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The battle for Varanasi
High command's job done |
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India's defence industry languishes
A picnic on a cold day in Delhi
Ailing social sector and political apathy
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The battle for Varanasi For
his sheer audacity and win-all, lose-all approach in challenging Narendra Modi in the BJP stronghold of Varanasi, Arvind Kejriwal has indicated that AAP is ready to put everything at stake to change the corruption-ridden system. Unlike Modi, he is not contesting from two constituencies. But it is Uttar Pradesh, and not Delhi. Modi is not Sheila Dikshit, weighed down by anti-incumbency. The BJP has won Varanasi in all Lok Sabha elections since 1991 except in 2004 when it lost to the Congress. UP voters are generally swayed by candidates' caste and religion. This has led to the decline of both the BJP and the Congress, and the rise of the Samajwadi Party and the BSP in the state. Kejriwal too “modified” himself by visiting some ghats and temples and cutting short his speech for the Muslims’ evening prayers on Tuesday. The egg-ink attack now and the BJP-AAP clashes in UP earlier point to the shape of things to come. Unless fool-proof security is ensured, the contest for Varanasi can degenerate into a no-holds-barred battle, threatening the town's well-preserved reputation for communal harmony. For the BJP in general and Modi in particular it is also a high-stakes battle. By choosing to contest from Varanasi, the cultural, economic and political capital of Poorvanchal, Modi hopes to influence votes in 32 districts of eastern UP. The BJP performance here will decide its, and Modi's, future. Hence the focus on UP. The party is flaunting its Hindutava credentials as well as Modi's OBC status, while AAP will take up the river-sewer-weaver issues apart from the Gujarat development model. If the voters of Varanasi were interested in development, they would not have been dirtying the holy river with municipal discharge and instead insisted on having at least a functional sewerage and waste treatment plants. The real picture will emerge after the Congress announces its candidate, for which it is trying to seek the support of the SP and the BSP. The threat to Modi can become serious if all these parties rally behind Kejriwal. But that is a big
if.
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High command's job done After
10 years in power at the
Centre, it is natural for the Congress to face a high anti-incumbency tide. A loss in the general election would not be surprising at all. In Punjab, however, it has been down in the dumps since 2007; the state leadership is engaged in a fratricidal battle over apportioning blame for repeated electoral losses and, consequently, the cadres are dispirited. Given the circumstances, the party has done the first smart ticket allocation in the state in a long time. From what could have been a walkover with the state leadership in disarray and a general anti-Congress mood across the country, the Punjab unit has not only come out of an existential crisis but also can reasonably hope for a decent showing. Virtually all of the top state leadership — which otherwise would jockey for positions within the state — has been lined up for the battle. While they had little else to do for the next three years, the move has also ruled out any serious rebellion from the second rung, except in a seat or two. A potential embarrassment over Manish Tewari's avoiding a re-contest from Ludhiana has been covered well with Ravneet Bittu being fielded from there, for whom the constituency should be a homecoming. Delay in declaring the candidates has given the Congress the advantage, as the
SAD-BJP alliance has been presented a scenario it perhaps did not plan for. All this sounds good for the party, but the high command's plan may not play out just as scripted. The discord within the state Congress, fuelled in equal measure by ambition and ego, refuses to die down. Even as every senior leader has been handed an independent battle to fight, they continue to gun for PPCC chief
Bajwa. That would be understandable were this an Assembly election. In a Lok Sabha poll, that too after the ticket allocation, it would be foolhardy for the seasoned heavyweights to fight over the spoils even before the battle has happened.
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Lead us not into temptation. Just tell us where it is; we'll find it. — Sam Levenson
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Suppression of a seditious pamphlet A “Punjab Gazette” Extraordinary, dated the 23rd March, 1914, publishes the following notification: “In exercise of the powers conferred by section 12 of the Indian Press Act, 1910, His Honour the Lieutenant Governor of the Punjab is pleased to declare forfeited to His Majesty all copies of a pamphlet entitled “Ilan-i-Jang” (Declaration of War), the contents of which appear to the Government of Punjab to be of the nature described in section 4, sub-section (1); of the Indian Press Act (1 of 1910), inasmuch as they have a tendency to incite to acts of violence, to bring into hatred or contempt the Government established by law in British India, or to encourage or incite interference with the maintenance of law and order.” The Viceroy on famine conditions ONE of the most noteworthy observations made by His Excellency the Viceroy in his concluding speech at the Imperial Legislative Council on Tuesday is about the famine conditions in India. His Excellency, while alluding to the famine in the United Provinces, was led to contrast it with the previous famine in the same area, which was of a more severe nature. In this connection His Excellency was inclined to think that a change appeared to be gradually coming over Indian famines in which the Government relief works take quite a secondary place in importance. The inference is that the various measures of relief adopted early such as the suspension of revenue, the liberal public works programme and the increased opportunities of industrial employment have been creating almost new conditions of automatic relief. Explaining the causes His Excellency mentioned four important items, viz, (1) improvement in the means of communication; (2) an increased alertness in the labouring classes who go further afield in search of work; (3) large works and big industrial enterprises of modern days which have provided “a considerable degree of automatic relief works;” and the (4) gratuitous relief works.
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India's defence industry languishes
Speaking
on the 15th anniversary of the Pokhran nuclear test last year, Narendra Modi observed: “There is a crucial question we have to answer — how do we become self-sufficient in defence manufacturing? This is not only about military power but also about being self-reliant for our defence equipment”. India has, since 2011, retained the dubious distinction of replacing China as the largest arms importer in the world. According to SIPRI, India’s major arms imports surged by 111 per cent in the last five years compared to 2004-2008. China’s arms imports have declined. It has successfully leveraged its arms imports to engineer and develop a vibrant defence industry, now exporting armaments, ranging from fighter aircraft and frigates to missiles and rifles. Pakistan’s Al Khalid tank, frontline JF 17 fighter and recently acquired frigates are all from China. Its main ballistic missiles, the Shaheen 1 and Shaheen 2, are replicas of their Chinese counterparts. Moreover, China is a regular supplier of arms to our other neighbours like Myanmar, Bangladesh and Sri Lanka. The pathetic inadequacies of India's defence industry were exposed when it was unable to meet Afghanistan's wish list so vital for its security as American forces prepare to leave. While our missile development programme gives us pride, our nuclear deterrent will be credible only when Agni 5 and the Navy’s nuclear submarines become fully operational. We are not in a position to export any major weapons platform. The 5.56 mm (INSAS) Automatic Rifle, manufactured by our ordnance factories will be rejected by any modern army. There is a total absence of accountability in the entire process of defence acquisitions and domestic production. The most classic case of such bungling pertains to the famous/infamous Bofors FH 77, 155 mm Howitzer. In 1986 India signed a $285 million contract for the supply of 410 155 mm Bofors Howitzers. The contract included a provision for the manufacture of 1000 guns in India. The Bofors deal, which led to the outrageous arrest of a Defence Secretary of impeccable integrity, S.K. Bhatnagar, became a turning point, further complicating the already cumbersome defence acquisition procedures. The government cancelled the entire contract without arranging for either domestic manufacture or selecting an alternative gun. Like in all such cases, the armed forces rushed in for the import of an alternative. The acquisition process became more complicated, as offers for comparable weapon systems from Singapore and South Africa were rejected on allegations of kickbacks. India would have been hard pressed to win the Kargil conflict speedily without the firepower that the Bofors gun provided. But we now come to the strange part of this entire episode. By 1987, India had received the entire design data and transfer of technology from Sweden for the manufacture of the Bofors gun. For over 20 years, these designs gathered dust in the offices of the Defence Production Establishment. It was only when no alternative was available that these designs were discovered and after much procrastination, the Ordnance Factories commenced a process of assembly. While the first test of the indigenous gun understandably failed, the Ordnance Factory Board has now successfully moved to commence its manufacture soon, with a range of 38 km as against the 30 km range of the Swedish Bofors. We have similarly successfully designed and developed multi-barrelled rocket launchers. But the larger issue is: Who is to be held responsible for mothballing the designs received from Sweden and why was the task of domestic manufacture not undertaken earlier? What ails India’s defence industry is now common knowledge. There are reports of a number of committees, including those headed by defence scientist Rama Rao and by Vijay Kelkar, apart from the report of the Naresh Chandra Task Force. The contours of these reports are broadly known. It is now obvious that a few issues need to be clearly and expeditiously addressed. First, the restrictions on foreign investment in high-tech, defence-related industries need radical liberalisation. Secondly, the monopoly of the public sector institutions in defence production has to end. Even today some of the most sensitive and critical assemblies for equipment, ranging from nuclear submarines to tanks and warships are being sourced from the private sector, which must be given a level-playing field for competing with defence PSUs. Defence production must not involve a predominant emphasis on imports and assembly as at present. There has to be a large measure of import substitution of a vast array of critical raw materials, components and sub-systems, amounting to billions of dollars each year, now imported for regular production by the defence PSUs under the umbrella of “licence manufacture”. The private sector with help from the DRDO could play a significant role in this area. A good starting point for a new approach to defence production could be in regard to the light combat aircraft, which has now undergone substantial trials and could be inducted into service significantly if it is fast-tracked. By all accounts, both its air defence version and its naval version will have a performance comparable to the Swedish Viggen, which was one of the aircraft under consideration for acquisition by the IAF. There will be the usual breast-beating and predictable opposition by the Air Force. But this process has to be undertaken once we are assured that the aircraft will even initially be able to meet any anticipated threat from across our western borders. India has an added advantage over China. It can get weapons systems and defence technology from Europe and the USA. We will have to leverage this, together with our access to weapons and technology from Israel and Russia, to demand and get the best terms possible for building an indigenous high-tech defence industrial base. Moreover, the present structure of our Defence Ministry, which is run by generalist bureaucrats, needs drastic change. Far greater integration of staff and procedures between the Service Headquarters and the Ministry of Defence is imperative to halt the setbacks of the recent past in civil- military relations.
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A picnic on a cold day in Delhi I “discovered” all of Delhi's ancient monuments. It was the Republic Day of 1958, I think, and four of us, two mobikes and two scooters, headed for Tughlaqabad for a picnic. It was the ultimate fun, fast two-wheelers, a pretty girl on the pillion and wind in your beard (may be a few bugs!). The food we took along was just
as heady. We all agreed to meet at the Milk Bar in Connought Place. It served hamburgers and Coca Cola. We had heard of American hamburgers but this was the first time we could get our mouth around one. And taste it and wash it down with a Coke! Delhi in January can be bitterly cold. We had warned the girls. Dress warmly, riding a two-wheeler is fun but freezing cold. The wind-chill factor and all that. We had no windproof jackets in those days. No thermal underwear. No way to keep warm on a two-wheeler except by wearing all the clothes you owned. The girls had an advantage. Sitting behind us, our body shielded them from the direct blast of cold air. Hugging us tightly (as we advised them) helped keep us warm. All the girls were bundled up against the cold. My friend was the smartest. She was foreign-returned and had a one-piece swimsuit. This she wore saying it would retain the body heat. Very wise! Then she wore her flannel shirt, short-sleeve sweater, then a long-sleeved sweater, and finally a jacket. She was the envy of the gang. The drive to Tughlaqabad was a breeze. It was an open road and we drove as fast as we could. India had not invented pot-holes then. We got to Tughlaqabad and carried the food and drink with us. It was a wonderful experience, walking up the broken steps, the crumbling walls, the silent sentinels of a grandiose age gone by. Holding your lady love with one hand and a hamburger in the other hand was sheer romance. After exploring the ruins, we sat down for our picnic lunch. The crumbling walls and parapets were our tables and stools. Very
comfortable, very different and very romantic. After the hamburgers were devoured, washed down with coke, it was time to head back. We collected the empty bottles and our glasses. Paper cups and styrofoam had not been invented and it was considered un-lady-like to drink
from a bottle. Also time to heed mom's sound advice. “Always visit the loo before setting out”. The girls disappeared into the bushes behind a wall. Till today I have not figured out how my friend coped with the
situation. She was wearing a one-piece swimsuit!
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Ailing social sector and political apathy
India
may be growing rapidly as an economic giant but in the health-care sector it continues to lag way behind many developing nations. In the last few decades, the government spending on health has remained static at close to 2 per cent of the GDP. Even when the country witnessed economic growth to the tune of 9 per cent, spending on health was abysmally low, despite multiple promises made by successive governments to improve it. The impact has been on health services and quality of care, which continue to be suboptimal. The main challenges are absence of affordable medicines in the public health system as well as poor availability and access to health centres. Families have to travel long distances to access health care and often return without receiving help because there are no doctors. This has forced them to turn to the private sector. Even today, nearly 80 per cent of the health expenditure in India continues to be in the private sector, which is unregulated. Cost of care has increased exponentially and the public is grappling with the burden. It is estimated that each year more than 4 crore people are driven to poverty due to healthcare expenses.
Reproductive health Much of the modest increase in public spending on health was channeled into the National Rural Health Mission (NRHM). So far, it is the first major national effort to strengthen the health system. In the past decade, there have been marked improvements in the reproductive and child health care. While infant mortality rate (IMR) has declined to 42 per 1000 live births, it is still higher than Bangladesh, where IMR is 33. Maternal mortality rate (MMR) has only dropped from 212 to 178 in 2013. In comparison, the MMR rate in other South Asian countries like Thailand is 48 and in Sri Lanka it is 35. Despite the fact that NRHM did scale up infrastructure across the country and hired more frontline personnel in low performing states, the goal of achieving universal health care is still a distant dream. Since it has not been able to reach the most impoverished, marginalised and underserved communities, the gains have been partial. Currently, though institutional deliveries have gone up to 80 per cent yet there are serious concerns about the quality of services provided at health centres. Often women do not return for the next delivery. Three quarters of maternal deaths are reported in rural areas in states where Empowered Action Groups (EAGs) have been set up and as many as two-thirds of women die seeking some kind of health care.
Malnutrition and vaccination The figures are even more daunting when it comes to malnutrition and reduction of disease burden, both in communicable and non-communicable diseases. Nearly 48 per cent of children under five are malnourished and even though 70 per cent of children are immunized, nearly one third of children below five, a majority of them belonging to poor communities do not receive vaccines at all. Nearly 15 lakh children under five die every year, mostly due to preventable diseases like measles, pneumonia and diarrhoea. In rural areas, lack of diagnostic labs and non availability of simple medicines like antibiotics leads to much higher mortality rates among infants. The gender bias is still a major challenge. Apart from female foeticide, female infanticide is raising its head once again. Cases of newborn girls being killed in some or the other part of the country are being reported. Besides, fewer girls seek care at facilities. The government needs to prioritise and address these issues urgently. While there are success stories, such as the eradication of polio, which plagued the country for decades, the government has also had to contend with frequent outbreaks of dengue, Japanese encephalitis, H1N1, Swine flu, drug stock-out for Tuberculosis, controversies over vaccines as well as huge shortage of health personnel across states. As the system continues to grapple with these challenges, new ones are appearing on the horizon.
Misuse of financial schemes In rural areas, government schemes such as Janani Suraksha Yojana (JSY), and Rashtriya Swasthya Bima Yojana (RSBY), meant to provide financial support to families belonging to the lower economic strata, are being misused in some pockets. In Rajasthan, there have been reports of female infanticide being committed to benefit from JSY funds while in states like Andhra Pradesh, Gujarat, Rajasthan, Chhattisgarh and Bihar, increasingly young women, a majority of them below 35 years, are being made to undergo un-indicated hysterectomies by heath-care providers also to avail RSBY benefits. Clearly, instead of limiting the entitlement only for treatment, health insurance schemes should provide overall health cover for families. The health system continues to fail the public in many more ways. In rural areas, a large number of health centres are non-functional. So, families are forced to turn to the private sector, which only increases their financial burden. Health related debts are phenomenal in India. Many farmer suicide cases in states like Uttar Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh are related to health expenses. In the unregulated private sector, there is growing instance of unethical practices.
Role of MCI Doctors often advise interventions to patients, many of which are not required. Patients do not question these decisions since they trust doctors implicitly. Ironically, bodies like the Medical Council of India (MCI), which is meant to regulate and prevent medical malpractices is itself embroiled in controversies. Ketan Desai, debarred from practicing medicine after several FIRs and two charge sheets were filed against him is aggressively being pitched to be included in the MCI once again. Former Union Health Secretary, Keshav Desiraju, who opposed the decision, was unceremoniously removed from the department in order to facilitate the process. All the progressive plans to strengthen the system planned by him are now on hold. The net result, the government’s promise of providing Universal Health Coverage is still a distant dream. Meeting the Millennium Development Goals too does not appear possible given the current environment of stasis. As the country moves closer to the next general elections, political parties, driving their campaigns based on the development model need to take the public health-care agenda seriously because health of the citizens is central to any development model.
Equitable health care The pursuit of equity in health and health care has been the key feature of health policy in India. But if transformation has to take place, all political parties must rise above party lines and ensure equitable health care for the country. The gaps between communities, especially rural and urban, must be bridged so that those who cannot access the services can do so without having to depend on the private sector and sink deep in debt. Promises made in the past have remained unfulfilled – most of them are on the backburner, yet to be implemented on the ground. Provision of free medicines for all is still not a reality. Besides, there is a huge communication gap in the system. Key messages and information related to health and services often do not reach its beneficiary -- the economically weaker sections of society, both in rural and urban settings. The media, a critical player in disseminating information, continues to steer away from health related issues. It needs to play a bigger role in mediating between the state and the people, if change is to take place. Messaging between healthcare workers and the community need to be shaped contextually, since it plays a key role in boosting demand and therefore accessing health care at the right time. Prevention must also be factored in along with the provision of quality treatment and care. The new government must take several key steps for health care in India to transform.
Health budget Health spending has to increase significantly if the system is to function optimally. The focus has to be in rural and underserved areas where there is an enormous need for better health-care services. Free medicines must be made available at all health centres and, most importantly, medicine stock-outs that are routine at the village and district level must be addressed urgently by a well-chartered monitoring system. To meet the human resource crisis and to reduce the private sector’s dominance over medical care, more medical colleges, nursing schools and institutions to train frontline workers need to be set up by the government quickly. At the state level, governments must earmark enough funds to hire requisite staff at all levels, from sub-centres to district hospitals, to ensure timely and better delivery of health care. Regulating the private sector and medical malpractices is of paramount importance to end the commercialisation of health care in India. Under the Constitution, every individual has the right to life and the right to good health. Just like Right to Education and Right of Food is now part of the democratic frame work, the next government must incorporate and implement Right to Health, if India is to achieve its goal of leading globally in the sphere of
development. The writer is an independent journalist.
Adding to the woes
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