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Dangerous
liaison End of Salwa Judum a
blunder |
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This
above all My experiment with mangoes Khushwant Singh I tasted my first mango of the season on the last day of April. It was an Alphonso. It was as sweet as any mango could be. It tasted even sweeter as it was given to me by the ravishingly beautiful Begum Dilshad Sheikh, who spends her winter months in the block next to mine, a day before she left for Srinagar for the rest of the year.
fifty
fifty On
record Profile by
Harihar Swarup
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End of Salwa Judum a blunder
Soon
after Menon's release, the Chhattisgarh Chief Minister declared in New Delhi — much to the pleasure of the Maoists and their sympathisers in civil society — that Salwa Judum (the anti-Naxal tribal movement) and Green Hunt (anti-Maoist police operations) did not exist in the dictionary of the state government or in any dictionary of India. Salwa Judum means “peace march” in the Bastar tribal dialect. The movement had started in 2005 as many armed rural and tribal youth rose against the Maoists, who had killed their family members and burnt their houses. The most hurt man is former Leader of the Opposition in the Chhattisgarh Assembly Mahendra Karma (former CPI Maria tribal leader and Congress MLA from Dantewada), who had taken over the reins of this movement. The tribesmen living in relief camps fear the government would now lift their security cover. For long, the BJP government had been taking the credit for Salwa Judum. The government fought a petition in the Supreme Court against the Salwa Judum's alleged violence. “Salwa Judum's helpless death will be the victory of Red terror. Efforts must be made to keep it alive as it is the key to crushing Maoists,” Basant Kumar Tiwari (80), noted Chhattisgarh journalist, wrote in his book “Bastar: Adhi Sadi Ka Safar”. Raman Singh has put the last nail in the coffin of the Salwa Judum. The “Free Menon Agreement” has turned out to be a nose buster for the government, as the Maoists have found a permanent hassle-free official back-door channel to get their comrades released at regular intervals. The stage is now ready to please the Maoists. Buch on Thursday declared that some Naxals would be released soon by the state government under her committee guidelines. There is no harm in releasing “innocent persons” arrested on false charges. But the Maoists would certainly take advantage of this route. It is so obvious that the Chief Minister is using the Buch committee to do the Maoists' job without getting his own hands dirty. Is there an underhand deal? Political rivals suspect that the Maoists as “a gesture of goodwill” may back the BJP in the next year's Assembly polls! In Raman Singh's opinion, “This agreement can be a model for the nation to solve the Maoist problem.” But Naxal watchers believe it reminds them of the pigeon that shuts its eyes seeing the cat.
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This above all
I
tasted my first mango of the season on the last day of April. It was an Alphonso. It was as sweet as any mango could be. It tasted even sweeter as it was given to me by the ravishingly beautiful Begum Dilshad Sheikh, who spends her winter months in the block next to mine, a day before she left for Srinagar for the rest of the year. I bring up the subject as I intended to experiment with my food habits while growing older and older. I intend to make a mango a part of my mid-day meal. I am told it is mildly laxative. It will do me good as the papaya I take in the afternoon for the same purpose is not proving as effective as I hoped. It is recorded that Mirza Ghalib ate a dozen a day during the season. If I eat more than one, I want to counter its lingering taste by eating some saltish delicacy. An anecdote that has lingered in my mind is about Ghalib’s visit to the Red Fort to pay a courtesy call on the Emperor who was very fond of mangoes. As they were strolling through the mango orchard, called Dilshad Bagh, Ghalib remarked: “I am told that every mango has the name of the person for whom it is meant inscribed on its guthlee (seed). I wonder if any of the mangoes in your garden has my name on its guthlee”. The Emperor took the hint and had two basketfuls of ripe mangoes plucked and presented to the poet. It is said that once when a friend was paying a visit to Ghalib in his home in Gali Qasim Jaan, the garbage bin outside was overflowing with mango skins and guthlees. A donkey happened to pass by. It sniffed at the mango garbage and walked away without eating any. Ghalib’s friend remarked: “Mirza Sahib, aam ko to gadhey bhee nahin khaatey” (You see Mirza Sahib, even donkeys don’t eat mangoes”. “Haan”, replied the poet, “only donkeys don’t like mangoes”. PIZZA EATER
When I returned to the flat that evening, there were sounds coming from Ravi’s room. The rhythm of love-making, communicated by the creaking of his bed, which soon swelled to an unrestrained crescendo of ecstasy in a male and a female voice. I was becoming familiar with these noises, and wondered what Karim Bhai thought of them. There was no sign of Karim Bhai, but I assumed he had called or met Ravi earlier on. I shut myself up in my room with one of the last volumes of my Proust. An hour later, Ravi knocked on my door, opened it and did a fair imitation of a siren blowing. “All clear, bastard, he announced. Let’s get a pizza”. (Tabish Khair in “How to Fight Islamist Terror from the Missionary Position”
(Fourth Estate). MONEY AND MURDER
Which car is better, that was the matter/ And there was a murder;/ Let your heart not sink/ But you can die, if you fail to supply/ Money to buy a drink;/ Be a reasonably dependable mouse/ And allow your son to sell your house,/ Let you your father’s funeral skip/ But never postpone your daughter’s outstation trip./ I’ll tell you how to make money, come —/ Kidnap a classmate and earn a ransom,/ Money makes the mare go/ So kill anybody and into the river throw,/ Smuggle opium and sell your nation’s secrets,/ Or whatever else the means/ Let no scruples be seen/ Nowadays all money is clean. (Contributed by
Kuldip Salil, Delhi) |
fifty fifty Kishwar Desai
The
recent case of eight Pakistani British men — and one Afghanistani — being sentenced to 77 years collectively in prison for having raped and abused up to 47 white British under-age girls (many of them from care homes) has created shockwaves in the UK. What is even more appalling is the fact that many of the men from Rochdale are old enough to be the girls’ grandfathers. Almost all family men with children — and yet they lured these girls, some of them as young as 12, with promises of alcohol and cigarettes. One girl said she had been forced to have sex with more than 20 men in one day. Another girl finally returned to her mother when she became pregnant. Most of the girls narrated almost-unbelievable horror stories. I know that while I am secretly relieved that there were no Indians among this cruel gang — given the attitude of most Asian men towards white women or even young girls — this thought can only bring scarce relief. The other frightening fact to emerge is that this is not an isolated incident — and in fact this abuse is probably still carrying on in other cities. The only difference is that while usually the abusers are white and British — this time all of them, barring one, were immigrants from Pakistan. The recent case was unearthed only after a young girl got extremely drunk and started trashing the premises she had been brought to. The men called the police and the girl decided to tell the cops about her ongoing ordeal. Yet, because of the fear that they would be accused of racism, the police did nothing. It was only later when the case was re-opened and came up, oddly enough, before a Muslim officer, that the green signal to pursue the abusers was given. The case has obviously opened up another dimension of the dilemma prevailing in British society confronted with the inability of certain migrants to leave their cultural and patriarchal baggage behind. In this case eight of the men had come from rural Pakistan, arriving in the UK as adults. During the trial it was obvious that the men had little or no appreciation of their crime. In fact, most of them appeared to believe that the girls were somehow responsible. One of them even accused them of trying to run a prostitution ring — whereas all evidence shows that the girls were extremely vulnerable to the attacks, and far too young to have planned a conspiracy towards maligning the men. On the other hand, it is also an obvious example (to borrow a phrase from the present Prime Minister, David Cameron) of Britain’s ‘broken society’. While the men have definitely been extremely callous and cruel by exploiting these young girls — the situation has been aggravated by the fact that these young girls apparently have little or no parental guidance. As mentioned earlier, some of them were in care homes — while the others had mostly left their own homes — and were living with ‘friends’. Of course, there have been similar cases of sexual exploitation of young girls in care homes in India. The main difference, and one which acquires deep significance, is that while in the Indian cases the care home authorities were actively involved as exploiters of the young girls, in the UK the authorities simply turned a blind eye, or were too poorly trained to investigate why the girls were missing so often from their rooms. But their wilful neglect, or fear of interference, has had terrible results. Many of the girls are now completely shattered after years of abuse, and have little or no self-confidence. The modus operandi of these men, who were mostly taxi drivers and take-away food vendors, was to pick up these girls when they were on the streets and often on their way to school. The fact that these girls had little parental guidance or support also made them easy prey. The men would then take them to a shop or home where they would be given free alcohol and cigarettes and sometimes even drugs. And as the girls , who were not used to receiving attention, began to respond to these men, too young to know that there would be a quid pro quo, they were then taken to a room ‘upstairs’ — where the men grooming them would then request sexual favours, or sometimes simply rape them. The girls were too scared to complain, and as one of them said, they were frightened into compliance. These Pakistani British men had a well organised ‘gang’, which is why they were able to exploit, over the years, almost 50 of these vulnerable young women. The entire multi-cultural fabric in Britain has been ripped up by this scandal. Indeed, there have been accusations of racism on either side. To begin with, it was apparent that this exploitation had gone undetected for years only because the police did not investigate it properly for fear they would be accused of racism if they did. And this is exactly what has happened, even though the men have now been proven guilty and convicted. There are many (especially within the Muslim community) who still do not believe that the men have been fairly treated, despite the evidence, and the fact that DNA gathered from the girls’ clothes and elsewhere has proven their involvement. In fact, some Asian politicians have been quick to exploit the situation, such as Member of Parliament Keith Vaz, attempting to placate their own vote bank rather than severely condemning the behaviour saying, “I don’t think it is a particular group of people”. In fact, the problem in this case is very specifically from a
particular group of people and should be recognised. However, the entire episode does raise some questions about the attitudes of all Asian men — and not just Pakistani men. Can it be true, that even when they live in the UK they still harbour racist attitudes towards white women and girls? Do they still have a residual stereotype of them in their minds — as did these British Pakistani men — believing that because ‘Western’ women are far less conservative in their clothes and attitudes, it signifies that they are ‘immoral’ and ‘available’? And does this stereotypical behaviour come from a clash of cultures? Of course, the most astounding fact, for all of us who live in the UK, is that these Muslim men appeared to be very conservative themselves and were considered good family men (one of them was even a preacher). And yet they thought nothing of using young British girls for sexual gratification. It is a very puzzling case — so I would really like to ask all of you, why do you think this happened?
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On record As Director of the National AIDS Control Organisation (NACO) in 1997, Rao laid the foundation of India’s AIDS response, marked by HIV surveillance to detect new infections and targeted intervention to reach the infected. Later, as India’s Health Secretary, he shaped the crucial National AIDS Control Programme (NACP), which enters its fourth phase this year. Formerly secretary of two independent commissions on AIDS in the Asia-Pacific, whose recommendations strongly influenced political thinking of nations, Rao now dreams of fostering an HIV-free generation in the region. Excerpts from an interview: New HIV infections are dropping globally. How do you rate India’s response to the epidemic? Globally, new infections dropped by 25 per cent between 2001 and 2009. India, however, reported a remarkable 55 per cent drop. If the indicators of reversing the epidemic, as listed in Millennium Development Goal 6, are considered, India is well on its way to achieving the target. We can now start working to foster an HIV-free generation. Of the 34 million People Living with HIV globally, 2.3 million are still in India. What are the challenges going forward? AIDS is no longer the exceptional disease it used to be. Accordingly, India must reposition AIDS strategies in the overall perspective of public health, providing for maternal and reproductive health services and caring for nutritional needs of the diseased along with treatment. Another challenge is funding and reducing mother-to-child transmission. Global donors are backing out, and India must be prepared to spend its own money now. Considering India’s abysmally low public spending on health, will the government be able to fulfil its funding commitments to NACP-IV, being finalised by the Planning Commission? Over the past eight years, India and China together received $2 billion global funding for HIV/AIDS. Now that these countries have economically progressed, they must spare resources for nations in greater need. China has already told the World Bank it won’t take any more money. Except in India, the World Bank has withdrawn its funding almost all over. In NACP-IV, the government, for the first time, will provide for 80 per cent domestic budget, with the rest coming from World Bank. I think India will be able to keep its word. Sex workers, men having sex with men (MSMs), and injecting drug users still remain the most vulnerable. What change of strategy is needed to target them better? The legal environment must change. Our laws still criminalise same-sex relationships, though the Delhi High Court earlier struck down Section 377 of the IPC. The Supreme Court verdict on this case is awaited. The world must stop treating drug traffickers and users alike. International drug conventions need to be revisited to make this distinction. That will improve treatment access for the drug users, who, traditionally, do not enjoy social sympathy, as sex workers and MSMs do. What do you propose should NACP-IV include? We have successfully addressed the HIV-TB co-infection. But there are other opportunistic infections which come with HIV, like hepatitis C, which is currently very expensive to treat. Its costs need to be covered. We should go for compulsory licensing of hepatitis C drugs, if need be, to make these available. There is talk of merging NACO with the Health Ministry. Is that advisable? AIDS response still requires a focused approach of targeted interventions, community participation and surveillance. Integrating NACO with the National Rural Health Mission, even in the 12 th Plan, will be premature. The NRHM is just five years old and still settling down. And how do you expect a sex worker to come to a primary health centre to ask for a condom? Moreover, what about urban areas where the National Urban Health Mission is not in place? The US, EU and Japan have been pushing for a patent drug regime which can push up prices of HIV drugs. What should India do, considering it is the largest producer of generic HIV drugs? India must not be party to any bilateral agreement that violates the Doha accord, which had rightly provided for TRIPS (Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights) flexibilities in matters concerning public health. India produces 90 per cent HIV drugs supplied to Africa. Our response would impact not just our own treatment strategies but also those of the world. We have a responsibility to the world to keep the prices low. Even at the end of 2009, nine million eligible for treatment did not have it.
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Profile by Harihar Swarup The
transformation of Dr Brahma Dutt Sharma from an IAS officer (now retired) to a social activist dedicated to the cause of tribal people, is remarkable. The “adivasis” of Bastar region of Chhattisgarh and tribal belts of Orissa and Jharkhand treat him as demigod. Dr Sharma’s odyssey as a reformer began when he was a young collector of undivided Bastar in Madhya Pradesh in 1968. His conscience pricked when he saw gross exploitation of simple tribal girls by men posted from outside at Bailadilla iron ore mines, contractors and other outsiders. Many gave birth to children. Dr Sharma forced at least 500 of the men to marry the girls. He also ensured that salaries of mine officers who could not be traced were paid to the victims. The initiative made headlines. Officers who worked him recall Dr Sharma did not brother about rules. His instructions were: “If rules come in the way of stopping exploitation, break them.” The period 1969-70 saw the worst exploitation of tribal people of Bastar — by the forest mafia, money lenders, smugglers, et al. One dubious character, who called himself Baba Bihari Das, found a new modus operandi. He claimed to be an incarnation of Pravin Chandra Bhanjdeo, the slain Maharaja of Bastar, whom tribal people worshipped. He persuaded them to sell him their livestock at throw away prices. Sharma cracked down on the Baba, and issued orders that nobody could purchase more than a pig or a hen. Baba approached his political contacts in Bhopal, and Dr Sharma was advised to go slow. But he was not the man to listen to such advice. Ultimately, he was transferred to Bhopal. L.K. Joshi, who worked with Dr Sharma as “assistant collector under training”, regards Sharma as his guru. Sharma always stayed in “Thanagudi”, the village guest house, rather than the state guest houses, sharing (roasted gram and jaggery) with locals, recalled Joshi, at present lying sick in a Delhi hospital. Dr Sharma retired in 1981 as Commissioner, Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes. Later, he became Vice-Chancellor of the North-Eastern Hill University. He was also instrumental in bringing back the Fifth Schedule, a vital instrument of policy for the survival of the tribal people, on the national agenda. Dr Sharma, now 87, is fit as a fiddle, lives in Delhi and extensively tours the country. He is at present president of the Bharat Jan Andolan and also convener of the National Campaign for Eradication of Inequality.
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I wrote the paragraph about two days before I launched my plan to live by eating only mangoes. The experiment lasted 48 hours. The same variety of mango which tasted sweet began to taste sickly sweet. I became more conscious of its being the messiest fruit in the world than its taste. Every time I ate one it messed up my moustaches, beard and fingers. I had to cleanse them in a washbasin. It occurred to me that besides mango-growing countries, no other country relished it. In European or American homes to which I have been invited for a meal, I was served no mango as a fruit dish; apples, pears, strawberries, peaches, oranges, grapes, kinoos, apricots and other local favourite, never mangoes. Its praises are sung only in countries that grow them.
T
Many of them — following decades of exploitation and oppression — have taken up the gun as dreaded Maoists, but would bow before Dr Sharma. That was the reason Maoists agreed to have him as mediator to secure the release of Sukma district collector Alex Paul Menon. He had also mediated when two Italian tourists were abducted.