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Being
Indian Haryana
land deals |
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Damning
the dams
Security
challenges mount
Old
words, new meanings
Pushing
to meet goals, setting new ones Post-2015
agenda for those and by those living in poverty
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Haryana land deals
The
Robert Vadra land deal controversy was raked up in Parliament on Tuesday, resulting in heated exchanges and disruption of proceedings. The BJP members raised the issue, while the Congress stand as expressed by Sandeep Dikshit was that individual matters should not be discussed in Parliament, especially when the Haryana government had already responded. Whether the issue could be raised in the two Houses was for the presiding officers to decide. But, as expected, there was hardly any meaningful discussion, and Parliament, once again, ended up wasting much of its precious time. Recurring disruptions have frequently tested the patience of Rajya Sabha Chairperson Hamid Ansari, who lost his cool on Tuesday and dubbed MPs “anarchists”. While one can understand, and even question, the BJP's political compulsions to raise the land deal — entered into by the son-in-law of Congress president Sonia Gandhi — in Parliament, the Congress can no longer afford to be wishy-washy. It has to come clean and put the controversy at rest. Telling the BJP protesters to go to Haryana or to court does not help. The Haryana government, on its part, could have buried the issue had it held a credible inquiry. Now conflicting versions of the land transfers given by IAS officers serving the same government have confounded the public and given a handle to opposition parties to exploit it politically. The Congress MP from Gurgaon, Rao Inderjit Singh, has further muddied the waters by alleging that 21,000 acres of agricultural land has been used for commercial and industrial purposes through permissions for change in land use (CLU) obtained from ruling politicians and bureaucrats. The grant of CLUs and illegal registrations of land transfers, if any, must be looked into. Certain Congress leaders of Haryana have accused their own party's MP from Gurgaon of developing an unauthorised colony and obtaining a CLU permission for a private company. The murky affairs require a thorough and independent inquiry so that all those handing out state patronage or causing loss of revenue to the government are brought to book regardless of their position, party affiliation or relations with the powers-that-be. |
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Damning the dams
A
state
that came into existence hoping to make power generation as the mainstay of its economy has been told by the Supreme Court not to give clearance to any more hydroelectricity projects. These projects in Uttarakhand are widely believed to be causing extensive damage to the environment, and have been especially blamed for being the trigger for the recent floods in the Ganga. The fact, however, is no extensive scientific study has concluded there should be no projects. There are wrongs that have been committed, and specific remedies for those have been suggested from time to time. The report of an inter-ministerial group set up by the Prime Minister has been condemned by environmentalists as being pro project lobby. No extremist stand is sustainable. Yet, following the floods this monsoon the matter has gained an urgency that is leading to summary conclusions. One of those is that the dams caused the disaster. The only fact confirmed, however, is that the Tehri reservoir prevented the waters from flooding downstream towns. The rest was a human tragedy caused by a large number of people being present in patently unsafe and unapproachable locations. Before conclusions are drawn, a scientific post-mortem of the tragedy is required. The only respectable - and perhaps most widely acceptable — body is the National Ganga River Basin Authority headed by the Prime Minister. It needs to go into projects case by case and present specific solutions. Economy is a need that cannot be ignored, but then shutting down a few projects that indeed are harmful should not be an issue. The debate between development and environment is as old as the Industrial Revolution, but has caught the fancy of the common man only since global warming brought a collective sweat to mankind’s brow. There is no piece of land that is not environmentally sensitive — leave a patch alone for two years and see it teeming with life — but then there is also no development that happens without land. At best it is a trade-off. Unfortunately, not much of untouched land is left, and the bargain necessarily has to be expensive for development. |
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I like marriage. The idea. — Toni Morrison |
Security challenges mount With
its economy in the doldrums, New Delhi is now confronted with a situation where two of its neighbours, China and Pakistan, are jointly and separately undermining its security and influence worldwide. Emboldened by Chinese assistance leading to the strengthening of its navy (four new frigates), air force (JF 17 fighters) and nuclear armoury (plutonium based tactical nuclear weapons), Pakistan now believes that it can effectively deter India from responding firmly to terrorist strikes emanating from its soil. India’s mandarins, resorting to clichés like “Pakistan is also a victim of terrorism” and “action on terrorism (by Pakistan) should not be linked (by India) to the composite dialogue process,” now referred to as the “Sharm-el-Sheikh Syndrome,” would like us to believe that Pakistan is having a “change of heart”. It is this approach to diplomacy that has led Mr. Nawaz Sharif to insist that the “composite dialogue process” with India should commence at where it was, when he was ousted in 1999. He wants us to forget that the Red Fort was attacked by the Lashkar e Taiba (now generously financed by his brother, the Chief Minister of Punjab) in 2001, and ignore the attack on our Parliament in 2001 and the 26/11 outrage in Mumbai, executed by Jihadis from Pakistan. Despite the outrage over recent killings of our soldiers, we should have no doubt that our “dialogue at all costs” security establishment in South Block will stealthily return to the recipes of the Sharm-el-Sheikh surrender. Nawaz Shari has returned from China, fully assured that the Chinese would build a highway linking its Xingjian Province to Gwadar port, which it now manages, through Pakistan occupied Kashmir. The strategic implications of this project, which will be largely executed by the Chinese army engineers, together with their development of hydro-electric projects and infrastructure in Gilgit-Baltistan, give the Chinese a capability to establish a security presence adjacent to the LoC, astride our lines of communication to Ladakh and Siachen. If Pakistan has succeeded in pushing New Delhi to delink the composite dialogue process from its support for terrorism, China has successfully scuttled all possibility of an early border settlement by upping its border claims in both Arunachal Pradesh and Ladakh, even as it waxes eloquent on the dialogue on the border issue between the designated “special representatives”. Successive Indian National Security Advisers have strutted around pretending that they have devised brilliant new ideas to resolve the vexed border issue. The reality is somewhat different. Prime Minister Wen Jiabao agreed in 2005 that the “boundary should be along well defined and easily identifiable natural geographical features” and that in “reaching a border settlement, the two sides shall safeguard the interests of their settled populations in the border areas”. Yet, just a year later, the Chinese Ambassador in New Delhi proclaimed that the whole of Arunachal Pradesh, re-designated as “South Tibet,” is a part of China. It should have been evident to New Delhi that China had no intention of resolving the border issue, when it refused to exchange maps delineating the “Line of Control” in the crucial western (Ladakh) and eastern (Arunachal Pradesh) sectors. India claims the Line of Control in the Ladakh sector lies along the Karakoram mountains up to the Indus river watershed. This conforms to the 2005 guiding principles that the border would be along “well defined and easily identifiable natural geographical features.” Chinese intrusions Debsang, Chumar, Chushul, Pangong Lake Daulat Beg Oldi and Demchok are clearly in areas which they have no business intrude into, going by the terms of the guiding Principles of 2005. Moreover, India's claims are also validated by agreements on the Ladakh-Tibet border, starting with the 1683 Ladakh Tibet Agreement defining the border as lying along “the Lhari stream at Demchok,” to the September 1842 Treaty with Tibet/China concluded by Ladakh's Sikh rulers and the Macartney-Macdonald Line presented by the British to China in 1899. Instead of directly confronting the Chinese “assertiveness” on the border issue, New Delhi has been a mere spectator while China made inroads, undermining Indian influence in Bhutan, the Maldives and Nepal, while building bridges to a possible Khaleda Zia dispensation in Bangladesh. China has even undermined India's defence ties with the US and Japan by forcing a dithering security establishment in South Block to cancel participation in proposed joint naval exercises in the Pacific with the US and Japan. While Premier Li Keqiang's visit to Delhi was linked to his trip to Pakistan, would Dr Manmohan Singh reciprocate by visiting Vietnam, Japan and the Philippines after his forthcoming visit to China? Should we not engage Japan, Vietnam the Philippines and others for devising a “string of pearls” in the South China Sea? The economic downturn and delays in defence acquisitions have only added to the errant and assertive Chinese and Pakistani behaviour. After dithering for over two years the Cabinet has finally sanctioned the raising of Strike Corps for deployment along the Siliguri corridor. But what use will such a Strike Corps be, without mountain artillery whose acquisition has been hanging on fire for years, the deployment of mechanised and tank formations and the establishment of air dominance over our borders? Economically, the Chinese are obtaining a stranglehold on the power, communications and electronics sectors in India, thereby getting the potential to disrupt power and communications in the country. After much procrastination, the government has slapped a 22 per cent duty on imports of Chinese power equipment. Hopefully, Indian public and private companies will be given incentives to face state supported and subsidised Chinese companies. The picture is unfortunately bleak in the electronics and communications sectors where our imports, substantially from China, could well exceed our petroleum imports by 2020. This issue was sought to be addressed by the establishment of manufacturing parks for chips and IT equipment. Such manufacturing facilities would naturally require preferential access in purchases by government organisations and private companies. The government is, however, now showing signs of buckling to American pressures, demanding substantive and non-discriminatory market access for American products in these areas. The Americans have obviously concluded that there is no reason to hesitate in applying pressures on an Indian government, which bends backwards to pressures from Pakistan and China. Given our recent track record, the Americans would not be wrong in such an assessment, though they are themselves given to imposing exorbitant countervailing duties, with many of their state governments giving preferences to domestic
products.
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Old words, new meanings Humpty
Dumpty's testy admonishment of Alice in Through the Looking Glass can be usefully recalled here. “When I use a word,’ Humpty Dumpty said in rather a scornful tone, ‘it means just what I choose it to mean - neither more nor less.” “The question is,” said Alice, “whether you can make words mean so many different things.” “The question is,” said Humpty Dumpty, "which is to be master- that's all." I recalled this admonishment when a non-resident neighbour left me with the responsibility of finding a suitable buyer for her property in our colony. She did mention an expected price, but with the qualification that it had to be paid by cheque or, in other words, in ‘white.’ Fully. When this pre-condition is mentioned most intending buyers become silent. Others promise to think it over and get back with a counter-offer, which does not happen. Others either urge a reconsideration of the price issue, meaning a reconsideration of the ‘white’ and ‘black’ elements, or mention ratios for further negotiation. Finally, there was this person who became quite exasperated, and suggested that one needed to be “practical” about large payments. A “pragmatic” and “realistic” approach was needed, he said, to effectuate a property sale. Clearly, an extension of meaning has occurred to all these words, beyond what the dictionary intended. A metamorphosis has also occurred in the official language used by the bureaucracy. Gone are the days when a “good” officer was one who worked diligently, was considered professionally competent and possessed integrity “beyond doubt”. More and more politicians and senior officials now equate "good" with “understanding” and “adjustability.” Also, with “maturity, “tactfulness”, “ability to get along with others” and even, amazingly enough, “popular”. By inference “bad” officers lack these virtues, which thereafter find mention in the all-important Annual Confidential Reports (ACRs), which could either progress or retard an officer's career. More significantly, all these are code words for the guidance of the promotion boards to enable them to get the message without the onerous requirement of communicating the ACR for information to the impugned officer and getting into the tedium of justifying the adverse remarks when the inevitable representation is received from the impugned officer. More examples. An annotation in an excise officer's ACR that he is “not keeping good health” means that he has become an alcoholic. And the phrase that he is “close to the mercantile class” was meant to convey that the officer was of dubious integrity. At least this was so in the old days. Being close to the mercantile class could be a qualification now with beliefs rife that the so-called “corridors of power” are to be found in a 28-storey building in Mumbai. All in all, it is time for a new dictionary or thesaurus to be prepared that would include these new connotations of old words to appreciate their present meaning. One of the older English Departments must be tasked forthwith to undertake this social
obligation.
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Pushing to meet goals, setting new ones
Through accelerated action, the world can achieve the MDGs and generate momentum for the post-2015 development framework. What is needed is political leadership and delivery of financial resources committed over the past decade.
— Excerpted from the “UN Millennium Development Goals Report 2013”.
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Post-2015 agenda for those and by those living in poverty In India, a Ground-Level Panel (GLP) consisting of 14 members from diverse background and living in poverty was brought together for five days to deliberate on the recommendations to the UN High-Level Panel (HLP) report on the post-2015 development framework. They are not members of any government, NGOs or associated with any political party or trade union. They draw on their own experiences of marginalisation for a reality check to the HLP. The recommendations Establish a corruption free
society. Ground-Level Panel members from India Amrita Naik: A 17-year-old tribal girl from Odisha, Amrita’s project on future solution of soil conservation was selected for the National Science Congress. She envisions a world free from foeticide, corruption and illiteracy. Joshna Pradan: This 22-year-old fought for her family's right over their land in their village in Odisha. She had summoned the panchayat and fought for their land. They have got back a small portion of the land. Mayavati: From Rai Bareily in UP, Mayavati, 29, combated poverty to educate her children. She believes cash transfers will not help alleviate poverty. Collectivisation is the solution. She wants all children to get an education. Mohammad Akbar: Mohammad, 40, lives in Baramula district of Kashmir and has helped his village get benefits since he became the president of the village development committee six years ago. He wants to see significant changes in the village. Mohammad Ismail: Ismail, aged 29, was a member of a rescue team during the 2004 tsunami. He lives in Chennai and has 70 per cent disability. He wants jobs for everyone, clean habitats, a common school system and an effective police. Mohammad Samsul Haque: Haque, 45, is a migrant labourer from Guwahati. He works at a garage and spends his nights as a shop caretaker. He goes home during the harvest season. There has been a change in the agricultural scenario after an NGO renovated canals in the area. He wants all citizens to enjoy all rights. Nandlal: From Devaria district of UP, Nandlal, 42, overcame discrimination to work for the rights of the disabled. He lost his legs at the age of 18. He has worked with several NGOs in Delhi. He wants the physically challenged to be treated as equals. Pinki: A 17-year-old from Bulandshahar, UP, she is among the few girls in her village who have gone to school. The problems in her village are lack of health facilities, unavailability of electricity and absence of employment. She wants to be a computer engineer and envisions a world free of discrimination. Raghunath Sada: Raghunath, 65, led a land rights movement in his village in Darbhanga district of Bihar. Thanks to his fight, Musahars acquired 62 acres. Declared as ‘Mahadalits’, they live in extreme poverty. He wants children to go to school. He believes housing and land redistribution can help them. Ravikant Kedkar: Ravikant, 32, has cerebral palsy and lives in a slum in Mumbai. The biggest day of his life was when his telephone booth was inaugurated in his mother’s presence. He works with an NGO for the rights of the disabled. Sunita Devi: Sunita, 28, moved to Samastipur, Bihar, after marriage. She lives with her four daughters and husband. She stitches clothes and wants to help people live a better life. Ushaben Vasava: Ushaben, 33, is from a village in Narmada district, Gujarat, and leads a team managing an agricultural tool library. Through her initiatives, the village has road, water supply and biogas plants. She wants women to be economically empowered. Uzma: A 16-year-old from Delhi, Uzma takes care of her mentally ill mother and three siblings. She used to beg, but is now staying in a shelter home and learning computer. She does not want any child to live on streets. Vineetha: A 35-year-old transgender, Vineetha works for the welfare for her community members in Chennai. She advises them to shun alcohol and tobacco and wants the government to focus on their education and employment. — Excerpted from “Voice for Change: A Post-2015 Development Agenda by People Living in Poverty”, a report based on deliberations organised by the Praxis Institute for Participatory Practices. |
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