 |
|
|
Demilitarisation of Siachen On Record |
|
|||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Memories of
Tarn Taran
Reflections Profile Diversities — Delhi Letter
|
Demilitarisation of Siachen The Siachen breakthrough did not materialise. We are closer to resolving any of the other outstanding issues with Pakistan. Yet, the third round of composite dialogue goes marching on. Unprecedented violence preceded Prime Minister Manmohan Singh's round table with Kashmiris in Srinagar. It was likened to a seminar by Hurriyat Chairman Mirwaiz Omar Farooq. True, the five committees emerging from the round table are not path-breaking. But they will consist of Kashmiris and will have the official seal of approval. The relative peace and prosperity Kashmiris are enjoying is unprecedented. Connectivity between Kashmiris on both sides has improved and meetings between them including representatives from Northern Areas augurs well for the region. At the round table, Prime Minister Manmohan Singh repeated the idea of a Treaty of Peace Security and Friendship (TPSF), he first offered to Pakistan on March 24 while launching a bus from Amritsar to Nankana Sahib. India is sitting pretty after US reaffirmation that “we are closer today than at any time since 1947 and consider India to be one of the most viable strategic allies anywhere in the world”. This strategic realignment requires security reassurances from India to Pakistan. That is what the TPSF has tried to do. While the offer is not new, the changed geo-strategic context makes the idea relevant. In the TPSF are three elements: Peace — ending violence including addressing its root cause; Security — mutual and assured invulnerability; and Friendship — living as normal neighbours. Fundamental to the success of any peace process are ending of violence and a demonstrable political will to make compromises. Pakistan uses Cross Border Terrorism (CBT) as a means of leveraging its case that the root cause of violence is the Kashmir dispute. It has linked progress on other issues in the composite dialogue to progress on Kashmir. Prime Minister Singh has lauded Gen Pervez Musharraf for his “bold” steps to curb terrorism and noted “but more needs to be done in the interests of India and Pakistan”. There is a tacit acceptance now that India will have to live, rather continue to live, with a minimum level of infiltration and violence. Pakistan’s revised CBT strategy appears to be to go slow in Kashmir while outsourcing terror and violence to affiliates in Nepal, Bangladesh and India. Previously the theatre of conflict was limited to Jammu and Kashmir. The threat of war in Operation Parakram (2001-02) designed to force Pakistan to end CBT did not work. The window for a limited war which India holds as a deterrent to CBT has all but closed under a nuclear shadow. The ground realities that can conceivably permit any cold start war doctrine against Pakistan have not changed. As we appear to have accepted that CBT cannot be completely stopped either by us or by Musharraf, we might consider, analogous to Nuclear No First Use, the offer of Non Initiation of Hostilities across the borders. This should assuage Pakistan’s security concerns. Some Pakistani strategists are saying that Musharraf is on the path to “unilateral concessionism”. He has dropped the demand for self-determination/ plebiscite and the UNSC resolution on Jammu and Kashmir. Further, the phrase ‘freedom-fighters’ is losing currency. He has accepted there will be no redrawing of maps and said borders should become redundant. Self rule and joint control are his buzz words and will be on the agenda of the recently-constituted Kashmir committees. The crux of the composite dialogue hinges on reciprocity and flexibility on each side’s core concerns: India relenting on CBT and Pakistan accepting distinction between “discussion” and “resolution” of the Jammu and Kashmir dispute. Progress on the composite dialogue is held hostage to progress over Jammu and Kashmir. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh has outlined a sequential approach to discussing Jammu and Kashmir as well as measures for connecting people on both sides of the LoC. This is the first time contours of any discussion on Jammu and Kashmir have been drawn. In the future, India could suggest the formation of a joint working group on Kashmir which later is elevated to a political dialogue on the lines India is having with China. This would be in addition to the internal peace process. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh is convinced that it is possible to reach meaningful agreements on Siachen, Sir Creek and Baglihar. He is keen to break the ice in Kashmir by cracking Siachen. Last year, he gave hints to the Army to accept a settlement and turn Siachen into a science park. Unfortunately, he lacks the political authority of his predecessor to take a calculated risk and carry the Army with him. On Pakistan’s part, Foreign Minister Kasuri welcomed the TPSF offer. Yet, Pakistan did not show any flexibility over authenticating existing positions in Siachen. So, is the linkage between Kashmir and other issues really becoming more flexible, as claimed by some? Demilitarisation of Siachen is a big military CBM which will unlock the LoC. More requires to be done on military diplomacy as soldiers are important players in India and decision-makers in Pakistan. The next logical step is for both sides to formalise through a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU), the nearly 3-year old unofficial ceasefire into a Cease Fire Agreement. Ideally, this should be accompanied by a Helsinki-type political agreement that neither side will alter borders by use of force, reviving the Simla Agreement. This will take India off the hook in implementing the 1994 parliamentary resolution to retake parts of Jammu and Kashmir in Pakistan's possession. Friendship is the last element of TPSF. Already the biggest push to the peace process is coming from the people, peace lobbies and cricket. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh reaffirmed India’s commitment to ensuring the prosperity, stability and wellbeing of Pakistan. Given the experience of Simla and Lahore, the question is often asked: with whom in Pakistan — the military regime or an elected civilian agreement — does India sign the TPSF when the time comes? The question is no longer relevant as the military in Pakistan whether in or out of power ratifies all decisions on national security. |
|
On Record
Pakistan Defence Secretary Lt-Gen Tariq Waseem Ghazi (retd) visited New
Delhi for the tenth round of Defence Secretary-level India-Pakistan talks on
Siachen and Sir Creek. He agreed for an interview but could not find time. On
his return to Islamabad, he sent written replies to The Sunday Tribune’s
questionnaire. Explaining Pakistan stand on Siachen and Sir Creek, he insists
that Indo-Pak talks are "not a dialogue of the deaf". Excerpts: Q:
Talks between India and Pakistan on Siachen have virtually been a dialogue of
the deaf as both sides have merely reiterated their positions. Have they taken
up new proposals? A: When we allow problems to remain unsolved they have a
tendency to harden. It becomes difficult to identify elements and issues,
isolate them and find common ground. The trick is to persist despite the
appearance of deadlock, to redouble our efforts, and to achieve respect and
understanding of differing viewpoints. Siachen is a 22-year-old problem that
has been the subject of 10 rounds of talks during which we have moved towards a
thaw rather than away from it. Therefore, this is not a dialogue of the deaf. Q:
When Mr Natwar Singh visited Pakistan in October, there was hope of a
resolution of Siachen and Sir Creek. Still, both issues are unresolved. Can
these be resolved? A: We do not undertake serious dialogue through the
media nor do we speculate on its outcome. There are two facets to these
problems — political and technical. At the Defence Secretary level, we deal
with the latter while the political leadership sets the framework of the
former. Neither of us works in isolation; we continue to refine our strategy,
tactics, aims and objectives in an interactive and durable manner. The existing
arrangements and mutual consultations between the two facets are very
satisfactory. Q: Do you feel that by authenticating the Actual Ground
Position Line (AGPL), you will be certifying the Indian aggression - a step
that would be politically incorrect for any regime in Islamabad? A: The
mandate assigned by our governments to the Defence Secretaries in 1989 was to
seek an unconditional withdrawal of troops from Siachen. This mandate has not
changed. Therefore, we do not understand the relevance of authentication to the
withdrawal process, nor has its purpose been clearly defined to us by India. I
have no doubt that our government and the people have the strength and vision
to forge ahead towards a solution. Q: These problems have arisen only
because of a huge trust deficit between the two neighbours. Is that a fair and
pragmatic approach? A: The atmosphere between Pakistan and India has
greatly improved. We discuss substantive issues in a frank and cordial manner.
This is a step towards removing the trust deficit. The unilateral ceasefire
announced by Pakistan in November 2003 is holding and the two sides have
reiterated their commitment to it. We will continue to talk to build a climate
wherein resolution of our disputes can take place. Pakistan would not mind
third party facilitation but India is usually averse to that option. Q:
The Indian fear is that they are currently occupying the heights that they do
not want to vacate without a firm commitment from Islamabad that Pakistani
troops will not occupy the Siachen heights vacated by India. Any comment? A: Essentially,
India is alleging and conjecturing that Pakistan will do in Siachen what India
itself did there in 1984. This is paranoid. We have made a number of
suggestions to India to allay their apprehensions on this score. We are willing
to look at all guarantees and assurances that either side proposes. This is not
only an Indian concern but also ours. We, too, want reassurance that India will
not reoccupy territory that we mutually agree to vacate. We have a commitment
to the Simla Agreement that forbids unilateral change of status quo of 1972. Q:
The Indian argument is based on cartographic delineation of the AGPL and a
mechanism for verifying position of each other’s troops. What’s wrong with
that? A: The mandate from our respective governments is to secure
demilitarisation in Siachen area. Pakistan feels that we need to speak of
disengagement, withdrawal, redeployment outside the conflict zone, and a
reliable and verifiable mechanism of monitoring of disputed area. This is a
much broader concept than the so-called authentication of AGPL. When India
confines itself to just AGPL, it takes one step only — that of a precondition
and seems to contain a hidden motive. There is nothing wrong with
verification or identification of each other’s positions provided it is done
properly and as a part of the process within redeployment and demilitarisation.
Besides, the delineation of any line in the Siachen area is a political act
that is to follow withdrawal.
|
|
Memories
of
Tarn Taran June 1, 2006 is a happy day for me and all who have some connection with Tarn Taran. In the last 20 years, six new districts have been created by different governments, almost all south of the Satluj. Tarn Taran, which had the strongest claim, unfortunately was not. I congratulate the Chief Minister and thank him for taking the decision because this step will promote development in this most backward border area. I was born in Aldinpur, a kilometer away from Tarn Taran. I studied a year in the Guru Arjun Dev School there. Tarn Taran is forever linked with Guru Arjun Dev. On the Martyrdom celebration day, we went up and down the bazaars, drinking glass after glass of free shabeel sharbat. Five of us use to walk to school, in the hot summer, dawdling on the way playing cards! Coming back in the midday heat, we would hold on to a tonga, jogging along, carrying peasants back from the courts. In school, we ate parathas and aachar, packed by our mothers. Head Master Mahtab Singh, would have done credit to a Cambridge College. Assembly was held, prayers were said, the few who came late, or let their attention wander, were given swishes of his cane. I recently visited the school, now called a government college, and wanted to cry. I have spent Rs 15 lakh from my MPLAD fund, giving them new class rooms, and facilities. I will do more as I can. In my own way, I have already celebrated Guru Arjun’s Martyrdom, and my memories of the past. Apart from the college, I have built with MPLAD funds, a wall around the government girls’ school to protect its extensive grounds and girls. A hostel for 75 is almost ready for girls from this border belt villages to do a college degree. I keep urging the authorities to start it before June 16. I hope to dine with the girls when they are living there. Why do I fight for the full expansion of Amritsar International Airport? I started this effort in 1978, when I was the Principal Secretary to the Chief Minister. I wanted a comfortable, easy access to Punjab and our sacred city for all Punjabis abroad. But more than this, I dreamt of dozens of air cargo flights going from Amritsar to the Gulf and elsewhere. We should be able to load our fresh gajar, gobi, fruits and vegetables, fish, meat and eggs, at 5 a.m. and put them fresh in the Gulf markets at 11 a.m. This is the only way for the two-acre farmers to earn a tolerable living. This dream remains to be fulfilled. I am concerned to read in the Delhi papers that the first loads of vegetables have been exported from Jaipur to Dubai. Indian Airlines has given a concession of charging half rates. If sandy Rajasthan can do it, why does Punjab sleep? Why does the Civil Aviation Ministry allow unlimited national and international flights from everywhere but not from Amritsar? Punjab folklore has a saying: Dubb Key Wahah, Tey Rajj Key Khah. It is a foolish slogan. I propose another: Soch Key Wahah, Tey Pher Kush Khah! n The writer is a Member of
|
Reflections Most of my air travels are by national carrier. This time, as the flight timing suited the commitment I had, I decided to travel by one of new-non-national airline. I had flown by this carrier when it was making its debut. My experience was good and I thought it was a welcome breakthrough into state monopolies. However, my recent experience proved otherwise. The terminal which houses these upcoming airlines appeared like one of our old time interstate bus stands or the crowded railway platforms. Except that I did not find people resting on the floor. The management of the airline was “queue-less” and “clue-less”. Many passengers of cancelled flights (which I am informed is pretty often), of this particular airline, had crossed onto the ticket counters side and occupied their space in almost clothes tearing agitation. There was poor display of any departure information and one had to ask for information just as one asks for direction while driving on the Indian roads. The airline staff appeared hapless, tired and intensively used. Their clothes and appearances were the give a-ways. The terminal infrastructure too was pretty unkempt. No attendant. No newspapers. No queues to board. The departure doors were jammed by angry passengers. Seeing this, I alerted my hosts that I may either be late or not make it at all. I wondered for myself why we cannot fix these issues. And who (all) ought to take the coordinating charge and walk the field to check out all that is required is done. Today the commuting community has grown in number due to the new carriers offering low costs with bare bone services. (You are expected to pay even for a bottle of water once aboard). But why can we not be quality and time conscious? Is it absence of sound business models? Or is it need generated without the supporting infrastructure? Why must the ordinary public always get neglect? Why can’t they too get things in time and in good shape? And cared for? I believe they can if the leadership cares and also ensures the eye for detail, even after the ‘promos’, ‘promotions’ and ‘promises’, while the response builds up. My travel had a purpose. It was to launch an educational programme inside a prison. But what I saw here was in good contrast, that too, in a Government setting! It revealed what a caring and creative partnership could do. The prison Superintendent of Amritsar, K. Vijay Pratap Singh and the Vice-Chancellor of Guru Nanak Dev University, Dr S.P. Singh literally brought the University inside the prison for the education of the prisoners with a variety of certified vocational courses. This was a rare partnership seen where the Vice-Chancellor himself took the initiative to expand the scope and the reach of education. The Prison leadership prepared the premises and the inmates for receiving education and the university provided the entire required infrastructure such as teachers and learning material. To the best of my knowledge, this is the first such initiative directly of any Vice-Chancellor of a university, anywhere that I know of. And I have had the opportunity to visit over 30 prisons around the world. Educational programmes exist in many of these prisons but are usually contracted out to educational institutes or universities at a hefty price. Also the number attending the courses is small and no where as large in reach and varied as is being offered by the Guru Nanak Dev University. And that too at no cost at all, without differentiating between an Indian, a Pakistani or a Bangladeshi inmate. Truly the ‘Guru Nanak’ way… The launch was in the presence of hundreds of inmates who cheered and thanked the prison and the university authorities. The route to any reform is corrective education. Whoever is in the prison — murderer, terrorist, rapist, smuggler or a trafficker — if that person can be motivated or inspired to resume education, you have made a breakthrough in checking repetition in crime. Link that with spiritual learning, return to crime further recedes. What else does a liberal democratic society want of its correctional system? Exactly this! The Vice-Chancellor and the Prison Superintendent showed us the way… From here on I went to yet another programme showing the way in exercise of initiative and concern, in yet another unique way. This was about education of hundreds of orphaned children whose fathers had withered away due to drug addiction. Irresponsible men gave birth to children without realising their responsibilities. I met a woman sitting there who said she lost all her seven sons to drug addiction. A voluntary organisation by the name of Vidya Mandir was providing these “left behind” children schooling with computer learning and vocational training to the grown ups. The organisation till now has neither applied for nor received any government grant. However, the Member Parliament of Amritsar city, Navjyot Singh Sidhu, volunteered assistance by which the organisation built additional rooms for the children. It’s another model of total commitment to the cause of education of those who otherwise would have become victims themselves. All these learnings and observations in one single trip had as many messages as one could take. The key was that where there is concern there is correction. Where there is no concern there is chaos. Choices are with the community… To be proactive to serve…
|
|
Profile Prachanda now says: “My vision of a perfect Nepal is a democratic new Nepal, free from the exploitation of feudalism, working for economic and cultural prosperity”. The motto of Maoists is to hand over all power to the greater democratic political assembly. Many are, however, skeptical about Prachanda’s call for a multi-party democracy as it does not seem compatible with orthodox Maoist ideology. King Gyanendra continues to be the target of his wrath. “This so-called King — he is not a traditional King and the Nepali people do not accept him as King. He and his group are well-known goons and people see them as a clique of conspirators”, says the Maoist’s supreme leader. June 1 was an emotional day in the life of Prachanda and his father Mukti Ram Dahal who has been hearing a lot about his son but not seen him for 10 years. Prachanda had come to address a meeting near Chitwan, his home town. As the 79-year-old Mukti Ram anxiously waited to see his son, he saw a young man approaching him. Prakash, the young man, turned out to be his grandson whom Prachanda had send specially to escort his father. For the first time the father saw his son deliver a speech and his impromptu comment was — “My son gives speeches in loud voice”. Apart from his son and grandson, Mukti Ram, met his daughter-in-law, Sita too; they dined together and slept under one roof. For Mukti Ram, who has been living alone since his son left to organise the underground movement, it was the happiest day. He has been telling people quoting Prachanda: “My son said he won’t return to the jungle any more and there will be peace in Nepal”. Bespectacled and graying, 52-year-old Prachanda’s plunge in the Maoist movement at a very young age, tough life in dense jungle and the way he raised the People’s Liberation Army read like a thriller. He drew close to the Communist ideology when he was barely 16 and studying in high school. He did his B Sc and was studying for Masters in Public Administration when an agitation brewed against King Birendra and there was talk of referendum. Prachanda left his studies, became a full-time party worker and in the years to come controlled the clandestine wing of the CPN-M. Inspired by the Cultural Revolution in China, he became active in the insurrectionist Communist politics. Prachanda, whose original name is Pushpa Kamal Dahal, is married. He has four children. Significantly, the entire family is in the movement. Prachanda has told his interviewers that from his very childhood he knew the meaning of poverty and inhuman exploitation. He had chance of meeting people of different classes, castes and cultural backgrounds. He was inspired by the Marxist ideology, involved himself in student politics and by the time he graduated, he was a Communist. Thereafter, he took part in all kinds of struggles, big and small. The charge against the Liberation Army is that it recruits children below 16 years of age. Prachanda says it might be true in village militias but not so with the Liberation Army. As a rule, Prachanda stresses that those below 18 should not be allowed to join the armed struggle. There have been thousands of orphans, offspring of those who had laid down their lives and they should be looked after. The party undertakes the responsibility to feed, educate and train them so that they become good citizens. They are rarely used in armed struggle. Fighting a war is indeed a costly affair. From where does the Liberation Army get money? According to Prachanda, the main source of fund is from the people but some time money has to be extracted from the enemy. Now that democracy is being ushered in Nepal, the main source of the Maoist strength will be the support of the people. Another charge against Prachanda is that his cadres have been extending support to the Naxalites, particularly in India’s rural areas. He has reportedly clarified that the Maoists of Nepal have no working relationship with the Naxalites. What they want to do in India is their business. At the ideological level, however, Prachanda has been quoted as saying “we meet from time to time and we have our debates and discussions. Since both sides are Communists, we have an ideological relationship”.
|
|
Diversities — Delhi Letter There seems turmoil and unrest all around. The Annual Report of 2005, just published by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC), Geneva, paints a grim picture of the impact of armed conflict and violence on civilians. The report released here by the organisation’s Head of the Delegation Vincent Nicod, focusses on armed conflict on all five continents. It says that armed conflict has taken a heavy toll on civilians. “They face killing, injury, displacement, rape and sexual harassment, forced labour and recruitment, detention, and the destruction of property and of the means of survival. The collapse of basic services in areas such as health, water and education exacerbates their suffering.” The report says that lack of respect for international humanitarian law has a devastating effect on the lives and security of civilians. It also focusses on specific areas — Western Sudan (Darfur), southern and central Somalia, northern Uganda and large parts of Iraq — where violence has been on the increase. It also states that though most of today’s conflicts are internal, they often affect entire regions, thus assuming international dimensions… There is detailing of the major natural disasters — aftermath of the Indian Ocean tsunami and the South Asian earthquake. Of course, the human being of today lives a shattered, insecure existence. Amidst a strange turmoil of sorts. And a series of realities hitting him as never before. The report contains a list of some strange ironies. Simmering unrest Let’s not overlook the biggest irony of our times. In spite of the so-called advancement, we quickly quip “it’s all got settled! Now all’s okay”. This time, these words are being uttered in the context of the doctors’ strike. True, the strike has been called off (for various reasons) but there is that And yes, there is this too — the latest on the cuisine list is the Kashmiri fare. Many are packing their bags — travelling to the Valley for the summer break. School in Tihar Jail Though prisoners in our jails and prisons are discouraged and, in some cases, even stopped from scribbling in dairies, a school is coming up in New Delhi’s Tihar Jail. It is said that come July, this prison will be the first in the country to house a formal school for the adolescent inmates. Maybe, there ought to be some ways and means of releasing tension and nothing better than writing. Why can’t the jail authorities equip the undertrials with writing instruments? It won’t be a surprise if the inmates, given an opportunity, can churn out masterpieces. With almost two-third prisoners in the undertrail category (technically speaking innocent, for they are yet to be proved otherwise), there could be no better and saner way to harness their restlessness than to encourage them to write on. Poor track record We pat ourselves with the Board results, but one particular Urdu medium Government school — Second Shift Government Girls’ School in Balimaran’s Chashma Building in the old city, had no student getting the pass grade. Newspaper reports say, of the 12 students who appeared for the CBSE Class X examinations, nine got compartment while the remaining three students failed. In fact, results of the last few years show that the Urdu-medium schools of Old Delhi do miserably as compared to the rest of the schools. Why? There are less number of teachers, sometimes with vacancies not filled up and as pointed out, even lack of Urdu books. Yet we have at least two commissions and a full-fledged ministry to look into the minority affairs. Asian Cinema Festival Come July, the Eighth Asian Cinema Festival takes off in New Delhi. The 10-day film festival (July 14 to 23) will screen over 90 films from 40 countries. As it is supported by the Delhi Government and a couple of other supporters, there are no entry tickets. Passes, all the way. Needless to add for the Capital’s who’s who, who’d in all probability pose as big time cinema lovers. Why can’t the Delhi Government take the trouble of screening some of these films for those stuffed in the Tihar Jail? Those jailed need to be de-stressed too. Fuss about Fanna There is useless fuss about Fanaa’s release in Gujarat. With the latest twist in the tale — Mahesh Bhat approaching the Supreme Court — with the petition seeking directions to the Gujarat Director-General of Police for providing security to cinema halls in the state for screening Fanaa. Bhat is one of those few film makers of the country who does take a stand in not just his Bollywood films but even in his private life. A few months back, I had to write in some context about men who are saddled with more than one wife. Spontaneously I came up with three names of such “brave” men (for it’s much easier to keep a mistress or lover than to take on Biwi number two) — that of Mahesh Bhat, Dharmendra and Raja Reddy. Later, a colleague had cooed the name of a fourth — Lucky Ali is also saddled with two wives! n Chaos after rains Developed we dare to call ourselves, but more than underdeveloped are we, in every sense of the term. This weekend just two days of light rainfall seemed too much for the roads of South Delhi and the roads connecting the capital to Gurgaon via Mehrauli. Shattered and cracked lie the roads. With mounting traffic, the chaos seems more than complete.
|
On some occasions forgiveness may produce the contrary effect and embolden the culprit to do worse deeds. The word of God does not, therefore, enjoin nor even permit that we should go on forgiving faults blindly. It requires us to consider what course is likely to lead to real good. Without devotion one cannot find the true Guru. Without good fortune, one cannot cherish devotion to God. Without good luck, one cannot enjoy the company of saints. It is only through the Guru’s grace that one is blessed with God’s Name.
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Mailbag | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
Maoists have been calling the shots in Nepal. And now Prachanda, the Maoists’ Supremo is himself leading the peace talks with the Koirala Government. It is rare in the history of the Communist movement that revolutionary leaders bid farewell to arms to join the democratic process. But it has happened in the Himalayan Kingdom. Times have vastly changed since the Prachanda-led Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) launched the Nepalese People’s War Group a decade ago and through armed struggle controlled portions of the land-locked country. The popular uprising sounded death knell to the institution of monarchy.