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This fortnightly
feature was published on November 8, 1998
Reject
divisiveness, manipulation
By K.S.
Bajwa
OUR strength lay in the deep-rooted
spiritual faith, moral values and a basic human
benevolence of our people. The well springs of these
inner strengths enabled our unarmed struggle to wrest our
Independence from one of the leading colonial powers in
the world. The leaders of our freedom struggle were like
colosii on the national firmament. Unfortunately as these
men and women of great stature passed on, those who
followed them did not always quite measure up to their
high calibre and national commitment.
Our disappointments and
despair are a story of the decline of our political
leadership. For a while there was hope. The Press called
her Durga! The men in uniform admired her. She had
thumbed her nose at the US Seventh Fleet sailing into the
Indian Ocean to intimidate us. With remarkable political
courage, she had withstood pressure from the USA and
China. She had displayed decisive political leadership to
employ our armed power to pursue vital national
interests. In December, 1971, we won a decisive military
victory over Pakistan. Alas, we won the war but lost the
peace. In the search for peace which follows all decisive
victories, Indira Gandhi failed to secure a lasting
settlement of Kashmir and other disputes with Pakistan.
We have only the Simla Agreement to parrot for our
victory.
The decline of our
political leadership started with the winding down of the
Nehru era. Tolerating corruption and wrongdoing by people
like Krishna Menon, Nehru overlooked the potential for
growth of this evil that eventually weakened our moral
fibre. The basic insecurity of Indira Gandhi combined
with an "Indira is India" syndrome created by
the self-serving and sychopathic Congressmen brought
forth her authoritarian proclivities. She systematically
decimated all leaders with grassroots strength, who could
have held their flock together on the path of a national
purpose, but could possibly challenge her pre-eminence.
Chief ministers were set up and knocked down like the
nine pins in a bowling alley. Such overbearing misuse of
authority was meekly accepted, which created a feeling of
autocratic infallibility. Even more damaging in the long
run was the dilution, and in many cases complete
destruction of institutions that could apply checks and
balances to misuse of political and administrative
authority, often exercised by extra-constitutional power
centres.
Her indulging Sanjay
Gandhi, who injected street brawls into our political
practice, proved costly to the nation and even to her
personally. The rather fragile ramparts of our polity
started to crumble. Declaration of the Emergency in 1975,
a symbol of her authoritarian avtaar, speeded up the
process of decay. The self-serving and squabbling Janata
Dal leaders raised high hopes but failed the national
expectations. People turned to Indira Gandhi again only
to find a fresh momentum added to our downward slide. By
now most of the moral constraints in governance were
blurred. Corruption had gained respectability. The mighty
Congress party was gradually reduced to a vehicle for
pursuit of narrow personal agendas of its leaders.
Power at any cost became the core theme of political
concept and practice.
There was no compunction
in the fashioning of low manoeuvres to weaken or destroy
any form of even constructive and legitimate opposition.
When an entity so created grew its delusions of
infallible grandeur, a Bluestar was so thoughtlessly
conceived and launched by an insecure but autocratic
Prime Minister. In one stroke a dynamic community, which
had been in the forefront of the freedom struggle and the
subsequent consolidation and defence of the nation, was
alienated. The top military leadership in the know of the
impending operation too failed the soldier. No preventive
measures were taken to contain the certainty of a sharp
emotional response from Sikh troops. Some of the famous
Sikh battalions and their men, much sought after during
operations for the defence of the nation, became
defaulters. Much worse was the stigma of being suspect in
the theme of our nationhood.
To those like me, who
proudly wore the uniform of this beloved nation and spent
better part of their adult lives in its service, this was
an experience much worse than anything the colonial
British had unleashed upon us. In the wake of this
thoughtless lancing of deep-seated passions of faith,
came a holocaust triggered by a highly regrettable
assassination in vengeance. A government led by a Prime
Minister, with a claim to this high office only by
inheritance, abdicated its responsibility,
obviously by design, while thousands of innocent people
were butchered in the national Capital and elsewhere in
the country. An explanation of this revenge and
intimidation by violence in the style of medieval despots
was sought to be given by the sentence: "When a big
tree falls, the earth shakes!" This added insult to
a deep injury. Our heads ought to have hung in shame.
Rajiv Gandhi, with his
large ego and arrogance, fed on the legitimacy of a
divine right of a ruling heritage created by the fawning
culture of the Congress, developed an autocratic
absolutism. A basketful of Bofors, HDWs, and a whole host
of similar scams and corruption did the rest to take the
shine off "Mr Clean". His inclinations to
extend our military influence in the neighbouring
countries proved rather costly. In 1987 the ill conceived
exercise, Brasstacks, suspected to be a disguised plan to
attack Pakistan, was fortunately abandoned on account of
the cold feet that he developed at the last moment. The
attempt did not do much good to confidence building with
Pakistan. Again in 1987, the Indo-Sri Lankan accord and
the induction of the Indian Peace Keeping Force into Sri
Lanka was an unmitigated disaster. Our soldiers and the
nation paid heavily for it without any tangible gains.
The irony in the betrayal of our soldiers fighting the
Tamil Tigers trained, armed, equipped and supported even
when the Tigers were actually engaged in fighting and
killing our men, is very hard to live down.
After Rajiv Gandhi too,
our governing dispensation continued on its erratic
course. An effort was indeed launched to pull out of the
economic morass created by an excessive state control.
Even the rather limited
liberalisation has been a shot in the arm for our
stagnant economy but unfortunately much of the
bureaucratic stranglehood still operates in practice.
Corruption has seeped into every aspect of our governance
and has become a way of life. It is vital to take a hard
and searching look at some of our glaring infirmities.
The framers of our
Constitution put a great store by our inherent moral
values and good sense. They felt that self restraint and
self regulation will create healthy precedents,
traditions and conventions in the actual working of the
Constitution. Far from these expectations, the provisions
have been misused to serve partisan ends. A case in point
is the blatant misuse of Article 356 to dismiss duly
elected state governments. A Constitution is a living
statement of the resolves of people to give themselves
sustained good government. Any cracks and infirmities
which are revealed must be very soberly reviewed and
suitably addressed.
Our electoral system has
been badly bent. Politicians have diligently chipped away
at what was conceived as an exercise of sovereignty by
all Indians, irrespective of caste, creed, religion and
social status. The creation of vote banks has been the
villain. Linguistic states, caste-based reservations and
such other creation of narrow special interest groups has
emphasised regionalism and other divisions in our already
fragmented society. The growth of our composite and
cohesive national concept has been retarded if not
arrested. To soldiers like me, who lived, breathed,
practised and defended and promoted a complete Indian
identity, this divisiveness actively fomented by our
politicians for their narrow ends is very painful. It is
absolutely vital for the healthy growth and even survival
of our nation that we reject all divisive measures and
manipulations. Equally necessary is to eliminate money
and muscle power and the criminalisation of our polity.
Profoundly considered electoral reforms are inescapable.
In any country, where
political executive is self-seeking and corrupt,
bureaucracy runs everything, a black market economy
flourishes and a criminal mafia operates a close nexus
with both the politicians and the bureaucrat, that
country in all walks of its life becomes a hostage
to the criminal mafia. This is what is happening in
Russia today. We too are on the brink of this abyss. Our
collective moral philosophy that shapes and regulates our
conduct has been corrupted. Even of graver concern is the
acceptance of this situation in resignation by the older
generation and the Chalta hai !" (anything is
justified) outlook of the younger generation. Must we
only shrub our shoulders in indifference, resignation and
acceptance? Let us raise our voices and focus our
endeavours and efforts onto the rescue of our beloved
land.
We had embarked upon our
Independence amongst wide disparities of economic and
social justice. We, who had drunk deep from the fountains
of liberty, equality and fraternity had come to nurture
high hopes and almost certain expectations that the
inequities would be addressed. Unfortunately, our
political dynamics were highjacked by self-serving and
immoral political leaders. The pride and faith in the
nation still lives but some of the shine has rubbed off
from the starry-eyed hopes. At the back there is a grim
resolve that the struggle for freedom from despair is
still with us.
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