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Reducing forces in
J&K
Razing Adarsh |
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Punish the diplomat Wife-beaters can’t claim immunity THE manner in which an Indian diplomat in London, Anil Verma, is alleged to have been harassing and beating his wife, Paromita, is most unfortunate and needs to be strongly condemned. His conduct is unbecoming of the high office he holds and action must be taken against him under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act, 2005.
Changing scene in Kashmir
Power to change
Food inflation hurts the poor
Price rise too sharp, too sudden
Corrections and clarifications
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Reducing forces in J&K
IN view of the considerable decline in infiltration attempts from across the border, the Union government has been seriously thinking of reducing the strength of the security forces deployed in Jammu and Kashmir for some time. Now it has finally made up its mind to withdraw at least 25 per cent of the paramilitary forces within this year as a confidence-building measure. The step will be a part of the eight-point agenda approved by the Cabinet Committee on Security in September last year with a view to normalising the situation in the trouble-torn state, as stated by Union Home Secretary G.K. Pillai last week. The agenda was finalised after looking into the demands of different sections of society, including the ruling and opposition politicians in J and K. There have also been complaints that youngsters feel provoked to defy the law when they see pickets of security forces in populated areas. Viewed against this backdrop, even a limited redeployment of forces in the Valley may lead to a noticeable change in the over-all security climate there. The measure may also send across the message that the situation is becoming normal, boosting the morale of the people. The separatists, who have welcomed the Union Home Secretary’s announcement, should do nothing which can force the government to review its decision. The security forces were deployed on a large scale owing to the proxy war launched by Pakistan. The separatists and terrorist outfits were helping Pakistan in implementing its unholy designs. However, the situation seems to have changed for good because of various factors, including the growing international pressure on Pakistan to abandon its policy of using terror to achieve its geo-political objectives. The Central government is going ahead with various other confidence-building measures also like providing more facilities for people-to-people contacts and promoting trade between the two sides of Kashmir. Efforts are afoot to ensure that more employment avenues are available to the people in the state. But there is need to keep strict vigil on the situation. Complacency on the security front may be exploited by terrorists and their sympathisers. It is not without reason that Army Chief Gen V.K. Singh has expressed his unwillingness about reducing the deployment of the armed forces in the Valley.
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Razing Adarsh
Environment Minister Jairam Ramesh has struck in a sledgehammer fashion — ordering the complete demolition of the controversial 31-storey Adarsh Society building in Mumbai, which instead of housing Kargil war heroes and victims had become a gravy ticket for Army brass, bureaucrats and politicians. The other two options — raze that part of the structure which was in excess of the floor space index (FSI) that might have been allowed had the requisite permission been sought from the authority, or take over the building for public use — were rejected because these would have been tantamount to regularisation of a violation of the Coastal Regulation Zone Notification, 1991. He apparently wants to send a firm message to all violators that sooner or later, the law will catch up with them. One wishes the government shows such alacrity right when the violation begins instead of waking up when it is a fait accompli. That does not mean that the building will actually be pulled down within three months as ordained, because Adarsh Society members are set to approach court for relief, where a protracted legal battle may ensue, but at least the government has shown some spine. The rich and powerful will, hopefully, realise that even they are bound by the law of the land. Such “egregious” violations take place because the big fish are smug in their belief that government nets are only for the minor ones. What strengthens their belief is the fact that there are thousands of illegal structures all over the country right under the nose of the government. Resolute action should not be a one-off expression of punitive determination. The administration needs to apply its monitoring powers uniformly all over. So far, the numerous buildings have been there as a precedent. Now is the time to make their demolition an example. |
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Punish the diplomat
THE
manner in which an Indian diplomat in London, Anil Verma, is alleged
to have been harassing and beating his wife, Paromita, is most
unfortunate and needs to be strongly condemned. His conduct is
unbecoming of the high office he holds and action must be taken
against him under the Protection of Women from Domestic Violence Act,
2005. As he is a 1989-batch IAS officer of the West Bengal cadre and
holds the post of Minister (Economic) in the Indian High Commission,
he should be held accountable by the Indian government. Sadly, instead
of being role models and ambassadors of goodwill, such people bring
shame and disgrace to the country. Anil Verma has now been recalled to
India, but the matter should not rest there. Significantly, Paromita is an Indian Railways officer. The Indian government should take steps to bring her and her son back to India. They need to be given adequate security and protection in the country. If Paromita is convinced of the security at home, she could reconsider seeking humanitarian asylum in London. It
is unfortunate that Anil Verma took protection under diplomatic
immunity. Reports suggest that he often boasted of the immunity he
enjoyed by being a diplomat while beating his wife. Diplomatic
immunity is a principle of international law by which top foreign
government officials are not subject to the jurisdiction of local
courts and other authorities. Anil Verma’s case amounts to a gross
misuse of the provision for diplomatic immunity for which the official
must be duly punished. |
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The difference between failure and success is doing a thing nearly right and doing a thing exactly right.— Edward Simmons
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Changing scene in Kashmir
THE recent speech of a senior Hurriyat leader, Prof Abdul Ghani Bhatt, at a seminar organised by the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF) on the role of intellectuals in the separatist movement has come as a breath of fresh air in the murky atmosphere in the Valley. Professor Bhatt said they should stop living in a state of denial and blame game and instead face the truth. The Mirwaiz senior, Moulvi Mohammad Farooq, and Abdul Ghani Lone, killed in 1990 and 2002, were not gunned down by Indian security forces. They were victims of mutual rivalry and done to death by their own people. The Kashmir movement, in his opinion, had been hurt badly by the assassination of thinkers and people who held an opinion. Professor Bhatt was quite blunt when he said that those associated with the separatist movement in Kashmir should first accept the reality and speak the truth.No one can build a movement on lies. He went on to say that India did not kill either Moulvi Farooq or Lone, and obliquely hinted at Syed Ali Shah Geelani, the self-proclaimed Hurriyat hawk, consistently speaking in favour of Pakistan. Professor Bhatt expressed the view that the policy of hartal and martyrdom only damaged the Kashmir cause. A hartal had been on for five months and stone throwing became a persistent way of attacking the security forces in which 102 people died. The Hurriyat leader asked what the people gained at the end of all these deaths and long hartals. Unity among the Hurriyat factions was elusive particularly since Syed Ali Shah Geelani only wanted dominance over every other faction. Professor Bhatt particularly criticised Mr Geelani’s insistence on his hardline policies and for rejecting a dialogue with the Centre. If his speech indicates that the Hurriyat should unitedly opt for discussions with Central representatives leading to an eventual settlement, it denotes a remarkable step forward towards the solution of the Kashmir problem. Moulvi Farooq had contested elections in alliance with the National Conference in 1982. Sheikh Abdullah was the then President of the National Conference, and this organisation and Moulvi Farooq’s party won most of the seats in the Valley. The Centre’s interlocutors, now in Kashmir, will no doubt take note of Professor Bhatt’s speech and pursue the matter further. Professor Bhatt’s meaningful speech at the seminar has indicated that the thinking sections in Kashmir want to have a dialogue with the Centre leading to a settlement. A number of agitating groups had spoken in terms of “Azadi”, but, as the interlocutors have pointed out, it has a different meaning for different people. It could well be interpreted as freedom of action and freedom of choice. At the end of the day, it would hopefully crystallise towards a settlement over the quantum of autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir. On the quantum of autonomy that J&K may be granted, there are several milestones. These are Article 370 of the Constitution, the Instrument of Accession, the 1974 Accord between Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah, etc. As the Delhi Agreement of 1952 had it, the Union Government agreed that J&K should have its own flag in addition to the Union flag, but the Union flag would have the same status and position in J&K as in the rest of India. The Governor, who was known as Sadar-i-Riyasat, was to be elected by the state legislature, but he had to be recognised by the President of India before his installation as such and he would hold office during the pleasure of the President. The jurisdiction of the Supreme Court of India over J&K was agreed to. The 1974 Accord between Indira Gandhi and Sheikh Abdullah was a major step forward, and it led to the Sheikh becoming the Chief Minister of J&K. However, the accord left three issues undecided: the method of appointment of Governor, the nomenclature of Governor and Chief Minister, and the jurisdiction of the Election Commission of India extending to Kashmir. BJP leader Arun Jaitley has stated that he has learnt from reliable sources that the Government of India’s interlocutors on Kashmir are likely to recommend the acceptance of these provisions while recommending the contours of autonomy for J&K. With the turbulent history of the constitutional provisions governing the relationship between the Government of India and the Government of J&K, any suggestion to reopen these issues and consider the possibility of conceding the question of Governor and Chief Minister would be regressive. The PDP in particular appears to have made these demands, but it is only hoped that the interlocutors would carefully weigh these issues while making their recommendations. Meanwhile, the interlocutors have sent an interim report in which recommendations have been made for providing incentives for students, and also consider representation in the government for Muslim Gujjars and Bakerwals. They have suggested strengthening of the monitoring mechanism to deal with human rights violations in the state through the State Human Rights Commission and the Accountability Commission. Another important recommendation made by the interlocutors is to demarcate specific areas where peaceful protests can be staged against the government — somewhat along the lines of the Hyde Park in London or Jantar Mantar in New Delhi. The Union Home Ministry has indicated that action has been initiated on many of these recommendations. Implementation of the recommendations such as jobs for the unemployed in Kashmir would go a long way in ensuring a peaceful atmosphere. The Prime Minister had constituted working groups in 2005 and 2009 for speeding up development in J&K, including industrialisation and the creation of jobs for the Kashmiri people. Demarcation of specific areas where the local people could demonstrate without fear would also be a positive step towards normalisation. While a large number of youths in detention have been released, it is not clear whether any compensation has been paid by the J&K Government to the families of those young men who lost their lives in the Valley during the confrontation between the security forces and the agitators. The J&K Government has also removed a large number of bunkers manned by the security forces dotting Srinagar and other towns in the Valley. Inevitably, the final report of the interlocutors is the next stage. Hopefully, it will be followed by a high-level discussion between Cabinet ministers like Mr Pranab Mukherjee, Mr A.K. Antony and Mr P. Chidambaram, and Kashmiri leaders, including representatives of the National Conference, the PDP, the Hurriyat and others. The main aspirations of the people of Kashmir would be known by then. Fortunately, peace has been prevailing in the Valley for a few weeks, providing an atmosphere conducing to negotiations. There are also reports that a large number of Kashmiri youngsters are queuing up for recruitment in the security forces, and this is indeed a positive
sign.
The writer is a former Governor of UP and West Bengal.
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Power to change
There is a road running along the park where I customarily walk. It’s at a little height and it has a small parking lot where, usually, strutting turkeys and romancing couples park in fancy cars with dark glasses. I’ve been walking that park for several years now, without anyone paying the least attention to me (terrible for my self-esteem, coming to think of it). The other day, however, as I walked by, I noticed eight young men, fit chaps, lounging about an SUV, passing a bottle around, obviously in high spirits. As I passed, they directed loud catcalls in my direction and one boy crooned, “Hai…teri chaal oye!” I also heard distressingly moist sounding smooching sounds (Yuck!). My first reaction was to look around to see if all these attentions were directed towards some pretty young thing. But only matronly I was there at that moment. Instinctively, I retraced my steps, pulled out my mobile, squinted at the number plate of the car, pretended that I was memorising it and put the mobile to my ear, ostensibly making a call to the authorities. Within seconds, the air was rent by startled curses and quick as a blink, the burly chaps had jumped into their car and screeched out of the parking lot, in a huge hurry to disappear. I may add here that I’m as blind as a bat without my spectacles and in the dusk, there was no way I could see the number. But I scared them away, much to my surprise, and I felt very amused. More than that, I felt powerful. All my life I’ve been eve-teased. All Indian girls and women have. It really doesn’t matter if they are beautiful or average, sick or healthy, dark, slim, pock marked, fat, dowdy, smart. Catcalls are great equalizers that way. Why, I’ve even been catcalled at when I was eight months pregnant. It’s quite the done thing on the Indian roads. Perhaps it’s a part of the gender power play. And the supremacy gets reinforced when there is absolutely no reaction from the teasees (coining a phrase). Mostly, girls are taught not to take pangas with the teasers, to ignore them and just hope that they go away. But my question is, why not take the panga? Especially when it can be done safely without an ugly confrontation, especially when you have the right to walk on the road without being sexually commented on and especially when you have the wherewithal to take action. No sensible woman will recommend a face-off with the teasers. But at least we can report them. We can note down the numbers of their vehicles and place a call to the police. If anyone touches us in a crowded market or bus, we can confront them and demand to know why we were touched, can’t we? We can. So, do it! And as you see their “chaal” change as they hotfoot out of the area, feel the power for a
change.
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Food inflation hurts the poor Inflation of food items has assumed an alarming rate during the past several months. It reached 18.32 per cent in the week ending December 25, 2010. At present it is symbolised by onion prices, which have risen three times within a few days. Earlier it happened in case of sugar a few months ago when its price doubled before it was stabilised.
The prices of pulses and vegetables have already gone out of the reach of common persons and now are going out of affordability of middle-class people employed in the organized sector. The middle-class employees in the organised sector are compensated for inflation in the form of enhanced dearness allowance with a lag of at least six months but there is no such provision for 92 per cent of the population employed in the unorganised sector. The sufferings of workers in the unorganised sector or workers and employees on contract in the organised sector are much more serious compared to the middle class in the unorganised sector. Food inflation has hit hard the majority in the country. This is a mechanism of shift in income distribution from the poor marginalised sections to the rich, especially the non-agricultural big producers, middlemen and companies engaged in trade and commerce and especially stock-holders of the commodities. This is the reason that food inflation has hit the poorest of the poor the hardest. In fact, it has the effect of increasing malnutrition among women and children in the poor households. The beneficiaries of food inflation exercise considerable clout in policy-making and its implementation. They are consulted every year before the finalisation of the budget. Those who lose considerable part of their income due to inflation have no say in policy-making and its implementation. The workers, peasants and small producers are not part of the pre-budget consultations. Therefore, the interests of the common people are not protected as their voice is not heard. There is no one in Parliament/assemblies to effectively represent them. Contrary to this several corporates are well represented in these Houses along with many who are willing to present their viewpoint in policy-making circles and in Parliament/assemblies. This is the reason that food inflation has been allowed to take a high rate for several months before effective steps are initiated to stabilise food prices at the higher level they have achieved. In fact, food inflation remained under control in spite of international high prices of food in the world during 2005-07. This was because the government maintained enough stocks of grains under public control through the FCI and also did not allow exports to keep food prices under check. But in November 2009 the government allowed forward trading of agricultural commodities. This led to the involvement of big companies and big traders in forward buying with liberal bank credit facilities. This initiated a process of price rise of grains initiating food inflation based on manipulation and speculation. This was followed by sugar prices doubling in a month or so and then stabilised at that level. The last few months have seen a rise of prices of vegetables symbolised by the prices of onions and pulses. A significant feature of food inflation is that it has not benefited the producers of food crops. For instance the wheat procurement/supply price in April/May was Rs.1,100 per quintal at which farmers unloaded their crop. But wheat flour is sold in Punjab at Rs.1,600 per quintal and Rs.2,600 a quintal in Delhi. Similarly, there was a very meager rise in the price of sugarcane but sugar prices have doubled. Farmers sold onions at prices less than Rs.10 per kg now these are available at more than Rs.50 a kg. The same is the story of other crops. This season it has happened with cotton. The farmers sold their crop at Rs.3,000 per quintal, which traders bought and now the price has become Rs.5,000 per quintal. In forward trading big players buy large quantities in advance, keep them in storage, create artificial scarcity and wait for prices to rise. Then, they unload stored commodities to make quick profits. Forward trading has been permitted under the neo-liberal policy to ensure participation of the private sector in trading and storage of agricultural commodities. It may be recalled in 2002 the Abhijit Sen Committee recommended the dismantling of the FCI to allow food procurement by private sector companies. But this could not be done because of pressure of farmers' organisations. The philosophy behind such thinking is that public sector parastatals are inefficient and they are to be replaced by the private sector. Market fundamentalists fail to understand the Indian experience of the 1950s and 1960s when private traders played havoc with both producers and consumers before the establishment of the Agricultural Price Commission in 1965, now designated as Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP), and the FCI. It is very well known and recently brought out by the 2G scam that the private sector, especially the bigger players among them, lack ethics of business known as Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). They are interested in quick profits and profiteering. Food trade in this country is one such area whenever opened to them without controls, they have exploited it and are exploiting it even now. Already big players (builders) have played havoc both with peasants and potential owners of houses/flats. They got/acquired land from peasants at very low prices, developed colonies and skyrocketed the prices of houses/flats. They have also violated the mandate of the National Housing Policy to develop low-cost housing for the urban poor. Whether it is food prices or urban land/house prices, the original suppliers (peasants) have not gained. It is the middle operators who benefit at the cost of common people. One lesson of the current food inflation is that neither it is supply-pushed nor demand-pushed but fuelled by cartels of middle operators under forward trading allowed by market fundamentalists who have faith in big players in the private sector and have no faith in government machinery to which they belong. The persons at the top in charge of policy are also responsible for delayed response to check stock-holding and hoarding of food items. They think it as a measure to interfere with working of the market. They are unable to see the distinction between perfect competition and monopolies as market forms. It is monopolies/cartels which use monopoly power to distort the market to get undue advantage. Therefore, monopolies need regulations to keep their monopoly power in check. Freeing them will create an environment for them to exploit society, especially the poor. There is an immediate need to withdraw forward trading in agricultural commodities, enforce regulations against hoarding and bring down difference between the farm gate and consumer prices. In all food commodities, especially wheat flour, rice, onion, vegetables, sugar and pulses, the prices charged from consumers should not be more 10 per cent of the price paid to farmers. This is necessary to ensure food to the poor at affordable prices. The alibi of global food price rise or hike in oil prices provide no justification for the current rate of rise in food prices nor for apathy of the government to control it. The government must act swiftly and decisively to contain food inflation. This inflation can be controlled if the government at the national level decides in right earnest. The writer is the Director General, Centre for Research in Rural and Industrial Development (CRRID) There is an immediate need to withdraw forward trading in agricultural commodities, enforce regulations against hoarding and bring down the difference between the farm gate and consumer prices
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Price rise too sharp, too sudden THE rise in food inflation was a shocker. Prices jumped 18.3 per cent giving the government and the RBI an uneasy feeling and the stock market a big disappointment. In spite of promises, it looks like headline inflation will not drop below 6 per cent by March.
The return of food inflation was unexpected. Production and prices of cereals were steady and prices of pulses and sugar had actually come down. What kicked up the price index were the prices of vegetables, meat and eggs. These are only about 13 per cent of the consumer basket. But the price rise was too sharp and too sudden and in a matter of three weeks pushed up the food price index more than 6 per cent. That will jack up headline inflation by more than one per cent in December. Inflation has affected most of the developing countries. In China, inflation is at 5.1 per cent with food inflation running at 11.7 per cent. In Russia, inflation is at 8 per cent, in Indonesia at 7 per cent and so on. There is a fall in world food production and international food prices have been aggressively moving up. What is unusual about India is that inflation which had receded, with food prices remaining nearly steady since June, suddenly spiked in December. The reason is that the rains were unusually excessive and irregular and production either dropped or there was exposure to pests. The prices of onions shot up more than 46 per cent in the first three weeks of December and 67 per cent over the year. In contrast, demand for fruits and vegetables increased with the expansion in population and improvement in incomes of urban and rural consumers. This mismatch between demand and supply is not temporary. Production of fruits and vegetables is in the unorganised sector and the cultivation follows conventional methods. It is time that the vegetable sector receives greater attention. It has to be better organised using modern technology. The ICAR and a number of universities have developed transgenic varieties of crops which are herbicide-tolerant and insect-resistant. There are also non-transgenic biotech approaches for enhancing conventional farming like marker-assisted selection, tissue culture, etc. which can make a tremendous difference to yield and quality. Some of these technologies are still on the shelf when they should have been commercially exploited by farmers. Apparently, there is neglect or resistance on the part of the government. Brinjal is a case in point. Although it had been scientifically tested and its safety well established by DBT, the Ministry of Environment delayed its implementation. In future, the demand for fruits and vegetables will increase much faster than the demand for cereals. Food inflation will persist if fruits and vegetable supply does not commensurately increase. Broadly, vegetable production will have to increase at more than 10 per cent per year. The only way that growth can be achieved is by adopting new technologies which are the keys to larger production, higher farm incomes and stable prices. — Reuters
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Corrections and clarifications
Despite our earnest endeavour to keep The Tribune error-free, some errors do creep in at times. We are always eager to correct them. This column appears twice a week — every Tuesday and Friday. We request our readers to write or e-mail to us whenever they find any error. Readers in such cases can write to Mr Kamlendra Kanwar, Senior Associate Editor, The Tribune, Chandigarh, with the word “Corrections” on the envelope. His e-mail ID is kanwar@tribunemail.com. Raj Chengappa,
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