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PERSPECTIVE

The Indian Military’s
Officer Crisis
The Armed forces' officer cadre have been suffering from an alarming qualitative and quantitative crisis that includes officer shortages. But of greater concern is both the immediate and long-term implications considering the rapid pace at which military technology is getting increasingly sophisticated.
Dinesh Kumar
For the last two-and-a-half decades, the officer cadre of the world's fourth largest military, notably the Army, has been suffering from a severe officer crisis, notably officer shortfall, ever since the strength of the officer cadre was increased by 26 per cent in the mid-1980s. Since then, the Army's officer shortfall continues to fluctuate between 10,500 to 13,000 or 23 to 31 percent of its sanctioned strength.



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OPED

ELECTION OF THE SPEECHLESS SPEAKER
n A worried Baroness exclaimed to me during the election "How can turkeys vote for Christmas?"
n Even the manifesto put out by each candidate is extremely brief-only 75 words, almost made for twitter!
It was an unusual election to say the least. Coming from a noisy, chaotic country, this was fabulously discreet—and very elegantly done. Unlike the Indian Parliamentary system where the Vice President is automatically the speaker of the Upper House or the Rajya Sabha , in the UK the Speaker of the upper Chamber is elected from amongst the members of the House of the Lords.

PROFILE
From the Hills, a seller of dreams
by Harihar Swarup
Someone recently asked him about his vocation. Without blinking, he replied, " I sell the dream of a separate Gorkhaland". His friends say they are always a little frightened with him around. His speeches have been described as 'Hitler-like' and he himself is said to be 'utterly self-possessed and ruthless'. But whether one likes him or hates him, the president of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, Bimal Gurung, can scarcely be ignored.

On the record
Scientists develop mango-based wine
by Shahira Naim
The very mention of Malihabad on the outskirts of Lucknow brings the fragrance of the dashehari mango. Located in the middle of this world renowned mango belt is the Central Institute for Subtropical Horticulture (CISH) spread over 13.2 hectares, where scientists work to improve the productivity of subtropical horticulture crops like the mango, guava, jamun, bael, papaya, litchi and a host of other fruits. Sharing some of the recent breakthroughs at the CISH, its Director 56-year old Dr H Ravishankar speaks of the challenge of making the work of some 39 scientists and 52 skilled technicians at CISH accessible to the fruit growers of the region.


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PERSPECTIVE

The Indian Military’s
Officer Crisis
The Armed forces' officer cadre have been suffering from an alarming qualitative and quantitative crisis that includes officer shortages. But of greater concern is both the immediate and long-term implications considering the rapid pace at which military technology is getting increasingly sophisticated.
Dinesh Kumar

Gentlemen cadets at the Indian Miltary Academy.
Gentlemen cadets at the Indian Miltary Academy. Photo: Manoj Mahajan

For the last two-and-a-half decades, the officer cadre of the world's fourth largest military, notably the Army, has been suffering from a severe officer crisis, notably officer shortfall, ever since the strength of the officer cadre was increased by 26 per cent in the mid-1980s. Since then, the Army's officer shortfall continues to fluctuate between 10,500 to 13,000 or 23 to 31 percent of its sanctioned strength. While officer shortages remains the most prominent and consistent component of the crisis in the Army, recent years have also witnessed considerable under-subscription in officer training academies; a spurt in requests for premature retirement; and frequent revelations of incidence of, and rise in, corruption - professional, financial and moral. Most disconcertingly, the incidence of corruption in the Army has involved even top ranks of lieutenant general and major general.

The officer crisis is a significant issue as it negatively impacts the overall efficiency of the armed forces as a fighting machine at a time when New Delhi is embarking on a major military modernisation programme against a backdrop of complex security concerns and the rapidly increasing sophistication of military technology.

Although there have been fewer revelations of corruption in the capital and technology intensive Indian Navy and Indian Air Force (IAF), the latter continue to similarly suffer an officer shortfall, which, as per latest figures (March 2011), is 1,818 and 837 respectively. Of this figure of 837 in the IAF, the pilot shortfall alone comprises 426 or over 50 per cent of the officer shortages.

The officer crisis in the armed forces is widely attributed to the severe decline in its popularity among the urban educated youth who, for the last two decades, have been ranking the military towards the bottom of their list of preferred career choices. The forces are no longer attracting the best and the brightest to its officer cadre. Careerism and corruption in the officer cadre has become a subject of much debate within the Army while the harsh service conditions have further contributed to making it an 'unattractive' career.

All through the 1980s and until the mid-1990s, parliament members displayed a remarkable indifference to the crisis as is evident from an analysis of data posted on the Parliament website. For example, of the total 608 questions on defence asked in a six-year period between 1984 and 1989, Lok Sabha members asked just two questions related to the officer crisis. In 1991 and 1992 (there is no such list for 1990), Lok Sabha members asked just four out of 310 questions on manpower related issues.

It was only from the mid-1990s onwards that parliament members began regularly asking questions on officer-related issues. The severity of the officer and manpower-related crisis in the armed forces has since led to the Parliamentary Standing Committee on Defence producing six reports exclusively on human resource issues in the military between August 2001 and March 2011. In addition, the officer crisis has figured, even if in passing, in several other parliamentary reports during this period.

causes for officer shortfall

The officer shortages are primarily in the critical ranks of lieutenant, captain, major and lieutenant colonel and their equivalents in the Navy and the IAF. These ranks comprise the junior-to-middle rung of leadership which is considered the 'work horse' or 'mainstay' of the three services. Some of the key tasks performed by officers in these ranks include leading soldiers from the front, flying aircraft, driving ships and submarines and heading various specialist sections on board fighting vessels. Officers in these ranks also conduct various staff duties at the battalion, brigade, division, corps, command and army headquarter levels and in their navy and air force equivalents. They also head various ordnance and logistics depots, and technical workshops entrusted with maintenance, service and repair of an enormous inventory of equipment of one of the world's largest military.

In 1997, the Army took the unprecedented step of hiring advertisement agencies to launch a nationwide image promotion campaign to attract youth. The Navy and the IAF followed soon after with separate publicity campaigns. By then liberalisation of the economy had taken root and the Army was well entrenched in intensive and life-risking counter-insurgency operations in Kashmir. Successive defence ministers have been attributing the shortfall to 'the opening up of the economy' that have lead to 'new vistas of lucrative job opportunities in the civil sector' compared with the 'relatively risky and hazardous career in the armed forces'.

When the image promotion campaign was launched in 1997, the Army was facing an officer shortfall of 12,972 or 28 percent of the sanctioned officer strength. At that time the Navy and the IAF were suffering from a comparatively lesser shortage of about six percent (690 officers) and 12 percent (1,045 officers) respectively. But this decade-long campaign seems not to have led to any significant change for the Army. Since then, there has been no improvement in the Army - from a shortfall of 28 percent or 12,972 officers in May 1997, the shortfall, as of March 2011, is 12,349.

The officer shortfall in the Navy and IAF has shown no considerable improvement over the last decade-and-a-half. From an officer shortfall of 690 in December 1996, the Navy's current (March 2011) shortfall is 1,818. Similarly, the IAFs officer shortfall increased from 1,045 in December 1996 to 1,368 in March 2008 but had reduced to 837 in March 2011.

The late-noughties witnessed the highest the highest-ever under subscription to both the Indian Military Academy (IMA) and the tri-service National Defence Academy (NDA). In January 2008, the IMA recorded an unprecedented 66 percent shortfall in the number of cadets. Against 250 vacancies for the January-June 2008 term, a mere 86 candidates reported for training. Originally, only 148 applicants (or 59 percent) had qualified for selection. Of these 148 selected candidates, 62 (almost 42 percent) dropped out.

A similar situation prevailed at the NDA when again in January 2008 the number of cadets joining the course dipped to 192 (64 percent) against its capacity of 300 thus marking the highest cadet shortfall of 36 per cent in this premier training academy. The Army faced further embarrassment in April 2008 when only 11 engineers could be short listed for short service commission training courses against a vacancy of 107 at the Officer Training Academy.

The Army's combat potential

So what impact has the continuing officer shortage had on the Army? By the MoD's own admission, this has impacted adversely on its combat potential. However, both the MoD and the Army have not elaborated on the extent of this adverse impact. Some defence officers pessimistically speculate that the combat potential of the Army has been compromised to such an extent that India may find it difficult to win the next war against either of its two most prominent adversaries.

Since the manpower-intensive Infantry makes up for a third of the Army with over 300 battalions and is in the forefront of every war and operation, the officer crisis is being felt the most in this arm with battalion commanders functioning with about 50 percent of their prescribed officer authorisation. Against a sanctioned strength of 22 officers, Infantry battalions are struggling with an average of just nine officers.

If one takes into account that at any point of time some officers would be on leave or on temporary duty, the actual officer strength in infantry battalions does, on occasions, become lower. This has imposed additional pressures on commanding officers who are finding it difficult to ensure continuity in even important appointments like the second-in-command, adjutant, quartermaster, company, squadron and battery commanders, and is giving them less time and scope for officer-soldier interaction and bonding.

The officer shortfall has led the Army to take certain innovative but not necessarily professionally prudent steps to try and reduce officer shortfall in Infantry battalions. First, for over a decade-and-a-half now most infantry and even other combat arm battalions and regiments have been forced to assign junior and hence relatively inexperienced officers to command companies and their equivalent. While it is difficult to quantify the adverse impact it has on the conduct of operations, defence officers say that inexperienced officers in tactical command are prone to making mistakes and botching operations, especially when engaged in guerrilla warfare against invisible militants merged with the public.

Second, the Army has been deputing freshly commissioned officers from both the non combat and technical arms directly to Infantry battalions for a period of three years to partially tide over the officer shortfall. This 'emergency commissioning' or 'rationing', even though for three years at a time, has been necessitated due to the Army's continuing commitment to counter-insurgency operations, particularly in Kashmir. What was initially begun as a temporary stop gap arrangement seems to have become permanent and is having a seriously adverse impact on the Army.

counter-insurgency

The army's commitment are varied and many. The Army has to be prepared to fight nuclear wars against both its rivals, China and Pakistan, and also be prepared to fight conventional wars with all its immediate neighbours, both land and maritime. While there are uncertainties and variables around an actual war taking place, the Army is already operationally engaged in two highly manpower-intensive operations. One, guarding long and mountainous borders with China and Pakistan and second, fighting insurgencies in politically and diplomatically sensitive regions of the country such as Kashmir and the tribal states of north eastern India. These low intensity combat situations are nevertheless fraught with high casualties in addition to being manpower intensive.

At any given time more than half the Indian army's fighting units are engaged in border duty. For example, six of the army's thirteen corps is located along the disputed borders with China and Pakistan. In addition, the MoD admits to deploying over 200,000 soldiers or about 20 per cent of the Army in counter-insurgency operations which detracts from its primarily responsibility of preparing for a war against external threats. In counter-insurgency operations in Kashmir alone the Army has lost over 3,000 soldiers with many more wounded. The casualty figures in the north east is separate.

Coupled with the officer shortages, the manpower-intensive and officer-led counter-insurgency operations have significantly added to the strain on the army's officer corps. The initial raising of 36 battalions of the Rashtriya Rifles (RR) and its subsequent expansion to 66 battalions has further strained the Army's officer cadre since it comprises entirely of officers and soldiers on deputation.

The qualitative decline


Source: Compiled from www.loksabha.nic.in

Ironically, there has not been any dramatic decline in the number of youth applying to join the training academies. For example, in 1997, the UPSC received 170,000 applications for less than 5,000 vacancies in various training academies for all three services. But the problem clearly is that the defence forces are finding it hard to find youth with the right aptitude to become leaders or officers. In the past, the services selection boards (SSBs) would interview 16 times the number of candidates required. SSBs are now interviewing 20 times the number of candidates required because the overall quality of youth has deteriorated.

Even then selectors are unable to find enough candidates to fill officer vacancies. A decline in quality is also evident from the fact that successful candidates are scoring lower percentages than before in both written exams and interviews. The declining quality has led some officers to question the quality of both the Army's present and future leadership.

The issue of officer shortages is afflicting the armed forces, particularly the Army, in even the most advanced democracies in the developed world. For example, the US Army has been concerned about its continuing officer shortfall and about under subscription in its officer training academies. But the figures pale into insignificance compared to the Indian Army where the current officer shortfall of 12,349 is over four times higher than the US Army which has a shortfall of about 3,000 officers amounting to a mere six percent of their total sanctioned strength of 52,000 officers.

The operational commitment of the Indian Army is vastly different when compared to the armies of advanced western democracies. Neither the US or UK, for example, are faced with territorial disputes or insurgencies on their soil. India, in contrast has serious security concerns and both complex and porous borders. It has reasons to be concerned about both its major neighbours, China and Pakistan, and has been engaged in near permanent deployment in counter-insurgency operations for almost half-a-century.

The officer crisis continues to steadily worsening. There is difficulty in finding enough quality youth which over the years has adversely impacted on the Army's combat effectiveness. Next, there is internal dissatisfaction with the working environment even as pay and emoluments compare much higher in the private sector. The country's economic growth has widened the avenue of job opportunities, particularly to officers from the technical wings of the armed forces. The shortage of officers in the technical branches is a matter of concern for all three services, especially with the increasing induction of technologically advanced weapon systems.

A specially launched image promotion campaign has not had the desired impact and there are no signs that the armed forces will be able to narrow the officer shortfall gap or attract high quality youth in a country with a growing economy and increasing job opportunities in the non government sector. There is no likelihood of a dramatic change in India's security environment that could necessitate a down size of the military which could otherwise help reduce the officer shortfall. So long as the armed forces continue to not attract the desired number of quality youth, the officer crisis in the Indian military is here to stay in the near future and is fraught with an adverse bearing on the effectiveness of the armed forces. There are no easy answers to address this problem. The officer crisis is a national problem and unless the political executive is willing to take radical steps which mainly involve hiking salaries, raising the profile of the armed forces in the warrant of precedence, and removing it from counter-insurgency operations, the problem will continue to fester with, as some officers have cautioned, dangerous consequences that could lead to military reverses in a full scale war.

The article is part of the writer’s doctoral thesis at Monash University, Australia and appeared in South Asia: Journal of South Asian Studies.

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OPED

ELECTION OF THE SPEECHLESS SPEAKER
n A worried Baroness exclaimed to me during the election "How can turkeys vote for Christmas?"
n Even the manifesto put out by each candidate is extremely brief-only 75 words, almost made for twitter!

It was an unusual election to say the least. Coming from a noisy, chaotic country, this was fabulously discreet—and very elegantly done. Unlike the Indian Parliamentary system where the Vice President is automatically the speaker of the Upper House or the Rajya Sabha , in the UK the Speaker of the upper Chamber is elected from amongst the members of the House of the Lords.

A view of the House of Lords
A view of the House of Lords

However, when my husband Meghnad Desai said that he wanted to run for the Speaker of the House of Lords, it came as a complete surprise to everyone, including me. The reason was that Meghnad has always been an extremely independent minded person---and is among the peers who participate wholeheartedly in many debates. I have often been told that people actually return to the chamber to hear him speak --- as, being a Professor of Economics for many years, he is able to take difficult issues and deconstruct them for the lay person. He uses humour in his address, and most importantly, he speaks within the allotted time and always without notes. So the whole presentation is engaging and very spontaneous. But then the Speaker in the House of Lords actually does not speak! Because the role of Speaker is neutral -he or she cannot comment on anything or be partisan in any way.

"How can Meghnad do this? " was the question I was asked most often during the brief campaign period . "We want him to speak in the chamber -and not just sit there quietly."

In fact, not only does the Speaker not speak, he or she also has very limited powers within the chambers, as it is supposed to be a self-regulated house. This means that the peers who belong to the House of Lords are all equal and the Speaker is simply one among them. The only difference is that the Speaker wears the ceremonial robes, sits on the 'Woolsack" near the Queen's throne, represents the House at various fora, and irons out the logistical problems of the House.

The other big set back for the reformers of the House, if Meghnad were to be elected, was that they would lose one of their most vociferous supporters. At present Meghnad is in the forefront of those who are arguing for a wholly elected chamber. This does not go down too well with the majority of the other members of the House of Lords who would prefer the status quo, as then none would have to exit ---and they all would remain peers for life. The argument is that being non-elected gives them greater independence and makes them distinct from the House of Commons which may be forced into taking populist decisions. In many cases, the House of Lords has managed to overturn the ruling of the Commons ---though the latter ultimately takes primacy.

And so the anti-reformers were worried as well.

"Meghnad's views on the reform of the House of Lords are well known," a worried Baroness exclaimed to me during the election " How can turkeys vote for Christmas?"

It was an amusing analogy as I was reminded of why the Women's Representation Bill is stuck in the Indian Lok Sabha. Obviously men would resist its implementation as they see themselves as the metaphorical lambs, if not turkeys, being led to slaughter.

There was also a very limited campaign for one month, during which the candidates are permitted very discreet dialogues with their peers. There was no overt lobbying---and the party whips did not issue any instructions for the peers to vote in any particular fashion. They are free to vote according to their individual preferences.

Even the manifesto put out by each candidate is extremely brief-only 75 words, almost made for twitter! And the hustings too were very simple: one evening all the candidates delivered a short five minute speech to their peers. This year it was held in the robing room in the House of Lords, and the presentations were followed by a limited question and answer session. All the candidates this year were at pains to point out to their fellow peers that they would not interfere at all with the self-regulatory nature of the house. This is the most precious and well regarded aspect of the House---and probably makes it quite a unique institution anywhere in the world. Yet despite this, there are none of the noisy scenes one sees in the Indian upper chamber. Though very recently, with the entry of many more members from the House of Commons into the House of Lords, some of these time worn traditions are beginning to be tested.

Not 'ethnic'

Perhaps the question everyone wanted to ask Meghnad was why he was not running on an "ethnic" platform as so many of the Asians who have risen to important posts tend to do. But he was very clear that his ethnicity was not the reason why he is a member of the House-even though he was the first Asian Labour peer to be brought into the Lords, it was purely on his ability .

But, contrarily, even if Meghnad did not want to stress his ethnicity ---for Indians here this was one of the reasons why his standing was a milestone, sending a crucial message of the multiculturism in the UK, about how much the country has changed.

I was reminded of the predecessors who stood for power before President Obama was elected. They had paved the way for him. In the same way, perhaps, -Meghnad has now shown the way for other Asians and I have no doubt that in some years time-we will have Asians installed in every important post in this country. It is equally important to note that none of his British colleagues have ever raised the issue of Meghnad's ethnicity either, and have supported him purely on his eligibility and intellect.

Obviously this has a resonance in India where people often discuss Mrs Sonia Gandhi's foreign origin. I look at the respect and regard Meghnad has received in this liberal country and I wonder how we can be so parochial?

Ultimately, it was a great election -and even if Meghnad did not win-he made an important statement. It has been a very long journey for a boy who grew up in a Mumbai chawl to stand for Speakership in the House of Lords. But he has done it.

Kishwar Desai will write a fortnightly column for The Sunday Tribune

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PROFILE
From the Hills, a seller of dreams
by Harihar Swarup


Bimal Gurung

Someone recently asked him about his vocation. Without blinking, he replied, " I sell the dream of a separate Gorkhaland". His friends say they are always a little frightened with him around. His speeches have been described as 'Hitler-like' and he himself is said to be 'utterly self-possessed and ruthless'. But whether one likes him or hates him, the president of the Gorkha Janmukti Morcha, Bimal Gurung, can scarcely be ignored.

He brushes aside criticism with disdain bordering on contempt. Asked whether he is not guilty of promoting 'dynastic politics', he laconically replies that he is the 'Baap' ( big dad) of the Gorkha movement and he would have the final say. Period. His wife, Asha, heads the equally militant women's wing of the GJM.

He has displayed his missionary, some say fanatic, streak while imposing his will on his people. He insisted that people in the district ( less than two million) wear the traditional Gorkha dress "Daura Sural" despite misgivings voiced by Sherpas and Lepchas, for example. It was important to establish the Gorkha identity, he had declared. He also imposed a ban on mobile phones and motorcycles in schools, insisting that discipline had to be maintained. He issued a fatwa that people should stop paying electricity bills and taxes to the state government and change the number plates on their vehicles as part of the Non-cooperation movement against the West Bengal government.

He had first shot into prominence as a militant leader during the 1986-88 Gorkhaland stir. At that time, his mentor and Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) supremo, Subhash Ghisingh, assigned him to take on Mansingh Rai, a CPI-M militant, who led the Marxists' armed resistance against GNLF. " Jab raat me bachcha rota hain to maa kahti hai so ja beta, nahin to Man Singh aayega", Rai would say, borrowing Gabbar Singh's dialogue from the film 'Sholay' to boast of his daring raids on GNLF camps. Leading a band of Gorkha Volunteers' Cell (GVC), Gurung would target Marxists' camps on the outskirts of Darjeeling. GVC struck terror in the hills, exploding bombs, abducting and beheading people who opposed the Gorkhaland movement.

Remarkably, Gurung now swears by Gandhian methods like fast-unto-death, non-cooperation, civil disobedience and unarmed processions though he was once a terror. His explanation is simple enough. " I used to adore Ghisingh as my father. I took up arms only because of him. Now I realise how he had misguided young men like me during the movement", says he. In 2007 he would drive Ghisingh out of Darjeeling and take over the command of the movement for a separate state of Gorkhaland.

Gurung comes from an humble background; his parents were tea garden workers, belonging to Singmari area in the northern outskirts of Darjeeling town. Having to support his family at an early age, Gurung had to make do with just primary education. He tried several odd jobs, from driving tourist jeeps to working as contractor. In fact, his days as a driver allowed him to build up a strong following among transport operators, who now form a large chunk of his support base.

Soon after the GNLF was launched in early 1980s, Gurung joined it and grew to be Ghisingh's most trusted lieutenant. Prior to the tripartite agreement between the GNLF, the West Bengal Government and the Centre in 1988, Gurung heeded Ghisingh's call for surrendering arms, giving up his two firearms and several grenades. As a result, he was absolved of about 43 criminal cases that included, among others, arson, rioting and murders.

Those who have followed his career-graph claim he became a "hero" because of his 'social work'. If there was a wedding in a village, he would arrange funds, if someone fell ill, he would ensure they got medicines. He also arranged financial aid for the elderly in the area and looked after the welfare of tea garden workers.

All eyes are on the Gorkha leader following the latest tripartite agreement to set up a Gorkha Territorial Administration ( GTA). While some of his followers accuse him of betraying the cause and selling Gorkhaland, Gurung shrewdly accepted an interim arrangement, asserting at the same time that he had not given up the demand for Gorkhaland.

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On the record
Scientists develop mango-based wine
by Shahira Naim

Dr H Ravishankar
Dr H Ravishankar

The very mention of Malihabad on the outskirts of Lucknow brings the fragrance of the dashehari mango. Located in the middle of this world renowned mango belt is the Central Institute for Subtropical Horticulture (CISH) spread over 13.2 hectares, where scientists work to improve the productivity of subtropical horticulture crops like the mango, guava, jamun, bael, papaya, litchi and a host of other fruits. Sharing some of the recent breakthroughs at the CISH, its Director 56-year old Dr H Ravishankar speaks of the challenge of making the work of some 39 scientists and 52 skilled technicians at CISH accessible to the fruit growers of the region.

The Dashehari was once considered the king of mangoes. But over the years its pulp has become spongy and gooey. Why?

Jellyseed is a major challenge. As a matter of fact it is no longer restricted to Dashehari but also affecting Chausa . Work on that is going on. The quality of the soil is also being addressed. The deficiency of micronutrients is a serious problem. The erratic weather pattern is also taking its toll on sub tropical fruits. However, here in this mango belt, absentee mango cultivators are the biggest drawback. Most of the cultivators let out their orchards for a season and take a fixed profit. The person who cultivates the orchards has no stake in its well being and between the two our efforts get lost.

What have been the achievements of CISH in regard to mangoes?

The CISH has 708 accessions of mango in its field gene bank. It has also developed a promising mango hybrid Ambika which is a cross between Amrapali and Janardhan Pasand . It bears fruit every year instead of every other year. The other hybrid variety developed by CISH is Arunika which is a cross of Dashehari and Chausa . It is a late season variety and has good commercial value. Interestingly a south Indian variety Bangalora or Totapuri has been found regular bearing and high yielding under Lucknow conditions and is now being recommended for cultivation in northern India.

What has the institute done about other fruits?

A seedless jamun, indigenous to Chandauli district, has been identified. The anti oxidant quality of the fruit is now well established. This small variety weighing 18-20 grams has good taste and processing potentials. Similarly, the Lalit variety of guava with pink pulp and high yield is becoming very popular especially in areas where guava production is being taken up for processing. The fruit is saffron yellow with red blush and a firm pink flesh. If made into a beverage, the pink color remains stable for more than a year in storage.

What is the CISH doing for value addition to these fruits?

Besides the traditional value additions like pickles, jams and jellies, CISH has developed a mango wine containing 8-10 per cent alcohol by fermenting the mango pulp under controlled conditions.

How do you reach out to the farmers? Does the work in the lab reach the orchards that dot this region?

Last year CISH started a media resource centre to facilitate farmers and stakeholders. Every Friday from 10 am to 4 pm all the scientists are available for a live phone-in facility where farmers can interact directly with the scientists with their queries. The CISH website also makes the research and technologies available at a click of the mouse. The scientists are also increasingly delivering thematic talks on radio and television, sharing their expertise with the farmers and public at large. Communication, I would say, is now reasonably effective.

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