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A powerful verdict ‘Missing’ row
in J&K New axis in the
offing? |
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Growing US interest
in India
Netaji
The tireless crusader of Punjabi theatre Gursharan Singh may have
breathed his last. But his voice that stood for the oppressed and the
dispossessed will continue to echo in the corridors of time Ordinary man’s mahanayak
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‘Missing’ row in J&K
Jammu
and Kashmir Chief Minister Omar Abdullah has taken a major step forward to end the controversy relating to a large number of missing persons. He has agreed for DNA profiling of those resting in unmarked graves in the valley. The near and dear ones of those buried in these graves need to bring proof in support of their claims. The DNA profiling was recommended by the State Human Rights Commission a few days back when it also recommended an enquiry into the whole issue by an independent body. The commission wanted swift punishment to those found guilty of having committed the crime. There are allegations that security personnel picked up and killed these people in the name of fighting terror. The controversy relates to the1990s, but no one has been punished so far. But what is the number of the “missing” persons? According to the Chief Minister, there are 2,136 controversial graves in Poonch and 2090 of these have the bodies of foreign militants. Only 46 may have those in the “missing” category. Contrary to this, the media has been highlighting that there are 2,500 unmarked graves in Poonch. The State Human Rights Commission has been insisting that 2,000 unmarked graves existed at 38 sights in north Kashmir. In March 2003 Law Minister Muzaffar Beig gave the figure of those “missing” as 3,744. Interestingly, the Association of Parents of Disappeared Persons has not submitted any list to the police so far. Thus, first of all, there is need to find out what is the exact number of those believed to have been picked up by the security forces and whose fate is not known. DNA profiling can help in setting the controversy at rest. No doubt, it is a time-consuming task as there are only 21 laboratories in the country which can do such tests. Yet it is worth going in for such a course of action. A thorough enquiry must be ordered into the issue so that the people have the satisfaction of knowing the truth and the guilty can be brought to justice. |
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New axis in the offing?
With
serious strains developing in relations between the US and Pakistan and the possibility of economic and military sanctions against Islamabad getting more and more acute, it is significant that Pakistan is cozying up to China and Saudi Arabia. There were clear signs of Pakistan’s friendly overtures to China recently when Islamabad assured the Chinese strongly that it would root out Uighur militants holed up in its territory. The Islamic militants have been a constant source of trouble to the Chinese and Islamabad has largely ignored the activity in China’s western Xingjiang province wherein these militants are being trained in Pakistan’s lawless tribal areas. Now, however, with the Americans having rebuffed the Pakistanis with accusations that the ISI was backing Afghan insurgents, Pakistan Interior Minister Rehman Malik was effusive when he said, “China’s enemy is Islamabad’s enemy.” On its part, in the wake of Osama bin Laden’s killing in Abbottabad by US forces, China had agreed to expedite the delivery of 50 J-17F Thunder fighter jets to Pakistan. Now, by reaching out to the Chinese, Islamabad is trying to ensure that China fills any diplomatic and economic void if the US severs or downgrades ties. Even on the Pakistan-Saudi front, the fact that the US is distancing itself from Islamabad has led the two to come closer. Indeed, Saudi Arabia sent top intelligence officials to Islamabad to hold talks with its leadership on King Abdullah bin Abdul Aziz al-Saud’s directions after the US rebuff. Earlier, ISI chief General Pasha had taken a special plane along with a high-level military delegation to discuss the issue with Saudi intelligence and armed forces. Besides, the Pakistani army conducted joint military exercises with Saudi Arabia near Jhelum in Punjab province. All this Pakistani posturing is evidently directed at putting pressure on the US to re-think before imposing any economic and military sanctions. But with the Americans all set to pull out from Afghanistan, it is a moot point whether the US is better disposed towards taking the bull by the horns. Clearly, there are implications for India too if the China-Pak nexus gets stronger and the US and India move closer on geo-political compulsions. |
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Consistency is the last refuge of the unimaginative. — Oscar Wilde
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Growing US interest in India The rapid growth of what China calls its “Comprehensive National Power” has been accompanied by strong manifestations of what the Soviets used to call as “Great Han Chauvinism”. Responding to concerns expressed about China’s growing “assertiveness” in relations with its smaller neighbours, its Foreign Minister Yang Jiechi nonchalantly told his Singaporean counterpart in December 2010, with the arrogance reminiscent of the rulers of the Ming dynasty: “China is a big country and other countries are just small countries and that’s just a fact”. The past two years have seen China resorting to coercion and even use of force in enforcing its maritime boundary claims with Japan, Taiwan, South Korea, Vietnam, the Philippines, Malaysia and Brunei. The same assertiveness, bordering on arrogance, is manifested in China’s dealings with India which it treats as what is yet another “‘small country” in its neighbourhood. Leaving aside Chinese manoeuvres to undermine India in forums like the Nuclear Suppliers Group, China has actively colluded with Pakistan in blocking international efforts to get the Jaish-e-Mohammed, which masterminded the attack on our Parliament, declared as an international terrorist organization by the UN Security Council. It had acted identically in blocking efforts to get the Lashkar-e-Toiba outlawed, prior to the 26/11 outrage. More importantly, China now acts as though the PoK and the Northern Areas of Gilgit and Baltistan are an integral part of Pakistan, with only Indian-controlled Jammu and Kashmir being a “disputed” territory. The “Chief Minister”” of Gilgit-Baltistan, Syed Mehdi Shah, twice visited China in the recent past and was received at the highest levels. Contrast this with the entire issue of stapled visas for residents, including military officers, serving in J&K. Moreover, planned Chinese investment for infrastructure and hydro-electric projects in Gilgit-Baltistan is estimated to be of the order of $10 billion, with growing suspicions that the tunnels being built are really meant for nuclear weapon and missile silos. All this is happening when Pakistan is tearing itself apart under the weight of its internal contradictions, combined with the stupidity of its military in cultivating radical Islamic groups to “bleed’’ India and force the Americans out of Afghanistan. These were among the issues considered by a high-level non-official group from the Council for Foreign Relations (CFR) and the Aspen Institute India (AII). The group has now come out with a detailed report on shaping the contours of a US-India partnership to deal with global challenges. The Indian participants included former National Security Adviser (NSA) Brajesh Mishra and former Ambassadors to the US, K.S. Bajpai and Naresh Chandra. The American side included luminaries like former Director of Intelligence Denis Blair, Bush Administration NSA Stephen Headley and Ambassador Robert Blackwill. The CFR-AII report comes at a time when the US is finding that its two Cold War allies, China and Pakistan, are either directly challenging its global pre-eminence, or supporting terrorists killing its soldiers in Afghanistan. The CFR-AII report notes that Pakistan’s intelligence agencies “support terrorist groups that target India, Afghanistan and ISAF forces in Afghanistan”. After the Abbotabad raid which eliminated Osama bin Laden, the US is finding that General Kayani, whom it had touted for long as a “tough professional”, is now arranging for the Haqqani group to even attack its embassy in Kabul. The report states: “Pakistan is showing alarming signs of systemic decline. Its economy continues to underperform peers in Asia.” It significantly notes that the US should “condition military aid to Pakistan on concrete anti-terrorist measures by the Pakistan military against groups targeting India and the US”. The American decision to declare the Indian Mujahideen as a Pakistan-backed international terrorist organization should be seen in this context. The “Dialogue with Pakistan Mantra”’ is alluded to, though Americans have no answer to the question whether “dialogue” will induce Pakistan to change its behaviour. The report dwells on the need for a regional framework, including the US, China, Russia, Iran, the Central Asian Republics, India and Pakistan to evolve measures for stability in Afghanistan. Predictably, the report asserts that India and the US have no intention of “confrontation with China, or to forge a coalition for China’s containment”. But the sub-text is clear. It advocates a strengthened India-US partnership for a viable “balance of power” in Asia, covering the Indian Ocean— which is described as “home to critical global lines of communication, with an estimated 50% of the world’s container products and 70% of the ship-borne oil and petroleum transiting through its waters,” and the Asia-Pacific region. Interestingly, Hillary Clinton recently referred to the Asia-Pacific as the “Indo-Pacific,” quite obviously having taken note of India’s growing ties with Australia, Vietnam, Japan, Taiwan and South Korea. It is also clear that India-US differences will remain on relations with Iran and on the NATO propensity for selective regime change under the rubric of “Responsibility to Protect”. The report is upbeat on US-India economic ties and makes significant recommendations for enhancing cooperation in areas like space, defence production and defence R&D. Goldman Sachs estimates that the Indian economy will expand at an average rate of 8.4% through 2020. The report stresses the significant potential for cooperation in areas like infrastructure, transportation, energy and agriculture. While it calls for US support for Indian membership of export control forums like the NSG, the MTCR, the Australia Group and the Wassenaar Arrangement, should India really show interest in joining these cartels, especially given the US-led move to get the NSG to ban the export of reprocessing and enrichment technology to India, because it is not a signatory to the NPT? No Indian interest is served in joining such forums, where it is considered less equal than others. We need to bide our time and see how US pressures influence our other partners like France and Russia, which do not share the American aversion for the transfer of important reprocessing technology to India. Moreover, both France and Russia appear unhappy, but ready to live the provisions of India’s Nuclear Liability Act, even though they may require higher insurance cover for their nuclear power plants. The CFR-Aspen India report carries wide-ranging recommendations which South Block should look at seriously. With its economy set for a continuing high growth path, India now has the luxury of having multiple partners, without having to compromise the autonomy of its decision making. Ironically, the wheels of history appear to have turned a full circle. The US, which partnered China and Pakistan for over four decades at the cost of India, now finds merit in partnering a democratic and economically vibrant India in facing an assertive China and a jihadi
Pakistan.
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Netaji IT was an “accidental catch”. I showed the CD to my boss in the Ministry of Home Affairs. After that we went to the ‘Chief’. I left the CD with Chief. I was sitting in India International Centre. “Netaji” saw me and came straight to me. He waved away his hangers-on and took me to a corner lawn. He looked like a killer with the eyes of a shark. He looked straight into my eyes and asked me if “We” were after him. I told him that he was an accidental catch. He asked me if that CD had been showed ‘Above’. I told him that I left it with the Chief. He told me that he had checked me out and was told that I was not ‘politically aligned’. After that he relaxed. After a week, I got a call from his private secretary inviting me for dinner. I reached at the appointed time. Netaji received me very warmly. I was slightly wary. I found the guests very colourful. Mostly they were business men while some were from the film industry. He introduced me to a middle-aged woman, and instructed her to look after me. She told me that she was a psycho-therapist in Bombay and also held fashion shows. She said that ‘Guddu’ (Netaji) was a very dear friend. She told me that her clients were top heroes and heroines and business tycoons. After I refused a drink, she told me that non-drinkers die early. She gave me some tips about “healthy and discreet” adultery as it “improves the marital atmosphere”. In spite of her years, she looked radiantly appetising and had the pungent saltiness of a woman who knows all the tricks. She spotted a minister coming, and darted towards him. Delhi has a very dark underbelly. Open looks frequently hide devious hearts. Netaji became quite friendly with me, and used to invite me to his office. One day I asked him about the ‘casting couch’. “Are you talking about the political ‘casting couch’ or the filmi one,” he said. He explained that the two professions had one thing in common. In both the professions people want “a role”. Everybody wants to go up the ladder, whether ‘filmy or political’. He narrated the stories of some “Badnam Munnis” of politics, who were holding important assignments. Being on the inside brings not only opportunity, but temptation. Netaji had sowed enough wild oats to need a Combine harvester. He wanted me to join him. I asked my Chief’s advice. He told me that if I wanted to spend my post-retirement days in Tihar Jail, this was a golden opportunity. I wriggled out. Netaji died in an accident in mysterious circumstances. One day, I and my boss were discussing his deeds. My boss said that by not making “proper use” of the CD, we lost a lifetime opportunity to have a Swiss bank account. I told him that all honest government servants belong to the BPL (below poverty line) category with have middle class mentality, morality and timidity, but that keeps the things
moving.
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The tireless crusader of Punjabi theatre Gursharan Singh may have
breathed his last. But his voice that stood for the oppressed and the
dispossessed will continue to echo in the corridors of time Nonika Singh
The
voice that refused to be cowed down, that stood its ground against all odds and
all pressures whose courage of conviction could never be challenged has fallen
silent. Gursharan Singh, the titan of Punjabi theatre, after a prolonged
illness, passed away on the night of September 27. Without doubt his death has
created a void that can never be filled. But more significantly the man whose
theatre journey began in 1954 with the play Lohri Di Hartal and went on
to direct over 200 plays, clocking thousands of shows, leaves behind an
inspiring legacy. As Kamal Tewari, Chairperson Chandigarh Sangeet Natak Akademi,
puts it, "He created a revolution in theatre movement. Most of the theatre
that is happening today in Punjab and Haryana is thanks to him". Indeed,
while singlehandedly with missionary zeal he took theatre to the remotest
corners of Punjab, he has motivated at least three generations of theatre
persons. His disciples spanning many generations including eminent theatre
persons like Amritsar-based Kewal Dhaliwal, Mohali-based Sahib Singh and scores
of others will keep the torch that he lit aflame. An emotionally overwrought
Singh says, "In village Lambee, where my play was to be staged and had to
be postponed because of his demise, people are paying a tribute not only to
Shaheed Bhagat Singh but also Bhaji." But then Bhaji, as Gursharan Singh
was lovingly known as, was as much a revolutionary in his own way.
Gursharan
Singh 1929 — 2011 Gursharan Singh not only wielded the directorial baton but also held mightier than the sword pen and wrote over 175 plays including popular ones like
Dhamak Nagade Di, Band Kamre, Chandni Chowk Taun Sirhind Teek, Kamya Da Vehda
and Baba Bolda Hai. Satire was his forte and he never lost his sense
of humour.
Detractors
and critics may have faulted his craft, often dubbing it "sermonising",
for him theatre was first and foremost an agent of change. Let people’s voice
prevail`85 so he believed. How he touched their lives are stuff that fables are
made of. Gurcharan Singh Chani well-known theatre person, says, "He was an
icon of Punjabi life not just theatre." He recalls one particular incident
about six years ago when in a village near Jaito, lakhs of villagers swarmed
the roads for his felicitation ceremony. That was the power of his theatre
— simple, direct, often blunt and always bold, never shying away from telling
the truth as it is. Socially relevant, theatre of activism or agitprop theatre
call it by whatever name his was theatre that reached its target audience—-the
marginalised and the dispossessed, the very people for whom his theatre was
dedicated to. But he impacted men in high places too. Chani says,
"During the dark hour of terrorism when he was working in Amritsar men
like Siddhartha Shankar Ray, then Governor of Punjab, were afraid that he might
be killed and felt that he needed to be brought to Chandigarh." Chandigarh
remained his karambhoomi till he breathed his last devoting his life and
tireless energy to theatre. His admirers and disciples like Anita Shabadeesh
hailed him as Kranti Da Kalakar in the documentary that she made on him. In his
honour, her theatre group Suchetak Rangmanch has been instrumental in
organising Gursharan Singh Naat Utsav for the past eight years. Honours came to
him on its own. Kalidas Samman, Kala Rattan by Sangeet Natak Akademi, Lifetime
Achievement Award by Punjab Arts Council`85.the list is endless. But what is
more gratifying is that despite being physically incapacitated in his ripe
years, he died a happy man. The "desired utopian reality" with
which all his plays ended, he felt was coming closer to realisation.
Egalitarian world, he may have felt, was yet to come about, but the world, the
governments included, he felt were moving in the right direction. His role in
making governments sit up and take notice is best exemplified by the fact that
it was his persistence that led to the inclusion of mother’s name in Punjab
school Education Board certificates. But then Gursharan Singh was a man of
action. As celebrated theatre director Neelam Mansingh Chowdhry notes, "He
was both inspirational and aspirational. To hordes of theatre activists in
Punjab he who represented courage and fearlessness will remain a fountainhead
of inspiration." |
Ordinary man’s mahanayak Popularly
known as Bhai Manna Singh by the people of
Punjab, Gursharan Singh ruled the realm of Punjabi theatre for more than 50
years. He was as popular in other parts of India as in Punjab. The Punjabis
abroad loved him too. He did not go to them with words and images alone, but
with a sense of conviction and purpose. A revolutionary to the core, his
commitment to secularism was unparalleled. His courage to take on the powers
that be made him an iconic figure. A number of theatre halls coming up in the
state in his name are sufficient evidence of this. A cement technologist by
profession, Gursharan Singh’s contribution to the Bhakra dam is colossal. A
cultural show put up for the then Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru at Nangal
where ordinary people involved in the construction of the dam were kept away,
angered the young revolutionary. And he decided to take theatre to the
ordinary man in the street. It was at Amritsar that he started doing regular
plays at the Gandhi Grounds. Contrary to popular notion, even in his initial
years of theatre, the production had a good cast. The plays were directed by
talented persons like Suresh Pandit. And Gursharan Singh had a regular and
loyal audience. This was the time when the Naxalite movement was gaining
momentum in Punjab and Gursharan Singh gradually became the voice of
marginalised sections. I had the opportunity to see his productions like
Pakistan-based Najam Hussain Sayyad’s ‘Takht Lahore’ and Ishaaq Muhammad’s
‘Kuknus’ , besides ‘Desire Under the Elms’ and ‘Ghosts’ produced
in Punjabi. Gursharan Singh dared to directly attack Giani Zail Singh, the
then Chief Minister of Punjab. His anti-establishment stance saw him behind
bars. Ironically, Giani Zail Singh, after seeing his play at Jammu a few days
before his arrest, had called him "a diamond." Gursharan Singh
used the legend of Dulla Bhatti to write his masterpiece ‘Dhamak Nagare
Dee’. Bansi Kaul was invited to direct the play. It was during the
celebrations of Guru Gobind Singh’s birth tercentenary and Guru Nanak’s
quincentenary that he thought of weaving what was common in Sikhism and
Marxism into his plays with the help of playwright Gurdial Singh Phul. The
ordinary man was always the hero in his plays, fighting oppression in his
pursuit of equality and dignity. Gursharan Singh’s role during the troubled
period of militancy was exemplary. He led the theatre movement from the front
to keep the Punjabis united, many a time risking his life. Ardently owned by
the Leftists, Gursharan Singh belongs to every Punjabi. I believe there was
never a single group of people, including the extremists, who did not have
reverence for his work. His contribution is historic. It is time that we keep
the revolutionary flame alive, not by rhetoric, but by endeavour. The
writer is an eminent
playwright of the region. |
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