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Straws in the wind
On the trail of terror |
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Indomitable spirit of Leh
Political logjam in Nepal
Toilet tales
POINT
COUNTERPOINT
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Straws in the wind
It is truly regrettable that social activist Anna Hazare and his team have resorted to burning copies of the Lokpal Bill to mark their protest over the tabling of a Cabinet-approved draft of the bill in Parliament. Now that the bill, which is the product of discussions between the government and a section of civil society led by Anna Hazare, is in Parliament, it is wrong of Anna and his men to burn its copies just because some provisions are not to its liking. That the government has honoured its commitment to bring the bill before Parliament in the current session of Parliament and has incorporated some of the suggestions of Anna’s team in its draft while leaving it to Parliament to deliberate on it is as it should be. Indeed, Team Anna cannot dictate to Parliament what it should do. True, it has sharp differences with the government over the exclusion of the Prime Minister from the ambit of the bill but democratic spirit requires that it should fight the provisions over which it disagrees in a manner which is constructive and within norms. There are enough democratic fora available to it to voice its dissent and seek to mobilise public as well as parliamentary opinion in its favour. Taking to the streets and holding out threats ill behove a man of Anna Hazare’s stature. He and his team deserve commendation for having catalyzed the process of bringing forth a fresh bill after governments dithered over it for over four decades. That they raised public consciousness over the cancer of corruption is also not in doubt. But having gone this far, they must not unwittingly be responsible for scuttling the process of setting up a Lokpal to act as an ombudsman against corruption. It is not unnatural for the BJP to fish in troubled waters, being the principal opposition party. Its opposition to the bill on the issue of non-inclusion of the Prime Minister under its ambit is essentially for form’s sake. But it is vital that the Lokpal Bill be pushed through. Civil society must certainly keep up pressure to make changes to the draft but that must be done without taking to the streets to score brownie points. |
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On the trail of terror
Union Home Minister P. Chidambaram has once again highlighted the challenge posed to the law and order machinery by right-wing terrorists. Significantly, this time he mentioned the threat from home-grown terrorists in the course of a debate in the Rajya Sabha on Thursday. These extremists do not belong to any particular religion. If we have the Students Islamic Movement of India (SIMI) and the Indian Mujahideen, we also have outfits like the Abhinav Bharat and people connected with the RSS who are faced with charges of involvement in the 2007 Samjhauta Express bomb blasts and a few other such incidents, leading to the loss of a number of human lives. Addressing a conference of DGPs last year, Mr Chidambaram used the expression “saffron terror” to warn the nation of the emergence of the new threat. Later at a meeting of Chief Ministers on February1 he asserted, “We cannot shy away from naming these groups or exposing their designs.” Any group that resorts to terror for advancing its “dubious religious causes or fundamentalist goals” deserves to be condemned to the extent possible. It is not without reason that extreme caution is being maintained in the investigation going on to find out the truth behind the July 13 serial bomb blasts in Mumbai. Experience shows that while the country has to maintain strict vigil against cross-border terrorism, it cannot ignore home-grown modules. As many as 51 modules of terrorists were busted by security agencies during the past two years. Intelligence agencies have a major role to play in handling every kind of terror. In most cases, the country has suffered either because of lack of intelligence or availability of poor intelligence inputs. Strengthening the intelligence-gathering network can work wonders. Blaming external forces whenever there is an incident of terror will not do. We have also to keep our own house in order so that anti-peace forces are not successful. If efforts must continue to prevent cross-border terrorist outfits from succeeding in implementing their destructive designs, home-grown terrorism, too, deserves to be eliminated quickly before it becomes uncontrollable. |
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Indomitable spirit of Leh
The beatific smile on the charming face of young Dalgen Angome, whose picture was published on the front page of The Tribune on Friday, indeed shows what a long way the tragedy-struck people of Leh have come. It was a year ago that a cloudburst resulted in the loss of 257 lives, with 22 persons missing, besides widespread destruction of property. The tragedy in this beautiful and inaccessible place struck a chord in many a heart. The spirit of a hardy people facing Nature’s fury was widely admired, and Angome became the human face of the tragedy. The reports published in the columns of this paper moved people, and their response to The Tribune Trust’s Leh Relief Fund was a generous Rs 2.37 crore which was, handed over to the Prime Minister’s Relief Fund. The Prime Minister’s office also announced a special package of Rs 125 crore as relief/ex-gratia payments. In fact, many people announced relief measures, but still much remains to be done for the people of Leh. A case in point is that out of the 125 crore package, only 40 crore has been released and utilised until now. It is distressing that even a year after the incident, all the bridges that were damaged have not yet been restored; many people have not received compensations of funds to rebuild their lost properties. The main source of sustenance for the rural people of Leh is agriculture. Much of the agricultural land which was affected by the cloudburst and the flash floods that followed it has not yet been reclaimed. In order to get on with their lives, the hapless people need food, shelter, and livelihood. It is for the government to provide these basic necessities to them, and to cut through whatever bottlenecks have been created by redtapism or apathetic attitude of the authorities concerned. |
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Every production of genius must be the production of enthusiasm. —Benjamin Disraeli |
Political logjam in Nepal
Since the beginning of Maoist insurgency in Nepal in 1996, the country has been virtually taken hostage by state and non-state actors. Extortions, killings, bandhs and labour strikes have almost become part of everyday life of the people. As a result, most of the industries are closed. Agricultural production is declining. The unemployment rate has soared up to 60 per cent. Each day more than 1000 people desert the country in the prospect of finding employment opportunities overseas (meaning countries other than India). Movement of the people is affected due to the deterioration in the law and order situation and the terror created by certain non-state armed groups, particularly in the Terai and the eastern hill regions of the country. According to the recently released Failed States Index, Nepal is ranked 27th, a country most likely to fail. Even after nearly five years of signing of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement between the government and the Communist Party of Nepal-Maoists (later called UCPN-Maoists) in November 2006, successful completion of the Constituent Assembly election in 2008 and the replacement of the monarchial institution by a republican set-up, the common people hardly feel that they have become better off. As is well known, during the conflict period from 1996 to 2006, more than 16,000 people were killed. There was a colossal loss of property worth $66.2 billion. Nearly 1,500 Village Development Committee buildings were either partially or completely destroyed. Many of the rural schools, bridges, communication installations, district-level government offices, police posts and private properties were damaged. During the conflict period, the frequent strikes, blockades, shutdowns and extortions brought about several distortions in the economy. Investment both from the domestic and foreign sources dropped substantially. About 200,000 to 400,000 people were internally displaced and many more were forced to migrate to other countries for employment and safety to their life. Many of the 70,000 girls and women during this period were forced to engage themselves in restaurants as dancers and waitresses, and they had to make livelihood by engaging themselves in immoral activities. In the post-conflict period, there were great expectations that political actors would work in the interest of the people. However, those actors got themselves engaged in power games. In this game plan, the UCPN-Maoists-led government fell within nine months of coming to power on the issue related to the removal of the then Chief of Staff of the Nepal Army, Rookmangud Katawal. The next government that was formed under the leadership Madhav Kumar Nepal of the CPN (UML) could not function from the very beginning due to non-cooperation of the party in the opposition. Later on, Madhav Kumar Nepal was succeeded by Jhala Nath Khanal of the same party, the CPN-UML, with the backing of the UCPN (Maoists). But the Khanal-led government has proved equally non-functional. Consequently, the politico-economic situation of the country has worsened in the post-conflict period. Never before had the people’s faith in the banking and financial sector declined to the extent it is seen today. Most recently, 10 banks and financial institutions have collapsed. This has given a serious jolt to the depositors. Now people like to hoard money rather than put it in banking and financial institutions. The Indian currency is not easily available: it has become scarcer than the dollar. Mostly, people have to rely on the black market to get the Indian currency for which they have to pay more than the official exchange rate. People from all parts of Nepal and particularly from the Terai region have been facing problems on account of the unavailability of the Indian currency in the market. Most importantly, the deficit in the balance of trade increased substantially from Rs. 90 billion during the conflict period in 2004-05 to Rs. 239 billion in 2010-11. The ratio of export to the GDP was 10 per cent in 2004-05; it declined to 5.2 per cent in 2010-11. The country for the first time after several years experienced deficit in the balance of payments to the tune of NRs. 11.67 billion during the first 10 months of the current fiscal year (2010-11). Over and above, the Nepal Stock Exchange (NEPSE) has been declining each successive day due to the decline in transactions. Supply of petroleum products has become erratic. Because of the poor supply of electricity (600 MW), the business environment has been spoiled throughout the country. Worse still, certain political forces are bent upon creating provinces under the federal structure based on caste and ethnicity. It is largely believed that the carving of federal states on this basis would create further problems rather than help diffuse the crisis. Many of the districts in the Terai and hill regions, which used to produce surplus food, have now turned into food-deficit districts because of the lack of investment in this sector. No new investment is coming to the country either from domestic or foreign sources. Indian investment declined from $70 million to $25 million during the last five years. Such a scenario is unfortunate as over 45 per cent of Nepal’s foreign direct investment comes from India alone. Of the 150 Indian joint ventures in Nepal, many have either folded up or are in the process of doing that. This is partly due to frequent labour unrest and partly due to the defective government policy. Several Indian projects, including the Upper Karnali Hydropower Project, have been frequently targeted. These Indian companies have more disincentives to make an investment in Nepal. Moreover, at the political front Constituent Assembly members did very little to draft the constitution within the given timeframe of two years till May 28, 2010. The term of the Constituent Assembly was extended for one more year till May 28, 2011, to complete the task of constitution making. Since no major progress was made in making the constitution within the given timeframe, the period was further extended for another three months till August 28, 2011 with certain preconditions for which a five-point deal was struck among the larger political parties --- the UCPN (Maoists), the Nepali Congress, the CPN-UML and the United Democratic Madheshi Front. The conditions laid down for the extension of the Constituent Assembly under the five-point deal were the immediate resignation of Prime Minister Khanal to pave the way for the formation of a national government, completion of the peace process, and drafting of the constitution. But there is hardly any seriousness on the part of the ruling parties, including the CPN-UML and UCPN (Maoists), to translate the promises into action. There is hardly any breakthrough made in constitution drafting as the core issues regarding the form of governance, restructuring of the states and the autonomy of the judiciary still remain undecided. There is also no move towards integrating and rehabilitating the 19,000 Maoist combatants. It seems unlikely that there would be any breakthrough on such core issues in the next four weeks time or so to come when the date of the Constituent Assembly extension expires on August 28. Therefore, to bring the country on the right track, the non-performing Constituent Assembly and the government might be dissolved. In its place, a new government comprising persons of high integrity should be formed for a shorter period of time of six months or so till another election of parliament is held and a new constitution is drafted by experts. It is likely that the new government might fulfil its promises and hand over power to the next elected government. Nepal will not be alone in breaking a political logjam in this way. At times, Bangladesh and other countries have also tried to re-establish democracy and democratic culture by resorting to an un-elected, interim government.n The writer is Professor of Economics and ICCR Fellow, Institute for Defence Studies and Analyses, New Delhi. |
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Toilet tales Indians'
preference for open-air toilets is well known; and in the countryside, even now and then, considerable social discourse takes place while moving the bowels. Match-making, I am told, remains a popular pastime at such critical times. In the United States , therefore, I was gratified to see two white Americans similarly engaged in an animated conversation in the toilet of the YMCA hostel at Memphis. They were seated on their thrones, barely three feet apart and a three-feet wall separating them. Their trousers were lying at their ankles and they were evidently oblivious to the presence of others who were shaving or having a bath within ‘speaking’, if not ‘hand-shaking’, distance. The Indians’ preference for the cool breeze during the serious business might explain the large number of built but ‘unused’ toilets in our country. The cyclone-hit people of Andhra Pradesh, I know for a fact, preferred to use toilets to shelter animals. And a photograph this week showed a family actually using one of these toilets as a temporary abode outside the All-India Institute of Medical Sciences in New Delhi. But people, mostly in the cities, are increasingly aggrieved over the scant attention paid to their ‘basic’ needs. A report tucked in a corner of a newspaper claimed that there were fewer than required toilets in the Congress office in New Delhi. While each of the five general secretaries of the party and, of course, other office-bearers, have a toilet attached to their offices, the number of toilets for the one hundred and odd ‘employees’ and visitors was stated to be just two. Toilets can, therefore, emerge as a serious electoral issue also as Lalu Prasad Yadav would vouch for. While contesting the students’ union election, he made the humble ‘loo’ a part of his manifesto. Eminent historian K.K. Datta happened to be the Vice-Chancellor of Patna University at the time and he lived in a large, Victorian mansion, the VC’s official residence. The apocryphal tale holds that Lalu targeted the hapless VC --- “ Look at this man; he lives alone in a house which has 11 toilets; but in our hostel housing a hundred students....” And he would pause dramatically before asking, “How many toilets do we have? ” He won the election hands down. It is a different matter that the number of toilets did went up. The issue acquired a different dimension when an irate lady from Europe visiting Kolkata complained bitterly about the absence of usable, public toilets in the city. Women colleagues agreed that while they had learnt to nonchalantly walk into five star hotels and use the toilets, people unfamiliar with the city would have a problem. Even in gated communities mushrooming everywhere, architects rarely make any provision for toilets which can be used by maids, drivers, plumbers, carpenters, electricians, washermen and even vendors and delivery boys - without whom life would be difficult indeed. But open-air toilets in crowded cities is a luxury that few can afford unless the city itself is turned into a
toilet. |
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POINT Thus came into existence the Indian Airlines Corporation and Air India Limited to operate domestic and international long haul services respectively. The nationalisation was expected to stimulate industrial growth, promote economic activities, rush assistance in time of natural calamity such as flood, famine, earthquake, tsunami etc. in the country, foster national integration and, above all, serve as second line of defence in the event of war with other countries. It must be conceded that the nationalised airlines fulfilled most of the expectations of the nation, particularly at times of natural calamities and during wars with China and Pakistan. They provided air connectivity to the remotest parts of the country, bringing them into the mainland or the mainstream. The private airlines have shirked away from this national duty. With the 'Open Sky' policy coming into operation in the early 1990s, the beginners in the private aviation sectors set their fare chart at par with the Indian Airlines-although the idea behind opening the aviation industry to the private sector was to bring in competition, that would help passengers to travel on low fares. But, with no infrastructure worth the name, the private airlines began charging even more than whatever hefty fare Indian Airlines was charging. Indian Airlines had a massive countrywide infrastructure and a huge salary bill to pay every month to its employees, including pilots, and due to activities such as aircraft maintenance, overhaul and training. But smart 'private birds' - including foreign airlines - began touching new heights at the cost of Indian Airlines and Air India - thanks to the development of a close knit nexus between politicians, bureaucrats and private airlines owners. This nexus has now turned into a well-oiled aviation mafia. Now, six decade after nationalisation, the government seems to have decided to do an about-turn and gift the fully developed industry with huge infrastructure, assets worth thousands of crores of Rupees along with worldwide network and trained manpower back to the private hands, if the well-organised crisis in the national airline is of any indication. The recent crisis in the national flagship- Air India - the pilots' strike, was a carefully crafted design to make a mess in the airline, malign it and create the ground for handing it over to the private sector on a platter. Over a decade ago, a group of politicians, bureaucrats and corporate houses joined hands to scrap Air Corporation Act of 1953, allow the private airlines to come into being, favour them to grow, gifting them the profit making routes at the cost of the national airline, passing on the highly profitable airports to private operators, thereby completing their mission of handing over the entire civil aviation industry to the chosen few private hands. The immediate cause of the trouble in the national airline can be traced to the senseless merger of the two wings of airline, that is, the erstwhile Indian Airlines and Air India in a tearing hurry. It is not that the country does not have the experience of airline merger business. In 1953, the Government of India nationalised the civil aviation sector by an Act of Parliament. Accordingly, Indian Airlines Corporation and Air India Limited were born. There were teething troubles but then the merger plan was so meticulously worked out that all the issues of integration got sorted out in a couple of years and the new-born airline took to cruise smoothly. Of course, behind this success was the government's firm hand and clear stand. The present amalgamation of the two wings of the national airline was done hastily and defying the recommendations of past committees on the issue. The N.P Sen Committee in 1972, the M. P. Wadhawan Committee in 1980, the Committee of Secretaries in 1986, all opposed outright merger of the two airlines and instead recommended creation of a holding company. Even the world known management consultants A. F. Ferguson, appointed by the government, and the former Chairman and Managing Director of Tata Steel were of the same opinion. Since the management of both the airlines and their employees strongly opposed outright merger, these committees recommended creation of a holding company to oversee the functioning of the two airlines and bring about synergy. Diametrically opposite to that, the present exercise is directed at an outright merger, that too without working out any solution for the possible problems to be encountered. It is difficult to comprehend how, while working out the merger, the imbroglio was not anticipated. It appears as though the problem was anticipated and the merger was done for a purpose. Otherwise how come not even an inch has moved forward during the last four years, on the vital issue of integrating human resources and flight operations? The pilots belonging to the erstwhile Indian Airlines were agitating for not receiving the same pay and perks as their colleagues in Air India for doing an identical job while working in the same organisation. In an exclusive interview with a leading Indian publication, Gustav Baldauf, COO of Air-India, who resigned in March from the airline because of differences of opinion with the top management and the civil aviation ministry, said, "The management never resolved HR issues related to the merger." Supporting the demands of the agitating pilots, he further stated that "blaming the pilots will not work since they have asked for solution of a just problem at the right time." As if this was not enough, over the years a large number of profit making routes, developed and operated by the national airline, have been gifted away, as alleged by the pilots' associations and reported which have not been denied yet. So, it appears the very purpose of merger of the two wings of the national airline has been to create problem in the flagship carrier, disgrace it and to create a negative image of the company before handing it over to private hands. This is precisely how the Delhi and Mumbai airports were also gifted away. This is nothing but robbing the wealth of the nation - why is there no Anna Hazare looking at it ? After all, Air India's 'Maharaja' is the country's most visible Ambassador at home and abroad. It's not too late even now to go with the recommendations of the earlier expert committees to float a holding company and thereby save the industry from repeating the pre-1953 chaos. Unfortunately, the dons of the aviation mafia want the 'Maharaja' to die as early as possible. To make 'him' survive - in the interest of public sector civil aviation industry - demerge Air India and Indian Airlines and restore their mandate to fly in their erstwhile well-defined air space. (The writer is a former Director of erstwhile Indian Airlines). |
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COUNTERPOINT A
couple of months back, Lufthansa CEO, Carsten Spohr made the point that Air India should be privatised. A lot of time, he asserted, had already been lost and an early decision would help save the situation. Spohr also cited Lufthansa's example which was partly privatised in 1992 and fully in 1997 and now the employees unions are also shareholders. That might be the way to go for Air India also. Air India, once the pride of India, has been reeling under crisis after crisis for many years now. However, it is now reaching a stage when patience may have run out and privatisation may not be a choice but is probably a compulsion. Air India runs up losses of around Rs 10,000 crore a year, its accumulated debt is more than Rs 40,000 crore, the work force is bloated and unhappy; efficiency is low, its market share has come down to 15 per cent, there are constant strikes and air safety issues are increasingly cropping up as illustrated by the Mangalore crash. There is just too much of bad news. The Finance Minister Pranab Mukherjee also recently said during a media interaction that the Group of Ministers (GoM) would be meeting regularly to finalise a rescue package for the airline, which urgently needs cash infusion to continue running. The national carrier has been very ill for a long time now. It just has too many problems which may not get fixed under government ownership. Various governments may also know this but nobody wants to be the ruling dispensation under whose watch Air India gets privatised. Several bailouts and rescue strategies have been tried for the airline but they have not worked. How much more good money can be sunk in after bad money? A bailout can be a one time thing but sinking in tax payers' money every few months in an airline which shows no signs of turnaround may not be fair to the taxpayers. Also, with a lot of baggage, the airline shows no sign of revival in a fierce competitive environment. And the government as the sole owner does not seem to be in a position to take the hard decisions that are necessary to revive the airline as a viable enterprise. For this, the government will have to let go the temptation of running and controlling a large enterprise. Air India has reached this state following several dodgy decisions of the policy makers in the past. The brand, service and its financial viability have all suffered in the process. The problem also is that in the airline business, service and efficiency are critical and with Air India not rising to the challenge, passengers have also shifted to private sector airlines. Privatisation is not a theme which is gladly accepted by policy makers in India. Some years back, there was some momentum when foreign and private sector players were interested in Air India when the aviation sector was being liberalised. That was an opportunity missed. Things have gone from bad to worse with increasing competition. If the national carrier was not very efficient but still had to be protected, then the opening up of the sector should have been done in a way that it continued to be viable. The past cannot be undone. The severe crisis surrounding the airline may be an opportunity for the government to build public opinion around its privatisation. After all, there are far more passengers and tax payers than the employees in Air India who might protest ? Passengers want an efficient airline and may not be too concerned with its ownership. As regards the issue of flying not so lucrative routes and relief operations which is often the logic for having a government owned national carrier, all these conditions can be introduced in the agreements with private airlines so that they carry out the necessary duties. The government can invite global bids for selling Air India and the Tatas with their past involvement may also be interested. A sharp private sector management may be able to take hard decisions and chart out a turnaround plan which will not only save the airline, employees but also government's management time and tax payers money. Letting things slide in Air India is only hurting the chances of getting a decent valuation and a suitable suitor. |
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