|
|
|
|
|
Modi doublespeak
Reshuffling the cards |
|
|
Direct seeding of rice
A Haryanvi song of revolt
Enhancing India’s maritime security
|
Modi doublespeak At
Sunday's Jagraon rally Parkash Singh Badal raised certain issues -- like a separate budget for agriculture and prosecution of the 1984 killers -- which he said Narendra Modi should take up when he became the next Prime Minister. Badal did not highlight the issue of Gujarat Sikh farmers who have been stripped of their land holdings. This was an issue which Modi as Chief Minister could have settled then and there if he sincerely wanted to. Politicians should be judged as much by what they say as by what they don't. Badal spoke about everything under the sky but kept quiet on the issue of farmers uprooted in Gujarat. However, Modi knew when in Punjab he would face the issue of settlers and came prepared. Four years ago the Gujarat government froze the land ownership of some 800 farmers from Punjab and Haryana who were invited to settle in the Kutch area after the 1965 war to curb infiltration from Pakistan. In 2010 the government deprived them of their ownership rights under the Bombay Tenancy and Agricultural Lands Act, which bars the sale of land to those who are not traditional agriculturists. The Gujarat High Court, however, upheld the displaced farmers' right. The Modi government went in for appeal in the Supreme Court, where the case is pending. Other than the hardcore Modi supporters, few perhaps would believe him when he says "if any official is found harassing any Sikh farmer, the official will have to go". If he really meant what all the nice things he said about the Sikhs, he should have announced the withdrawal of the case from the Supreme Court. But he is known for running with the hare and hunting with the hounds. Amartya Sen has rightly observed that Modi has not done enough to make the minorities feel safe in Gujarat. Last December the Gujarat government decided to defreeze the land holdings of 52 farmers since they possessed "santhani" land, which is given to landless labourers for farming. Modi will be believed only when he walks the talk.
|
|
Reshuffling the cards Bloody
protests and their brutal suppression in Ukraine have ended only with the removal of President Viktor
Yanukovych. He was dismissed by Ukrainian MPs and replaced by interim president, Olexander
Turchynov. The cards have been reshuffled, but the change that the protesters demanded was not just about the politician at the helm; they sought a transformation of approach, an end to corruption and a pro-European Union stance by the government. Yanukovych enjoyed support from Russia and he favoured the Eurasian Customs Union, advocated by President Vladimir
Putin. The 2004 Orange Revolution was unable to fulfil its promise. Yulia Tymoshenko, who led it and became President after ousting Yanukovych, was embroiled in controversy. She has now ruled herself out for the top job. Some other prominent names have thrown their hat in the ring, but there is no clear leader. Russia regards Ukraine as a vital strategic interest and thus any new dispensation will need President Putin's nod. Ukraine thus faces a period of uncertainty. Internally divided, it needs to find a voice that is able to provide a common vision to the pro-Russian East and the pro-EU West. Ukrainians have a strong nationalistic identity and they need to articulate themselves through their votes in the promised elections. While no long-lasting solution to the country's woes can emerge without Russia playing a major role, Russia too must come to terms with the fact that Ukraine cannot be its vassal state. Ukraine has a very fragile economy, and the new leaders will have to manage it deftly. As the West now mounts an international financial rescue package for Ukraine, it is patently clear that the country needs more than chequebook diplomacy. Even as the world waits to see what happens, it is with a sense of relief at the end of the clashes that have claimed many lives.
|
|||||
|
A learned blockhead is a greater blockhead than an ignorant one. —Benjamin Franklin
|
|||||
IN our issue of the 21st instant we quoted a paragraph from the Sind Gazette on the Punjab Government's contract, with a London Syndicate which has been given concessions to establish a Cement Manufactory in the Punjab. The paragraph stated briefly that the Government had agreed to buy all the Cement required by Government for the next ten years from the Syndicate at Rs. 40 per ton and not to allow the manufacture of cement by any other firm in the Punjab. Thus a monopoly seems to have been created in favour of a Syndicate which is further said to raise a sum of £300,000 for a factory which costs only £80,000, the balance of £150,000 to the members of the Syndicate as “promotion money.” The scheme has been critically examined by a correspondent in a thoughtful and carefully worded article which appears in the Pioneer of the 22nd instant. This article has brought to light many facts on which the Government of India and the Punjab Government have to be questioned. The sitapur scandal MR. Montagu’s reply in the House of Commons to Mr. Morreli’s question with reference to the Sitapur execution scandal will not convince even half a dozen people in India who know the history of the case. We very much doubt if the reply has convinced Mr. Montagu himself or Lord Crewe, though they have officially given expression to this view. Three persons were charged with murder in the case, of whom two were convicted and hanged without hearing their defence witnesses. But after this the third man was tried in the same way, but he was acquitted. Mr. Montagu observed that the circumstances were different, but the public can see no such difference in the procedure adopted in the trial and the evidence against all of them was the same, though the third man’s acquittal was due to his being given a fairer trial than the first two with the consequence that he was able to produce his witnesses.
|
Direct seeding of rice No
doubt there is a pressing need to restore the fast deteriorating underground water balance in Punjab and parts of Haryana because of excessive withdrawals of water to meet the irrigation requirements of water-guzzling crops, particularly the rice crop. In Punjab available canal water hardly meets one-fourth of the water requirements of the agriculture sector and three-fourth water requirements are met through the pumping of underground water. In the absence of a matching recharge through rains, floods, seepage from canals etc, the water table is depleting alarmingly year on year. Unfortunately, there is a sort of policy disconnect in the management of water resources of the state, which is the main cause of this alarming situation. On the technology side, however, various innovations have been attempted by agricultural technologists and researchers in the state and elsewhere. First, broadcasting the seed in the field at right moisture and drawing ridges and furrows was tried. This system did save about 40 per cent water; rather harvested rain water by checking the outflow from the field through ridges. Normally water was applied once a week. In case of rain, irrigation could be delayed. Once water was not applied for more than four weeks, yet there was no wilting of the crop. On a random selection, an average per plant-ear yield in this system was 220 grains. It compared very well with 170 grains in the crop planted with the traditional method. Moreover, the grains were bolder from this system. However, the per acre yield turned out to be lower because of the lower plant population. Only 6 kg seed per acre was used. It should have been at least 10 kg per acre. Also the seeds got accumulated at the top portion of the ridges, leaving very wide space between the rows, primarily because deeper furrows with wider furrow-to-furrow space within. Again, it turned out be a difficult-to-operate combine for harvesting because of deep furrows and bolder ridges. Weeds too became a serious problem because no effective post-emergence weedicide was available at that time. Weeds had to be removed manually, which cost almost the same as the cost saved on the transplanting of the crop. Next year flat seeding with a rice seeder after laser-leveling was tried with a short-duration variety of rice. It succeeded wonderfully and saved more than 30 per cent of irrigation water and removed the drudgery of work. Laser-leveling was itself responsible for a considerable water saving. The yield was also marginally higher by one quintal per acre compared with that in the traditional system. This system saved a lot of labour and costs. It was just like the sowing and harvesting of wheat. The tractor-driven drill could easily seed five to six acres of land in a day. Encouraged by this success, next year four acres were planted through the DSR technique. But early untimely heavy rain after five days of germination destroyed two acres of the crop. Two acres of the crop could be saved by pumping out excess water from the fields. The saved area gave satisfactory results equal to the traditional method. The system saved more than 30 per cent water. At an early stage the crop looked weak, but picked up after one month or so and compensated with stronger tillers. The conspicuous advantage in DSR is that in case of delayed application of water the crop does not wilt because the root system develops deeper in the loose un-puddled soil. The optimum benefit from this system on water saving can accrue only when the crop is seeded after the 10th of June and preferably around 15th June, because soon after the monsoon sets in. But, there is always a danger of early heavy rain that may spoil the whole game. This system is suitable for heavier soils only. The other essentials are a careful laser leveling of the fields, use of specially designed seed drills that ensure uniform shallow seeding. The available seeding drills are light and need improvement. After drawing bunds in the field heavy planking is required for uniform seeding. Control of weeds through a careful application of pre-emergence and post-emergence weedicides is a must. Otherwise, the system would lead to an avoidable failure. Dr. Gurdev Singh Khush, a world renowned rice breeder, at a meeting with the Chief Minister of Punjab on the sidelines of Agriculture Summit 2014, suggested the adoption of direct seeding of rice in order to save water on the crop. The suggestion is in the right direction, but as yet the system suffers from a few serious trepidations. Therefore, before its adoption on a large scale, it is essential to debug the system to suit various area and time specific situations. This requires a dispassionate evaluation of the experimentations made by various organisations and individuals, including the technocrats of the Department of Agriculture, corporate set-ups, including PepsiCo, and university researchers. The system has considerable potential. Punjab Agricultural University needs to develop and pursue a definitive research project on direct seeding of rice and the state government, if seriously interested in the sustainable use of water resources of the state, must finance this research in a project mode.
|
|||||||
A Haryanvi song of revolt No
other Haryanvi song has so beautifully and appropriately captured the mood of youth as "Tau hatja pachhei ne, nachn de maine jee bharke" (oh oldman, get lost; let me dance to my heart's content). It's a popular song and young men and women dance merrily to its vibrant tune on all happy occasions in the rural areas, completely oblivious of the elders sitting around. The mood of defiance is reflected through the lyrics of the song "Tau hat jaa pachhe nai" (Oh Tau, get lost). Haryana youth are free and untamed. Traditions and outdated values can never shackle them. They have a mind of their own. Taus and elders have little relevance. I have been a witness to this in my long years of service with the Haryana Police. Whenever, we policemen, pleaded with village elders (Taus) to help resolve a conflict, they would always put their hands up saying: "Yeh baalak kisi ki nahi sunte" (These youngsters don't listen to anyone).
|
|||||||
Enhancing India’s maritime security While
India appears to have a naval strategy, it does not as yet have a maritime strategy. It will be sometime before the country graduates from being a naval power to a true maritime power. Alfred Mahan had observed that a truly powerful nation must have a thriving international trade, a merchant fleet to carry these goods and a strong navy to protect its sea lanes. India has a thriving international trade, but only 11 per cent of its foreign trade is carried in Indian ships. Furthermore, Indian shipbuilding industry has actually declined over the years. Currently, shipbuilding in India by deadweight tonnage (DWT) is only one per cent of the total world shipbuilding, whereas China’s is 35 per cent. India’s port handling capacity is also limited although this is being augmented. As a result of inefficient port-handling capacity and lack of direct shipping links with major markets, India’s share of global shipping is only one per cent of the overall DWT worldwide. By contrast, 35 per cent of all shipping today originates from China and there are 9 Chinese ports in the list of the world’s top 15 ports, with Shanghai the world’s largest container port. A large part of India’s overseas trade has to be transhipped because of lack of adequate port handling capacity as well as regular and direct shipping links with major ports of the world. Of the transshipped cargo, 4 per cent passes through Dubai, 35 per cent through Colombo, 29 per cent through Singapore and 15 per cent through Klang (in Malaysia). Thus, though India deploys one of the strongest naval forces in the region and has a true blue water navy, it is not yet a maritime power, with the indispensable components of a large shipbuilding industry, modern port handing facilities and a large merchant shipping fleet. The government is seeking to address these shortcomings: The Maritime Agenda, 2010-2020 aims at building port-handling capacities to 3.2 billion tonnes by 2020. In order to encourage the building of modern ports and handling facilities, the government is allowing 100 per cent FDI under the automatic route for projects relating to the construction and maintenance of ports and harbours. There is also a 10-year tax holiday. The shipbuilding industry is similarly being incentivised through government support. The Indian Maritime University was set up as a Central University in 2008, with HQs at Chennai but campuses at Chennai, Kolkata, Mumbai, Vishakhapatnam, Cochin and Kandla. The campus at Vizag is the venue of the National Ship Design and Research Centre, set up in the 1990s to encourage innovative ship design and engineering. India also has the National Institute of Ocean Technology based in Chennai and the National Institute of Oceanography based in Goa, which provide a critical mass of advanced capabilities and trained personnel, necessary for the efficient management of India’s maritime domain. Several private sector ports and shipbuilding facilities have emerged – these include Adani, ABG, Bharathi and L&T, among others. The Ratnagiri based Rajapur yard has been recently commissioned to build a 3,00,000 tonne Very Large Crude Carrier (VLCC), the largest ever to be built in India. On the naval side, India has a blue water navy with considerable force projection capabilities, including aircraft carriers and nuclear powered submarines. India’s geographical position, its peninsular shape and its island chains, both to the East and the West, give it a uniquely advantageous position, dominating the rapidly increasing maritime traffic linking the Indian Ocean, the South China Sea and the Western Pacific. The Indian Navy is able to maintain a presence both in the Eastern and Western reaches of the Indian Ocean and as its capabilities increase so will its role as a net security provider in the Indian Ocean. India’s naval footprint is expanding precisely at a time when China, too, is emerging as a major naval and indeed, as we have seen, a maritime power. While its current focus remains on the Yellow Sea, the Taiwan Straits and the South China Sea, its footprint across the Indian Ocean is steadily increasing. There is no doubt that the Indian and Chinese peripheries are going to overlap and intersect more and more as the two emerging powers build up their capabilities. While India maintains a relative edge in naval deployments in the Indian Ocean region, this is likely to erode in the coming years as the resource and power gap between India and China continues to widen. India’s maritime strategy is focused on maintaining and deploying sufficient naval forces to:
Power gap The Indian Navy will see a steady expansion in its capabilities and reach in accordance with the Maritime Capability Perspective Plan, 2012-2027. The share of resources allocated to the Navy in India’s defence budget is projected to grow incrementally by 7 per cent per annum. It is generally felt that the Navy should, in fact, emerge as the premier component of our armed forces, with its share of the defence budget rising from 18 per cent at present to close to 30 per cent in 10 years. The Indian Navy has a key role to play in maintaining India’s nuclear deterrent. The Indian Nuclear Doctrine posits a no-first use and retaliation only posture, which necessitates a robust triad of land-based, air-launched and submarine-based nuclear weapons and delivery systems. Of these, the sea-based deterrent is critical as it is likely to be the least vulnerable part of the nuclear arsenal. India is now close to deploying its own indigenously built Arihant nuclear submarine and a 750 km Submarine Launched Ballistic Missile (SLBM), Sagarika, will be based on the vessel. However, India will need at least three, though ideally five or six Arihant class nuclear submarines and a much longer range SLBM to be able to deploy a genuine sea-based deterrent. Naval force planning over the next decade will be focused on this indispensable component of our nuclear triad. In addition to developing and maintaining a significant naval capability, India has, in parallel, engaged in active maritime diplomacy, to enhance its maritime security. The objective is to create a positive network of engagement and cooperation with the navies of both littoral as well as user countries in the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The India Navy began holding friendly naval exercises, code-named Milan, out of Port Blair in the Andamans, in 1995. Milan began with only five countries in 1995, but in 2014, 16 navies of Indian Ocean countries took part. In 2008, the Navy also began to convene the bio-annual Indian Ocean Naval Symposium, aimed at enhancing maritime cooperation among the navies of the littoral states of the Indian Ocean. At present, there are 35 members, including South Asian, West Asian, East African and South East Asian and Australian littorals. The next symposium will be hosted by Australia at Perth later this year. In addition, India has concluded bilateral agreements with several countries to promote maritime cooperation and to consult on maritime security issues. These include the US, Japan, Australia and Indonesia. The largest number of naval exercises carried out by the US Navy is with India. Maritime security has emerged as a key element in India-ASEAN Strategic Partnership. I would like to draw your attention to the following formulation in the Report of the India-ASEAN Eminent Persons Group, submitted to the Indian and ASEAN Heads of State/Government at the Commemorative Summit held in December 2012: “ASEAN member-states and India, being maritime nations whose prosperity throughout history has been linked to sea-faring and sea-borne trade, to work together to ensure maritime security and freedom of navigation to all littoral and user countries, in accordance with international law and on the basis of open, inclusive, transparent and balanced arrangements in the region.” This is an important statement as it reflects how India and countries in the region are responding to the new and emerging security challenges in our shared region. The littoral countries of the Indo-Pacific theatre are all dependent upon maritime trade for their economic well-being. This is particularly so in the sphere of energy security. Thus all states have a legitimate interest in ensuring the security of sea lanes which straddle the Indian and Pacific oceans, traversing the South China Sea. Countries can pursue their interests through a competitive build up of their military capabilities, in particular, their naval capabilities. Alternatively, they can work together to fashion a security architecture which provides mutual reassurance and confidence. At present, it is competitive military build-up which is more in evidence, with China displaying a worrying trend of asserting its interests through unilateral measures. This can only trigger a countervailing coalition among countries in the region and we see this already beginning to take place. Nevertheless, it is India’s preference to work together with the littoral and user states on what has now become the accepted basis for new regional security architecture i.e. “open, inclusive, transparent and balanced”. India also believes that ASEAN can play a central role as a mediating platform, reconciling the interests of the major powers in the region. The ASEAN Defence Ministers’ Meeting Plus (ADMM+) can be a useful forum for a focused dialogue on maritime security, bringing together, as it does, the defence ministers of the 10 ASEAN countries, together with counterparts from China, Japan, Republic of Korea, India, Australia, New Zealand, the US and Russia. The author is a former foreign secretary. Excerpted from his keynote address at the
ORF-RISS workshop
|
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Letters | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
In my Lal Bahadur Shastri Memorial Lecture at the Indian Agricultural Research Institute in 2003, I made an observation that "although only rice out of major cereal crops grows well in standing water, yet it does not mean that this crop cannot be grown without standing water". I put forth this proposition based on the experience I had gained through my close association with innovating agricultural technocrats of the state Department of Agriculture. This created a lot of interest among researchers on this crop. Initially, the rice crop researchers of Punjab Agricultural University opposed the idea tooth and nail, but later on reconciled and conducted some experiments half-heartedly and even developed some package of practices also for growing the rice crop without standing water. Now the university has been operating an externally funded experiment-cum-extension project through PepsiCo in collaboration with the Columbia University Water Center for the last about four years in the state on water saving in the rice crop through the use of Tensio-meters so that optimal water is applied to the crop. The practice of direct seeding of rice (DSR) has also been included in the project. Being associated with this project, I have tried various water-saving approaches on my own fields also.
The perception among the social elites and at times propagated by the media that the rural environment in Haryana is in the tight grip of clannish organisations is far from true. It is a false and erroneous impression. In fact, Haryanvi society has always been a liberal and progressive one. Even in as serious a matter as religion, the rural peasantry is amazingly liberal to the extent of treating God as a friend rather than an all-potent force. The village folklore is replete with anecdotes mocking at God. The felicity with which the peasantry embraced the reformist Arya Samaj movement, surprised even its founder, Swami Dayanand. Though God-fearing, they are free from the influence of rituals and superstitions. Orthodoxy is miles away from their minds. Soon after Haryana's creation in 1966, the state became famous for development and modernism, especially through Haryana Tourism highway motels and the splendid drinking bars. As a youngster, avoiding the prying eyes of the parents, one frequented them and enjoyed sipping and occasionally gulping bottles of beer. Imagine, Rosy Pelican beer, fermented in a government-owned brewery, was then the top-ranking beer and a favourite of Bacchus lovers. The beer advertisements "Haryana birds are coming", dotting strategic points, were bold and tantalising. It was nothing short of a social revolution. My friends from Punjab and Delhi were envious and grabbed every opportunity to visit me just to relish the flavour of Haryana beer sitting on high stools in the magical ambience of Haryana tourism bars. Haryanvis were ahead of times and of the neighbouring states on left and right. No orthodox body ever raised an eyebrow -- what to talk of raising lathis and blocking roads. 