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Cooperation
is the key Costlier
bus travel |
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WikiLeaks
warriors
Don’t
lose that public voice
When
time stood still
Have youngsters started
associating their happiness with iPhones and Blackberries rather than
with real-life activities? Or have they the right and the means to
live the kind of life they choose, since they can afford it. We look
at two viewpoints at the opposite ends of the spectrum Whose life is it,
anyway?
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Costlier bus travel
Given
Punjab’s fiscal state and populist politics, any move to raise resources, including a bus fare hike, is welcome. But there is no point in passing on to the travelling public the burden of bad management. Punjab Transport Minister Mohan Lal has done some commendable straight talking and admitted that if both Punjab Roadways and the PRTC suffer huge losses, it is because of the “big shots in the transport sector getting preferential treatment”. It is well known that top Punjab politicians, including the ruling Badal family, run private bus services. Transport officials, according to the minister, allot “prime-time slots on important routes to private transporters”. There is an obvious clash of private-public interest in the transport business. Ministers pass orders and make policies that also help promote their own transport business. During its previous term the Akali-BJP government had stripped the SDMs of the power to detain illegally plying vehicles. Excise officials often complain of threats from private transporters. Punjab Speaker Nirmal Singh Kahlon, who has been indicted in a cash-for-jobs scandal by the CBI and has interests in transport business, has summoned Amritsar’s District Transport Officer four times in the past three weeks, keeping him waiting and then giving a new date of meeting — just to humiliate him for not attending to his phone call. In such a scenario how can officials collect taxes or discipline private transport? If private transporters make profits and the government transport companies make losses (Punjab Roadways alone stands to lose Rs 92 crore this fiscal), the reasons are very clear and also known to the Transport Minister. Why he appears helpless in righting the wrongs is also understandable. The latest hike in the fares makes a bus ride costliest in Punjab in the region barring Himachal Pradesh, which is a hill state. This is despite the fact that the state subsidy on diesel, actually meant for farmers, is the highest in the country.
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WikiLeaks warriors
A
global
alliance of anonymous hackers has taken up the hackles on behalf of the whistle-blowing website WikiLeaks, and they are widely held responsible for cyber attacks on entities seen as WikiLeaks enemies. The credit card company MasterCard’s website came down after a sustained cyber attack, and so did the website of PostFinance, run by the Swiss postal system. MasterCard has refused to accept payments for WikiLeaks from its online supporters, and PostFinance has shut down an account that belonged to the WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange. The website of a Swedish lawyer representing two women who have levelled sexual assault charges against the WikiLeaks founder is under attack since Assange is under arrest in London, on account of a pending Swedish warrant against him. Ironically, WikiLeaks itself faced sustained business and cyber attacks on its main website, and it was only because of widespread support and planning that the site managed not only to survive but has also been replicated so many times on the Internet that it is now virtually impossible to shut it down. While the political effects of WikiLeaks disclosures have been much debated, the cyber attacks have also exposed both the strengths and weaknesses of Internet as a medium. It is now obvious that without sufficient planning, information cannot be wiped off the Internet, no matter how hard governments and other agencies try. The flip side of this is that nothing is really safe on the Internet. Even large commercial websites like that of MasterCard and secure websites like PostFinance can be brought down by cyber attacks. The hackers have shown their power, but have not yet shown the responsibility that should accompany it. WikiLeaks, the attacks on it and attacks on others by its supporters — all have combined to show that activities on the Internet have a real-world effect. Those responsible for these activities, therefore, have to face the consequences of their action. A sobering thought, indeed.
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A love for tradition has never weakened a nation; indeed it has strengthened nations in their hour of peril. — Winston Churchill
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Don’t lose that public voice The
report that the President has given her consent for proceedings to remove the current CEO of Prasar Bharati on charges of irregularities is overdue. This institution, created after years of pleading to represent the public voice of India in an increasingly information age, was ill-designed, and then, in turn, frustrated by being denied personnel and financial autonomy or a proper board, then relegated and finally hijacked by its chief executive to be reduced to a pathetic caricature of what it was intended to be. Sadly, and only partly because the experiment was aborted along the way, some of staff are now agitating that Prasar Bharati be scrapped and the body revert to being a government department representing the official voice against all the private radio and TV channels that now abound. Genuine autonomy is often feared as it entails responsibility and accountability and the loss of the cloak of anonymity that allows laggards to seek more for doing less and pass the buck for failure to perform to the “system”. Not that Prasar Bharati lacks good people. But they are a demoralised lot. Autonomy is seldom given. It has to be grasped. The rot started ab initio with an Act that placed excessive faith in recruiting the highest functionaries virtually exclusively from within the ranks of the bureaucracy. These functionaries were treated as deputationists and subject to whimsical recall as happened in the case of S.Y.Quraishi, DG, Doordarshan, now Chief Election Commissioner. Again, when the AIR staff went on strike, board members who sought a resolution were fobbed off by the I&B Minister as busybodies with no jurisdiction over government servants. The independent selection panel also singularly failed when it made no appointment to critical positions such as that of Chairman, CEO and Directors of Personnel and Finance for months on end. It kept waiting for a governmental nod on matters of procedure, salary fixation and so forth. Recruitment, training, planning and programming faltered. A hardware-led policy dictated by considerations of “political reach” through umpteen relay stations ignored matching programme and software development so that the vast infrastructure created has remained hugely underutilised. A proposal that the engineering and technical services of Prasar Bharati be hived off as a separate transmission corporation and profit centre was never seriously considered. Programmes were increasingly outsourced and talented Prasar Bharati staff members, lacking in-house opportunities, took to moonlighting to produce excellent programmes for private channels. The final blow came more recently with the CEO usurping the board’s powers and rendering it impotent. Finally, the Supreme Court had to intervene and now the CEO faces possible impeachment and removal. The newly appointed Chairperson and board find themselves immobilised. Immediate action is called for if Prasar Bharati, long in coma, is not to die. It would seem that few would mourn such an event - the government, Parliament, much of the staff, the private channels, the print media, advertisers, and most of the listening and viewing public. Rank ignorance of what public serviced broadcasting is about and its seminal importance at this time, combined with indifference born of dissatisfaction with its performance, possibly explains why this is so. There is a fallacy that he who pays the piper must call the tune. Further, with private broadcast stations voicing multiple private interests and concerns, it would be legitimate for Prasar Bharati to be an official trumpet. A moment’s reflection will show that both propositions are wrong. Government defrays the cost of Parliament, the judiciary, the CAG, the Election Commission and many other public institutions. Yet none of these are official handmaidens, nor would anybody suggest otherwise. Democracy requires that these institutions be fiercely independent. The public service broadcaster is no exception. The idea that the government needs an exclusive broadcast voice is equally baseless. First, “government” embraces a plurality of regimes, parties and ideologies - the Central government, 29 state governments, some Union Territories, hundreds of multi-level panchayats and nagar palikas, and autonomous regional councils. Who is “the government”, or should every “government” set up its own broadcast facility and should its policies change with every change in “government”. Such a policy would result in a cacophony of warring and variables sounds, images and messages at considerable cost to little purpose. However, there is a more important reason to make Prasar Bharati a vibrant institution. Private broadcasters understandably solicit advertising to earn their keep and dumb down programmes to earn better ratings in a highly competitive market. The public service broadcaster is under no such compulsion. It does not have to cater to the lowest common denominator, trivialise and sensationalise news, manufacture bogus “breaking news” and indulge in programming geared to fetching advertisements. The government need not be its only support. Advertising and programme sales and public support would be forthcoming. The great difference is that while the private broadcaster primarily caters to the (well-heeled) consumer of advertised goods, the public service broadcaster caters to the citizen. While all Indians are citizens, only half or less are “consumers” of other than basic goods and services. The public service broadcaster, therefore, caters to disadvantaged, marginalised, minority (ethnic, linguistic, faith/caste, tribal, remote, isolated) communities that make up the vast plural, disempowered undermass of India. It constitutes a powerful tool for empowerment, participation, creating awareness, information, education, dialogue and engendering inclusiveness and accountability. It embodies the right to information. Not that private channels are impervious to any of this, but they must first survive. An upwardly mobile India is seeking rights and entitlements. A great churning in progress will mould unity out of diversity and quell a million ongoing mutinies by creating conditions for equal opportunity and equal citizenship. It is to make the Preamble of the Constitution come alive in action and to sustain that ideal that India needs a public service broadcaster. That public voice must never
die.
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When time stood still It
was a race against time. Over the fortnight, we traversed half the breadth of War Zone; i.e the erstwhile East Pakistan. Advance across the vast golden-brown paddy fields and endless water bodies was marked by some bloody hard-fought battles. Each of the 14 days were, hence fully accounted for. Every mile we covered was most rewarding as it brought seismic change in the destiny of thousands of people; liberation from brutal subjugation and oppression, unleashed by the Pakistani Army. Scantly clad, semi starved, with misery written large on the faces, these hapless brave hearts had nothing to share but deep anguish and grief. Hysterically, they narrated the horrid stories of terror and torture. Devastated and battered, their hutments barren and bare, what kept them going was sheer conviction; ‘hope never dies’. The only words that were discernable in their chocked voices were Bandhu and Joi Bangla. By the 16th December morning, we closed on to Narainganj, after a fierce battle for Bandar Railway Station, the previous night. It was one of the key outposts of Dhaka Garrison. The town wore a desolate look. As we were in the process of clearing pockets of resistance on the outskirts, suddenly, small groups of people began to show up on the streets. Soon the crowds began to swell. Many were holding piece of green cloth with an orange circular patch, symbolising Bangladesh national flag and chanting slogans of triumph. It was an indication that the Pakistani troops were evacuating Narainganj and surrender was in the offing. The sounds of firing gradually died down, engulfed in the echoes of Joi Bangla. There was outburst of emotions, volatile mix of agony and ecstasy. Commotion and bewilderment were visible all around. Tables had been turned and frenzy of revenge was looming large. Now it was the colluders and collaborators who were on the run. A few were even lynched by the violent crowds to mete ‘on the spot justice’. As the darkness fell, we deployed astride the banks of mighty Buriganga River. Since the start of the Bangladesh War (Operation Cactus Lilly), it was for the first time we had a proper wash and hearty meal. Puri-Halwa prepared from captured rations was a rare delight. Despite the moonlit night, the serene flowing river wore a ghastly look, with number of bodies floating — a tell tale sign of the last minute carnage. The uneasy calm was occasionally shattered by the victory shots or barking dogs, busy digging up the wayside shallow graves. To stretch out in the open, rather than being cramped in a trench appeared to be a luxury after a long time. Strolling past the resting men of my platoon, I found a few were peacefully snoring, while others were tossing on their ground sheets, yet to reconcile to the fact that the war was over. In sombre mood, they were scanning the sky, perhaps searching in vain, for their fallen comrades. It was ‘nine month’ long ordeal for the Bangladeshis. They endured horrific atrocities and indignation, the ugliest side of humanity. The dawn was yet a few hours away. However, the time appeared to have stood still; to condole the unparallel sufferings and immortalise the martyrs, marking an end of a gory saga, awaiting for the newborn nation to announce its
arrival.
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Have youngsters started associating their happiness with iPhones and Blackberries rather than with real-life activities? Or have they the right and the means to live the kind of life they choose, since they can afford it. We look at two viewpoints at the opposite ends of the spectrum Food, clothes and shelter were certainly the needs of a primitive man. We are modernising, and so our needs have undergone a metamorphosis, too. Now, our food is Mc Donald, clothes are Tommy Hilfiger and Lacoste, and shelter is maple wood ceiling and
marble flooring. Brands are an anesthesia to the intellect of consumers. The propensity of capitalistic societies toward brands is quite evident through the fetishism they display. Man was worth his dignity, character or rectitude once, but now, his worth is measured in terms of the insignia of brands he can flaunt. Someone once put it, rather cheekily: "Well, you're as good as your car!" — Geetanjali, Legal Associate, Defence
Firm, Noida
The voracious desire to acquire luxury goods and services is life force of contemporary societies, which is taking away all their vigour ironically. We succumb to the multiple charms of consumerism, without a demur. The Oxford English Dictionary defines
consumerism "as the emphasis or preoccupation with the acquisition of consumer goods". Our acquisitiveness knows no limits, and the clout of brands has clouded our judgments. There is a perpetual bombardment of brands on our vulnerable psyche via advertisements, television, radio, magazines. Consumerism is nothing but the end-result of our obsessions with that. Our private lives are remote controlled by large business corporations, leading to the creation of what a French philosopher, Baudrillard calls "a hyper-real world".
So hyper-real is our pre-occupation with goods and goodies that our emotions and feelings often appear unreal, if not surreal, in comparison. It is sad to see gifts and presents take precedence over our feelings and emotional quotient. Gone are the days when a caring thought or a word mattered, now all that matters is a diamond necklace or a platinum ring; and again, the costlier, the better. Consumerism is taking its toll on the youngsters, which, sadly enough, they tend to celebrate, unabashedly. Brands have become so much an integral feature of youth culture that in the colleges and university campuses, we come across brand ambassadors, sporting Nike, Adidas, Reebok, Tommy Hilfiger, Lacoste and Calvein Klein, who may sometimes be called students, too. Now-a-days, our language has also undergone metamorphoses. For us, westernisation is modernisation, fooling is advertising, and falling prey to the agenda of MNCs is to be ahead of our times. These are the shifting paradigms of our modern culture. The euphoria amongst girls in hostel, where I reside, for buying stuff from Tommy, Espirit and other big names has to be seen to be believed. Leave youngsters aside, these days even "the ceremony of innocence is drowned". A four year kid is so brand-conscious that he reels off first hand information about brands. Thanks to television and Internet. Brand mania is induced by the corporates to make their bottom lines plump And if you think, it's only an urban phenomenon, just wait and watch. Students from humble or rural backgrounds, too, don't want to be left behind in this race. It's another matter that this brand mania might add to their woes, both emotional and financial. This flaunting of material objects induces an inferiority complex in those who can't afford them. We should not become a slave to them and go on a blind pursuit, chasing them. We should counter the dominance of consumerism by becoming conscious consumers. We live in a world where, each person is battling against his "innate nature" to have more and more. The raison d'être of our life is solely to possess a good house, a big car, branded clothes. At times, one wonders, whether it is an ascent or a descent. We can buy all the riches of the world except happiness, because the "real fountain," as they say, "is within". The writer is a research scholar at Panjab University, Chandigarh.
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Whose life is it, anyway? A few
days back we had a vintage car exhibition out here in Bombay. Gentlemen and Ladies showed off their curvy beauties, their chests welling with pride - such was their attachment with their cars. The cars, on their part, had lasted through all these decades. Even the thought of selling their precious beauties would have these people offended, I tell you. Our situation today is starkly different. We are spoilt for choices - we have to change cars every three to four years what with all these new models having such awesome features and functions and the latest of techno-wizardry. Importantly, we can afford to do it. Which situation is better? That is exactly what the fuss about consumerism is. Look around yourself and compare the situation to what it was back then. We have so many more brands of clothes. We have a huge variety of options to choose from for everything. Cellphone service providers have plans for everyone from the rickshawallahs to big corporate honchos. Shaving blades range from disposable ones to Gillette Mach 3. A five-rupee Dairy Milk is your ultimate cheap recipe to shoo away that bad mood. A Red Bull is all you need for a productive work-related all-nighter. As opposed to ten years back, we, as of today, have a huge spectrum of goods available at our disposal. The market truly is a consumer market. Even with something as innocent as a paper clip, one can choose from the do-rupaiye-ke-paanch clip to the truly top-of-the-line ones. The options one has with cellphones are almost insane. What's more, there are even easy payment plans so that one doesn't have to wait to buy a car until you're old, fat and bald. Having a place of your own just four to five years after college is now possible. The availability of and access to laptops and computers has streamlined the working of many small and medium businesses, which, according to Thomas Friedman of The New York Times, are the next big thing. On a more social level, this entire idea is a social equalizer. A glut of cheap goods and finance options has ensured that everyone gets a piece of the so-called Indian growth story. Even luxury goods are now available to a wider section of society, enabling all of us to enjoy our lives better. So what is the problem then? Why do people make such a hullaballoo about this supposed beast called consumerism? It is often contended that the availability of luxury goods makes more people indulge in wasteful behavior, that young people start translating concepts such as happiness to material possessions like cars and mobile phones, that producers' in-your-face' advertisement campaigns force you to buy products which you have no use for. Instead, they prescribe a frugal, minimalist existence devoid of such distractions. These, I would believe, are the very same people who, throughout centuries, have been telling us that sacrifice is supreme, that enjoyment is a taboo, that pain and struggle are necessary to achieve what you want, that happiness and pleasure are fleeting and that the ultimate truth is death and an after-life where you would gain true happiness. If one lives according to their diktat, one should stop trying to live or indulge oneself, and simply wait for death, nothing else. One should give up one's right on one's own life and sacrifice it to the cause of humanity and God. Just because a million people around the world are suffering, does it mean one has no right to enjoy one's life? In the seventy odd years that I'd be alive, I could choose to make the most of my time on earth and have fun. No one has a right to impose another idea of life on me. If I believe that material possessions bring me happiness, it should be my prerogative. I have an inviolable right to waste my life as I deem fit. All those advertisements that lure me into buying products, I agree, do not appeal to my most explicitly stated need. If I buy a new mobile phone, I probably do not do so because I have a genuine need for it. It is possible that I bought the phone because all my friends have smart phones and I want to fit in. So what? I have the means. I have a need. The new phone fulfils my desire to fit in. And I do so with my own hard-earned money or that of my parents, which in most cases I have some right to. The rationality of a consumer is important. But it is not in your or my right to tell someone else how they should be spending their money. It is strange you know - we put in place extensive rules and guidelines to enable our voters to interact directly with the candidates make up their own minds about something as distant and indirect as the government, and yet we allow the external forces to distort a more direct and probably more relevant interaction between a producer and a consumer.
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D
"I like shopping from exclusive brands and like the fact that I have access to what many others don't. For me it's about being unique and exclusive, very similar to how we work in consulting, provide unique and customised solutions. Having said that let me also add that I was not born with this notion. Over the years, with constant exposure and changing environment, this concept has evolved and today I feel pleased, if not entirely elated. Maybe it is wrong, but then maybe it is not." 
Youth today is strong, financially influential, globally connected. Youngsters start working early and are not dependent on anyone to fulfil their wishes. They are also well-informed and well-connected. With an increased purchasing power they are the most avid consumers of brands.
"Anti-consumerism lobby is primarily based on one assumption and a frivolous moral high ground. The assumption being "consumerism is induced" by an external agency (read: corporate) in order to make their bottom lines plump. The frivolous moral highground being that simple frugal living is the only right way to lead life. It is an ideology professed by Gandhi, Karl Marx amongst other scholars. It has its own perils . It is natural for economies to become more consumerist as they grow because it is natural for people to have varying degrees of likeness towards material possessions and no socio-economic order can abolish this instinct. It can only be unfairly deferred."