there were as many as 30 new cases and 18 deaths according to the figures published by the Municipality, the total number of cases and deaths since the town was declared to be infected being 1187 and 753 respectively.

The danger of the epidemic assuming alarming proportions during the next few weeks is both real and immediate, and it is high time the people took earnest steps to combat the danger. This can be done in three ways: by the segregation of cases; by adopting preventive measures such as inoculation and thorough disinfection of the affected localities in cooperation with the municipal authorities; and by supplying the municipality with correct and early information as to new cases and deaths.

We hope the matter will receive the early attention of all public-spirited citizens of the town.
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