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Iran towards nukes?
Mamata’s muscle power
Stampede in Haridwar |
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Winds of change in Myanmar
Taking on Zuma and other challenges
Army Aviation by Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi (Retd) In the tactical battle zone, the Army Aviation's high mobility and firepower is a dominant force, bestowing the land forces' commanders with an awesome force multiplier. As India's Army Aviation Corps celebrates its silver jubilee this month, it, however, remains a force unable to provide comprehensive aviation support to the Army as its capabilities are severely limited. Stiff opposition from the Air Force is one major reason hampering growth of the Army's aviation wing ARMY Aviation, a potent arm of the Indian Army, is celebrating the silver jubilee of its formation this month. While it is a happy occasion, it is marred by the reality that it is still stuck in a changeless groove. It continues to be a force that is unable to provide comprehensive aviation support to the army, as its capabilities remain limited.
Revving-up rotors for the future
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Iran towards nukes?
Going
by the latest report of the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) on the Iranian nuclear programme, Iran may become a nuclear-weapon state any time now. The UN nuclear watchdog claims to have conclusive information confirming the Western belief that Iran has reached the stage of making a nuclear weapon. The IAEA report “indicates that Iran has carried out activities relevant to the development of a nuclear explosive device” and is believed to have a computer model of a nuclear bomb. The Western media has been asserting for a long time that Iran’s nuclear programme is not aimed at producing electricity, as Teheran claims. It is a nuclear weapon programme, a matter of serious concern. This means that Iran has so far been lying to the world community that it has no nuclear ambitions and that its nuclear facilities are meant for peaceful purposes. The IAEA report, which has been made available to the members of the IAEA Board of Governors before its formal release under US pressure, may lead to the United Nations imposing fresh sanctions on Teheran because of its violation of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. There are also fears that Israel may try to destroy the Iranian nuclear plants in a targeted military action. The use of force, however, will be as bad as Iran’s alleged nuclear weapon programme. Diplomacy and dialogue must be preferred over military action which can further complicate the issue. The IAEA’s claim, which has been challenged by Iran, needs to be carefully studied in view of what happened in the case of Iraq under Saddam Hussein. Russia and China do not want the alarming report to be published after Israel’s “extremely dangerous rhetoric”. There are differences on the methodology to be used for preventing Iran from going nuclear, but the world community seems to be unanimous in its view that nuclear proliferation must be prevented. There is another problem in the case of West Asia. If Iran goes nuclear, Saudi Arabia may do whatever it can to acquire weapons of mass destruction. The Iranian nuclear issue also has a sectarian angle, as the Saudis lead Sunni Islam and the Iranians Shia Islam. Thus, a nuclear Iran will have a domino effect, threatening peace and stability in the region and the rest of the world.
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Mamata’s muscle power
Normally, Chief Ministers are not required to visit police stations to have their way. ‘Normal’ Chief Ministers generally get the police to do their bidding through discreet telephone calls to trusted police officers. More often than not, the Director-General of Police or the Police Commissioner are only too happy to oblige and release people detained at police stations, derail investigation of sensitive cases or go after the political rivals and opponents of the ruling dispensation. That is why when West Bengal Chief Minister Mamata Banerjee stormed into a police station in Kolkata on Sunday night, unfazed by the presence of television crews, her action drew country-wide attention. It was certainly not normal behaviour. Her seemingly ‘irresponsible’ action was roundly condemned. As Chief Minister, she obviously cannot continue behaving like a leader of the Opposition, a street politician revelling in face-offs with the police and other agencies of the government. It can be said in her defence that she did what spontaneous mass leaders often tend to do. Trouble was brewing close to where she lived and Mamata did what she does best, namely wading into trouble. Arguably, her intervention prevented the situation from escalating and turning uglier, as some media reports have also suggested. An internal inquiry by the police has indicted the officers manning the police station, which was attacked by Trinamool Congress supporters. The inquiry suggests that the policemen mishandled the situation , misbehaved with people leading two religious processions which reportedly defied restrictions on using high decibel crackers and loudspeakers. They complicated the situation even more by arresting two of the processionists when they began name-dropping and flaunted their political connections. These were the two people, reportedly close to Mamata’s brother, who were released by the police at the behest of the Chief Minister. The wider issue involves questions regarding professionalism and independence of the police. It is no secret that the police is prone to behaving like lap-dogs of the powers that be. The incident in Kolkata is a reminder that we are still far from having an independent, fair and competent police force, which is necessary if India were to catch up with the developed world. |
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Stampede in Haridwar
AS though our inefficient traffic management and absolute lack of contingency plans to deal with natural calamities were not enough to cause the loss of precious human lives, recurring human stampedes have added the loss of about 1000 lives in the past decade. Most of these take place at religious places, where people turn out in huge numbers, exceeding all estimates of the organisers. Secondly, religious fervour tends to make them forego all rules of waiting for their turn with patience. Though the number of the deceased could not be ascertained at the Shanti Kunj Ashram in Haridwar, where the stampede occurred, even a single life’s loss is devastating for the near and dear ones. In this case, as in many other cases of stampede, the organisers leave the management of the crowds in the hands of volunteers, who may share and respect the religious faith of the devotees but lack professional skill of handling large crowds and managing proper routes for the devotees to enter and exit the sacred site without hindrance. After each tragedy of this magnitude, different bodies announce cash compensation to the kin of the deceased and the injured. But no plan to prevent such incidents is put into action. Despite so many incidents of stampedes in the past, most city administrations have failed to learn lessons in efficient crowd management. Though larger congregations like the Mahakumbh, which brings lakhs of devotees to Prayag, are managed with great efficiency because of advance planning and proper allocation of resources, smaller events like the one that took place on Tuesday at Haridwar show lack of planning and administrative monitoring. Before any large congregation of the size that took place to commemorate the birth centenary of the founder of the Akhil Vishwa Gayatri Pariwar, the organisers are supposed to have taken permission from the administration. Therefore, even though the organisers did not ask for their help in managing the crowds, it was the administration’s duty to deploy skilled manpower to supervise the event. This could well have saved many precious lives! |
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In the absence of justice, what is sovereignty but organised robbery?
— St Augustine
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Winds of change in Myanmar Western
attempts to impose “regime change” in West Asia have had unexpected results. The American invasion of Iraq not only exacerbated Shia-Sunni tensions within the country, but also produced a virtual Shia-dominated Iraq-Iran condominium, challenging the regional supremacy of neighbouring Sunni sheikhdoms, led by Saudi Arabia. It remains to be seen whether the ouster of Col Muammar Gaddafi in Libya will convert that country into a haven of secular democracy and tribal harmony. Libya’s new rulers are already talking of imposing Sharia law. Democracy cannot be imported. It has to emerge and to be nurtured from within. Nearer India, the Americans have supported military or military-backed regimes in Pakistan, Bangladesh, Indonesia and Thailand for decades. For over 25 years, they backed the regime of Myanmar’s military dictator Gen New Win, whose main contribution to relations with India was his expulsion of over half a million Indians from the country. When the new military junta took over in 1988, the Americans suddenly rediscovered the virtues of democracy in that country. Prime Minister Narasimha Rao decided that given their history, the Burmese would evolve their own ways towards a more representative government and that India’s long-term interests were best served if the military regime was constructively engaged, adopting policies akin to those of its ASEAN neighbours. India’s pragmatic approach has paid significant dividends. Myanmar and India share a 1640-km land border. Myanmar has cooperated constructively in dealing with cross-border insurgencies afflicting some of India’s north-eastern states. It has respected Indian security concerns arising from its increasing military cooperation with China. It conclusively established that reports about it providing facilities to China in its Cocos Islands were baseless. Moreover, it assuaged Indian concerns about providing base facilities for the Chinese Navy in the port of Sittwe by agreeing that India would construct this port and build a corridor giving its landlocked north-eastern states access to the sea. Thousands of “Stateless” people of Indian origin have been assured Myanmar citizenship. The recent visit of Myanmar’s President Thein Sein to India came just after he had taken a series of widely welcomed measures. These included the release of Aung San Suu Kyi and the commencement of dialogue with her. On October 12, as many as 6,359 detainees were released. They included such notables as Ashin Gambara from the All-Burma Monks Association, who led the street protests in 2007; comedian and social activist Zarganar, who criticised the government’s response to the travails of victims of Cyclone Nargis; and the head of the Shan State Army insurgent group. President Thein Sein signed preliminary peace agreements with the two eastern armed groups. Non-Burmese ethnic groups now have a say in their own future after the recent elections enabled them for the first time in history to elect their representatives to the newly established Assemblies for States and Regions in the country. Yielding to public protests, the government halted construction in the Kachin state of a $3.6 billion hydroelectric project, being built with Chinese assistance. Behind the seeming bonhomie, rifts are emerging in the Sino- Myanmar relationship. In the past two decades, millions of Chinese have moved into Myanmar from neighbouring Yunnan and other Chinese provinces. They now own virtually all the choice properties, pushing the Burmese to the outskirts in cities like Mandalay. Ethnic Chinese now control major businesses across Myanmar and swarms of Chinese workers dominate the construction of Chinese-aided projects. Networks of Chinese-built roads in Myanmar appear designed to give China access to the Bay of Bengal, facilitating the movement of goods, oil and gas, bypassing the Straits of Malacca. The situation on Myanmar’s borders with China is a matter of concern within Myanmar. In the Wa Hills, tribesmen of Chinese origin are actively involved in gun-running, including to Indian insurgent groups. Tensions along the border further north emerged when the powerful Mandarin-speaking militia of the Kokang tribe refused to become part of the Myanmar government’s border militia. In the ensuing military crackdown, over 20,000 Kokang tribesmen fled across the border into China. Alarmed at the prospect of a similar crackdown on the Wa Army, Chinese leaders, including future President Xi Jinping and Premier Wen Jiabao, visited Yangon last year with promises of further aid. The situation was defused, but resentment against the millions of Chinese settlers and their Wa and Kokang compatriots can intensify as it did in 1967. Myanmar’s rulers have no illusions that India can replace China as a partner for rapid growth of its infrastructure. India’s track record in Myanmar is abysmal. Work on the much-touted Kaladan corridor, linking Myanmar to the sea, proceeds at a snail’s pace. After “consideration” for over 15 years, India has not even finalised a project report for a 1500-MW hydroelectric project across the Chindwin river, adjacent to Manipur. Thein Sein is naturally looking for new tie-ups with more dynamic countries like Japan, which has described recent developments in Myanmar as a positive “step towards democratisation and national reconciliation”. Japan has agreed to resume economic and cultural exchanges and its aid programme, suspended for two decades. Indonesia has reacted similarly. Western sanctions are, however, unlikely to end in the immediate future. There now seems to be a clear divide between Asia and the Western world on how to approach relations with Myanmar. It will take around a decade before Myanmar enjoys democratic freedoms akin to those prevalent in neighbouring Indonesia. Comparing his country’s relations with India and China, a senior Myanmar leader once remarked: “While we may have to go to Beijing for arms, as devout Buddhists, we have to go to Bodh Gaya for salvation.” Sadly, the reality is that in Buddhist countries, ranging from Sri Lanka to Thailand and beyond, the main factor that inhibits their devotees from visiting India is what is described as the “primitive” and ‘pathetic” facilities available for pilgrims and tourists, interested in visiting Buddhist heritage and pilgrimage sites. Across the world, people have commented on the efficiency and precision with which the Formula 1 event was conducted in the National Capital Region, while recalling the inefficiency, mismanagement and corruption that marked the arrangements for the Asian Games. One hopes that New Delhi will draw up a realistic public-private partnership for providing modern amenities, accommodation and infrastructure for tourists and pilgrims visiting Buddhist heritage sites to complement its plans for the development of Nalanda University. Former UN Secretary-General U Thant’s grandson, Thant Myint U, even envisages a situation where “Burma” located at the “New Crossroads of Asia,” becomes the country where “China meets
India”.
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Taking on Zuma and other challenges Herman
was corrupted to the Punjabiised ‘Har Maan’ in a short while as our new guest was made to feel at home. A few weeks ago his mother Charin informed us that she would come to take Herman back. Naturally, we welcomed a chance to meet her, since till now we only knew her from a long distance, via phone calls, e-mail messages, and Facebook, along with conversations with Herman. A smart woman, she is measured with her words, and remarkably well informed about India too. Herman came to us as an exchange student from St Stithians Boys College, Johannesburg, South Africa, where our son Jansher maintains was the best time he had in his life, as an exchange student earlier in the year. The boys met at school, though Jansher was hosted by the ‘awesome’ Leigh family. Herman’s mother Charin had taken them to Soccer City and some other places. Herman came to us after a stint at Doon School. He is a handsome well-behaved child who has a ready smile, and as we soon discovered, is quite witty and a pleasure to have around the house. Yet there was also something about him that made you wonder about what exactly made him tick. It stuck a familiar note, since I have seen something similar, having spent much of my childhood with people from privileged families. They had a background which would make others envious, but one which they took lightly. We did not know too much about Herman. He didn’t go into any details regarding his parents and we did not want to probe. In any case, it was a welcome change, since the statement “Don’t you know who my father is?” reminds one too much of spoilt children asking for special treatment. As days passed, he became a part of the family and we started sharing much more. He would often talk about his father, who we now knew, was a senior official with the international auditing giant, KPMG. It was, however, his mother, who obviously had much influence on him, and who he looked up to. “What does your mother do?” I asked him one day. “She is a prosecutor,” he said. Over dinner, yesterday, as we munched our way through tikkas and kababs, we found out much more about her. Herman had neglected to mention that not only was his mother a prosecutor, but that she was actually the Director of Prosecutions in Johannesburg. “After the Zuma episode, I decided to devote my time to my family, and stopped working,” she said. A surreptitious check on Google through my cell-phone revealed much, even as we went through plates full of Indian savouries, which she wanted to try out. The screen was full of news on her. This petite woman had taken on the former deputy president Jacob Zuma, who was accused of raping a 31-year-old HIV-positive family friend. The case was a hot potato which no one else wanted to touch and thus it landed in the lap of the person who had become the youngest prosecutor in South Africa at the age of 24, and had risen to the top. According to many newspaper accounts, this was by the dint of hard labour, integrity and a good record of convictions. She fought the Zuma case hard, but in the absence of some crucial evidence, which never reached the Johannesburg High Court, Zuma was acquitted. Charin de Beer found herself in a position where she might have had to compromise her integrity to keep her job. She quit, and has been devoting herself to her family, especially her children, Herman and his sister. Well, the woman who took on Zuma faces the ultimate challenge every mother faces, of bringing up her children well. From what we have seen, she has achieved much success here
also.
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Army Aviation by Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi (Retd)
In the tactical battle zone, the Army Aviation's high mobility and firepower ARMY
Aviation, a potent arm of the Indian Army, is celebrating the silver jubilee of its formation this month. While it is a happy occasion, it is marred by the reality that it is still stuck in a changeless groove. It continues to be a force that is unable to provide comprehensive aviation support to the army, as its capabilities remain limited. There are many reasons for this, but by far the biggest is the opposition bordering on paranoia from the Indian Air Force (IAF).
The proposal for an Army Aviation Corps was first mooted after the 1962 war with China. However, it was only in 1986 that a truncated corps saw the light of the day, after considerable opposition and great reluctance from the IAF. All professional armies of the world have their own fully equipped aviation arms, because even the best air forces have severe limitations in carrying out many operational tasks which are intimately concerned with the land battle, especially in the Tactical Battle Area (TBA). However, on account of the obduracy of the IAF, inadequate vigour displayed by successive hierarchies of the Army, and no interest at all of the Ministry of Defence (MoD); we have reached a state where unless army aviation starts growing rapidly, the Army will not be able to exercise many operational options in future conflicts. The loser will be the nation, although the Army will get the blame! Those not familiar with the intricacies of the land and naval battles usually ask why the Army or the Navy need their own aviation arms, especially when we have a first class Air Force. The answer is actually quite simple. There are certain operational and logistics tasks that are best performed by integral resources of the Army or the Navy because of the intimate nature of support and the need for immediate application of aviation assets. It is not possible for air forces to carry out such tasks, however efficient they may be. Conflicts in various parts of the world have further reinforced this, as it is only integral aviation resources that would provide the field force commander real-time battlefield flexibility and consequent enhancement in combat power. Presently, the Army Aviation Corps flies predominantly light helicopters. It has only about a dozen squadrons, equipped with about 200-odd Chetak and Cheetah helicopters of 1960 and 1970 vintage, as well as a few (less than 10 per cent) utility flights equipped with the indigenously developed Dhruv Advanced Light Helicopter (ALH). It has no attack helicopters and is hence an unarmed force! Attack helicopters are paid from the army budget, yet the IAF does not want to part with them, despite strong overtures from time to time. It is unfortunate that the IAF continues to act as the dog in the manger. It still thinks that the Army having its own aviation arm is a wasteful process, as the IAF is tasked to provide all types of support to the ground forces. Tasking is one thing but what matters is the delivery at the business end, which has been sadly lacking. This is not on account of efforts of the IAF, but there are certain actions that only Army pilots can perform on account of their intimate knowledge and understanding of the land battle. The IAF also argues that all air components must be centrally controlled for optimum functioning, cost-effectiveness and best results. It talks of difficulties of air space management, forgetting that this is not a problem peculiar to only our air space; militaries of most important countries have found answers that are efficient and fool-proof. Actually these are mere excuses. The main reason for their inordinately rigid position is the misconception that the growth of army aviation will reduce the size and importance of the IAF! It is of course a baseless fear; there is plenty of room for both to grow in their respective spheres. Consequently, the IAF needs to jettison this institutional anathema. The IAF had used the same approach earlier to stymie the establishment and later growth of naval aviation, but the Navy stuck to its guns and did not accept any dilution in their visualisation of the size and shape of the naval air arm. The result is that the Indian Navy has a full-fledged air component, which has contributed immensely to its all round development. The Army, on the other hand, treated the IAF with kid gloves. Being the senior service, the Army felt it was its bounden duty not to upset the inter-service relationship and therefore acquiesced on many occasions to childlike logic, hoping that better sense would prevail. In hindsight, although altruistic, it has been a wrong policy. It hits one with even greater force when one learns that the justifications advanced by the IAF for getting government approvals of its helicopter force are that they are needed for While one can sympathise with the aspirations of the IAF to grow to a large and formidable force, it must also support aspirations of Army Aviation to become an effective component of the Army. Diminishing the fighting potential of the ground forces, on account of the grandiose turf considerations of the IAF is incorrect and highly selfish. No wonder the IAF is against any joint endeavours, against all overwhelming evidence and experience of other militaries. In all armies, attack helicopters are an integral part of the army and they have been correctly called “flying tanks”. Yet, every time the question of their reversion to the Army is raised, the IAF goes in to paroxysms of rage and talks of such non-issues as core competencies, vast maintenance infrastructures and other lame excuses. When the question of a few small fixed-wing aircraft for aerial command posts, communications duties, tactical-level logistics, casualty evacuation, etc. within the TBA is mooted, the IAF goes to town saying the Army wants to form its own “mini” air force. They conveniently forget that the aviation wings of most armies have both attack helicopters and small fixed wing aircraft because they are both a cost-effective option and an operational necessity. The strength of army aviation is in its ability to deploy quickly, conduct reconnaissance and surveillance, manoeuver rapidly, and apply tremendous combat power for the land forces commander. Army aviation’s mobility and firepower make it a dominant force. Attack and reconnaissance helicopter units give the commander a force that can rapidly build devastating firepower at any point on the battlefield. The strength of army aviation is its versatility for rapid deployment, understanding the battlefield and focus maximum combat power at decisive points. Army aviation thus gives the land forces commanders’ unique capabilities that enhance their force’s overall effectiveness. It must be allowed to grow to its full
potential.
The writer is a former Vice Chief of Army Staff
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Revving-up rotors for the future Army
Aviation Corps (AAC) envisions setting up aviation brigades at corps and command headquarters level and making strike formations leaner with their own attack, surveillance and special operations helicopters. The Corps planned to induct a new generation of helicopters, special operations squadrons and mounting of electronic and surveillance systems on choppers. The large RFP issued for purchase of 317 helicopters for the Army is back to 197 machines, with 12 heavy-lift and 12 VIP helicopters also in the pipe line. The AAC modernisation plans include: Reconnaissance & Surveillance Helicopters: These helicopters will replace the existing fleet of Cheetah/Chetak helicopters. While some helicopters will be procured as ‘Buy’ category, others will be ‘Designed and Developed’ by HAL as ‘Make’ category. Utility Helicopters: Three squadrons of indigenously developed state-of-the-art Dhruv ALH are already in service (one under raising). Additional squadrons are planned and will form an important and integral part of field formations. Armed Helicopters: ALH (weapon system Integrated) are being developed and flight-tested by HAL. Integration of weapon systems on the ALH is under way including, test firing of weapons. Tactical Battle Support Helicopter: This is being developed as a tri-services project by HAL. The helicopter will be called Indian Multi Role Helicopter. These machines should be capable of carrying 10 - 12 men into the battlefield. Special Operations Squadron: A Special Ops Squadron is being raised to provide dedicated integral aviation support to the Special Forces. Heliborne EW Flight: Raising of a heliborne EW flight has been planned to optimally exploit the third dimension to enhance the reach and potency of Electronic Warfare effort. Light Fixed Wing Aircraft:
The Army is also planning to induct light fixed wing aircraft in future for surveillance and communication tasks. — www.globalsecurity.org |
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The 15-year Army Aviation Plan envisioned acquisition of an attack helicopter version of the Dhruv ALH, equipped with guns, rockets, anti-tank guided missiles and air-to-air missiles. By the end of the 10th Plan, it was envisaged to arm AAC formations with six utility helicopter squadrons of ALH and six squadrons of a 10 tonne-class machine.