The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Not-so-fake currency war
Evidence shows Pakistani hand

Whenever fake currency notes are seized in the country the needle of suspicion turns towards Pakistan. However, the latest arrests of seven persons from Delhi, Haryana, West Bengal and Bihar carrying counterfeit currency of the face value of Rs 1 crore have provided some hard evidence of Pakistan’s involvement in circulating fake notes with a view to destabilising the Indian economy. The quality of paper, printing and security features is so high that the seized fake notes could not have been produced by “non-state actors”. Only very high-tech, costly printing machines available with governments could print such notes.

Armed with the evidence, the Indian authorities have decided to approach an international agency, the Financial Action Task Force, which has been set up to curb terror financing and money laundering. The World Bank and the International Monetary Fund will be contacted for getting Pakistan blacklisted. Quite sensibly, the government has refused to take up the issue with the Pakistan government, which always denies its role in such disruptive activities. The ISI game of funding and spreading terror has to be exposed at global forums. There is a not-so-hidden nexus of players involved in drugs, counterfeit currency and terrorism with the blessings of the ISI.

Though there are no latest official figures of the fake currency in circulation in the country, the Naik committee had made the startling revelation a few years ago that illegal currency amounting to about Rs 1,69,000 crore had been in circulation until the year 2000. The figure could be much higher a decade later now. While it makes sense to haul up Pakistan for encouraging economic terrorism, the government should realise that there is no alternative to effectively sealing the international borders and taking precautionary steps like frequently changing the security features of Indian notes of Rs 500 and Rs 1,000 denominations. These features have not been updated since 2005.

Anti-ragging measures
Tardy implementation a bane

More than a year ago an indignant nation woke up to the hideous face of ragging, in the wake of Aman Kachroo’s death due to ragging. Sadly, today even as the quantum of punishment given to Aman’s killers is being debated, the apathy towards the menace of ragging show little signs of diminishing. The laxity in the implementation of anti-ragging measures speaks volumes about the insensitivity of the authorities concerned, both of the educational institutions and of the regulatory bodies like the UGC. The much-hyped anti-ragging hotline that came into operation to check the ragging menace has proved to be of little use. What is even more appalling is that no follow- up action has been taken on complaints involving sexual abuse and death threats.

Clearly, as in Aman’s case, the educational institutions are not waking up to enormity of the ragging menace and once again are bucking their responsibility and refusing to protect students from the sadist practice of ragging which is more rampant in professional colleges. Not surprising then despite the nation-wide outcry against ragging the last academic session saw 19 ragging related deaths. While death of the victim is the most virulent form of ragging, even otherwise ragging leads to severe psychological trauma, which is impossibility to quantify. As the details of the complaints have revealed, ragging is no more an innocuous rite to passage but a heinous act bordering on crime. In fact, more than three years ago the apex court had said that no mercy should be shown to those indulging in ragging. Since then it has made many stringent recommendations. Yet even today, the perpetrators neither fear the law nor the education authorities.

Curbing ragging has to be a collective responsibility of educational institutions, the regulatory bodies, parents and teachers. A psychological approach, combined with deterrent action. as recommended by RK Raghavan of the Raghavan committee, who has made many significant observations is a must. Instead of letting good initiatives like the anti-ragging hotline turn into a failure, there is an urgent need to use all possible measures to deal with the problem which has serious ramifications for the 40 million plus student community of India.

Thought for the Day

The surest way to corrupt a youth is to instruct him to hold in higher esteem those who think alike than those who think differently. — Nietzsche

ARTICLE

Media going overboard
Army bashing is unwarranted
by Lt Gen Vijay Oberoi

There is a famous saying that “the law is an ass”. There may be some truth in it as technicalities, strict interpretation of the law and the police preparing incomplete cases, intentionally or unintentionally, have resulted in even hardened criminals getting away. So far the media has not earned this dubious distinction of being an ass, but if it continues the way it has been acting, it may still earn it. I am not taking up cudgels on behalf of those in the limelight for allegedly behaving in a non-soldierly manner. My aim is to bring the much-needed balance in this one-sided army bashing concerning the Adarsh Housing Society scam for this constant diatribe against the army has little meaning and has now become counter-productive, to say the least. Various inquiries have already been instituted and those who have transgressed the law, irrespective of their status, would undoubtedly be brought to book. This has been explicitly stated by many functionaries of the government as well as by the Army Chief himself.

In recent years the media, especially the electronic variety, has been showing the defence forces in poor light, while reporting on the misdemeanours of a selected few. They do so with impunity. The government and the Press Council watch helplessly from the sidelines as young reporters, some still wet behind the ears, as well as a few anchors go hammer and tongs, repeating the same news over and over again, without any new genuine inputs.

It would seem that for our electronic media, the TRP god is “Breaking News”, while the print media at least reports events somewhat calmly without sensationalising or lampooning. Perhaps they do not realise that when a character assassination of the defence leadership takes place in public, it does incalculable harm to the only instrument of the nation that works and works efficiently and with alacrity. Both serving personnel and veterans do want factual news, but are really sickened by sensationalism, innuendos and imaginary news. Unfortunately, all three have been used with impunity and what emerges is a wilful and mischievous maligning of the defence forces. Is the media trying to convey that the entire military of the nation consists of criminals who are scheming to line their pockets? It would seem so, the way a few channels are handling this issue. They seem to forget that, notwithstanding a few black sheep, they are talking about an institution that is known for its honesty, probity and discipline, and which has secured the nation externally and internally and even has been called for tasks which directly fall in the ambit of other instruments of the state.

Let me again state that such sensational reporting does more harm than good to the polity of the nation and people’s confidence in the defence forces as well as to the morale of the forces. The number of defence personnel in this so-called scam is minuscule when we consider the vast number of officers in the defence forces. If they think this is part of that much-abused phrase, “freedom of the press”, than I suggest they go back to school and re-learn about “responsible reporting”. I sometimes wonder whether some in the media work overtime at the behest of a powerful group of individuals who want the defence forces to be wilfully and mischievously maligned for their own agenda like deflecting the heat from bureaucrats of Maharashtra, or others who wish to divert attention from bigger scams like the CWG scam, which seems to have gone off the radar screens of the media.

I have no intention of adding more facts to this sordid affair. However, I must say that the media has “missed the woods for the trees”. This happens when the aim is to sensationalise by picking up bits and pieces and then filling the blanks with half-truths and a fertile imagination. In their zeal in showing the defence forces in bad light by concentrating on selected officers of the army and the navy, they have ignored the kingpin and the fountainhead of this entire conspiracy, viz the promoter of the society, R C Thakur, an erstwhile official of the Directorate General of Defence Estates, with a history of underhand dealings in defence lands. It is not Thakur alone but the whole organisation that has done much harm to defence lands throughout the country. The Directorate General of Defence Estates, which is the apex body of the Defence Estates Organisation, has its subordinate offices in all parts of the country. As per its website, “It is entrusted with the task of management of defence lands inside and outside cantonments; and acquisition/hiring of immovable properties for defence purposes”. What is not well known and something missed out by the media is that defence land is divided in to many types, like A1, A2, B1 and so on. The army is directly responsible only for A1 land.

There has been speculation whether the building under discussion stands on defence land or not. No one has thought it fit to enquire the true status and type of this piece of land. The Maharashtra Government says the land belongs to them. The promoter says the same. In this distressing episode unless one is clear about the ownership and type of land, there is no point in publicly castigating individuals for their acts of omission and commission.

Lastly, I come to the question of propriety, made much of by at least one channel, especially of senior officers and certainly of those who in the past had steered the forces as chiefs of their service. The point made by the media repeatedly is that they should have known whether the Adarsh Housing Society was an approved society (according to all commentators, it was) and whether it was meant for allotment to Kargil heroes (according to the Maharashtra Government as well as the local defence formations, it was not, except that defence personnel would be eligible to become members). In addition, they should not have used their position to force an allotment for themselves. This of course is treading on thin ice, as the answer could be either way. However, the more important point is that the Maharashtra government officials were the final arbiters of who should be given a flat. It is little wonder that out of the 103 flats in the dubious building the majority have been allotted to political leaders and civil officials of the Maharashtra government or their kin. A perusal of the list of allottees indicates that 33 allottees are from the defence forces (12 flag level and 21 junior officers) and a whopping 70 from the civil society, all of whom are or have been political leaders and officials of the Maharashtra government!

The writer is a former Vice Chief of the Army

MIDDLE

Texture of canopy
by Major-Gen GG Dwivedi (retd)

It was an auspicious day with solemn significance. This day, some four decades back, the Red Shield Division was raised. Traditional Army style celebrations were unthinkable as the formation was in the thick of counter-insurgency operations, amidst the most inhospitable jungles of Manipur, against militants who had been well entrenched over the years. Literally, the hands were in a hornet’s nest.

Innovation is the acme of warfare, as fight is always to the finish, So, to mark this day, most of the units had planned bold operations with great deal of ingenuity. I was particularly edgy about one such action, by a Rajput battalion. It was a complicated mission; raid on a formidable militant base, atop a hill, astride an incognito village — Tulaimazang.

Arduous cross country-move, through a harsh terrain in small bodies, was the only option. The officiating Commanding Officer was personally leading the mission, with four of his plucky officers as team leaders. Interestingly, although this unit had been inducted into operational areas on numerous occasions, it never got the taste of a real fight, as wherever they took the field, the area turned dormant.

It was now past 10 am. Positive inputs had begun to pour in from the units, but the battalion in question was stoically silent. I was beginning to feel concerned. Well, by the midday, the suspense was over. There was a frantic call from the Tulaimazang area about the fierce encounter and request for helicopters to evacuate the casualties. The Operations Room swung into action. Four helicopters were airborne in minutes.

After initial haziness, clearer picture began to emerge. Due to slow cross-country movement, some of the teams converged onto the road to close up with the objective, thus offering a lucrative target. The militants obliged, by springing a hasty ambush. Engagement was at close quarter, with a hand-to-hand fight. All five officers took the hits. They led up front with élan. Despite tactical blunder, due to resilient fightback, the damage was minimised and mission accomplished, though at a price.

At the Military Hospital, I was overwhelmed, seeing officers and men in high spirits. Their camaraderie and fortitude left me stumped. Realisation, that I was worthy of trust of these brave men resonated deep within me. The Red Shield Division couldn’t have sought a better deed to re-dedicate itself on its anniversary. Within weeks, these brave young officers were back to their unit, once again undauntedly leading their teams.

Such acts of valour are oft repeated in one sector or the other; be it J&K or the North East. These actions vindicate that structurally, the Army is in excellent shape at the lower end of the pyramid, despite certain inadequacies in the wherewithal. However, when it comes to the apex of the structure, some aspersions are being cast. Incidents involving the hierarchy which have made the news in the recent past, do not augur well. The call for an internal diagnosis, by no less than the Chief of Army Staff, is timely.

An organisation can not be benchmarked in dual shades. After all, isn’t it the texture of the canopy, which in ample measure, reflects the real state of health of a ‘legendry tree’?

OPED

Train cops to tackle mob violence
How to check mob violence with minimum force and without causing injuries or deaths has always been a big challenge for the police. The law enforcement authorities face an acid test when the situation goes out of control. Suitable training on the standard operating procedures and psychological techniques of empathy and commitment will go a long way in addressing the problem.
Rajbir Deswal

MOB violence has been occurring too frequently in the country. It can result after a pre-meditated programme after a call is given for some agitation. There are mobs that form into one, taking up some specifically perceived denial of rights or justice or committed atrocity. A local issue erupting suddenly may also trigger mob violence.

Cops lobbing teargas shells on protesters at Samba in Jammu and Kashmir. Tribune photo: Anand Sharma

A mob is largely made up of sympathisers being around and available, not even directly connected with the issue. But they join hands in resorting to means that are violent, to question the perceived impropriety, exploitation, insinuation, accusation, insult, aberration, oppression, persecution, atrocity and so on.

Vigilante is yet another form of resorting to violent acts when the agitators perceive it as the only alternative left with them, since the authorities 'choose to turn a blind eye' to their grievances. Such actions give no time to law enforcement agencies to contain them since the violent plans are executed with an element of surprise.

Unforeseen situations that develop, i.e. after assassination of popular leaders, stir up violence with large-scale mobbing of protesters in a wide demographic chunk. Then, even the paramilitary forces or the police may be equally empathising themselves with the agitators; hence the loose rope.

These uncontrollable scenarios result in total chaos and anarchy. Recent instances in Mayyar and Mirchpur in Haryana confirm the disgust the agitators and arsonists had towards the authorities' ‘failure’ to come to their rescue and assuage their feelings. Caste-related mob violence is still worse. In such scenarios, peace committees and moderate elements on either side should invariably be addressed.

The Indian Penal Code Sections 147, 148, 149 (Rioting); 332, 353 (Assaulting public servant performing duties); 124 A (Sedition); 120 B (Criminal Conspiracy); 107 (Abetment); 144 (Joining unlawful assembly with deadly weapons); 153 A (Promoting enmity); 426 (Mischief); 436 (Mischief by a fire); 295-298 (Relating to Religion) etc., clearly spell out the judicial process of prosecuting persons who indulge in crimes as these are in a way related to mob violence.

Though the Prevention of Damage to Public Property Act 1984 takes care of mischief causing damage to public property (Section 3), by fire or explosive substance (Section 4) and special provisions like bail (Section 5) etc., are available, there is a grey area: how to attribute the damage caused by an individual, qua his individual conduct as the criminal liability to be shared is equal for all.

Mob violence warrants newer trends in tackling keeping in view the human rights and internationally accepted norms. There are areas where the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act is in vogue. The Army, for crowd dispersal and containing mob violence, resorts to stringent ways and means. The Army 'shoots to kill' but in situations at peace stations, 'shoot to kill' orders are generally not given.

The law enforcement agencies should contain violence using minimum possible force. This is ticklish though since "how much of the force to be used" may not be instantaneously gauged to assess the quantum of violence indulged in by an unruly mob.

The standard drill of containment is to assess and declare a mob as "unlawful assembly" (Sec 141 IPC) which indulges in picketing, arson, rioting, murderous assault, road blocking, stopping trains, stopping supply of essential goods and services, and assaulting public servants etc. A magistrate has to be present on the spot to warn and issue orders and method of dealing.

If sterner measures are required to contain violence, it is mandatory to announce the use of water cannons, teargas, lathi etc. To resort to firing again, a warning has to be issued by either sign language, gestures or word of mouth. If that too fails, firing in air is done, followed by, if necessary, use of rubber bullets. With the killer-bullet-firing, caution needs to be exercised in injuring the agitators in a way that only the lower extremities below the groins are targeted.

Standardised drills in a surcharged atmosphere take a back seat and invite magisterial or judicial inquiries which generally bring down the morale of the police and paramilitary forces since the latter perceive their act in the "larger public interest" protected as part of their duty (Sec 132 Cr PC).

A magistrate's 'written order' asking the police to use force is generally the big issue. Police insists on the written order while the magistrate hesitates. Sometimes, the police reportedly make the magistrate sign it even forcibly. Magistrates also sometimes flee from the scene.

A violent mob containment scenario may be grim. Yet, hope is not lost. While mobs do not listen to reasoning, they do react in a favourable manner, if the handler indulges in some kind of gimmickry, histrionics, drama, popular appeal, and by partly conceding to the agitators' viewpoint as a tactical ploy to buy time. Commitments should register themselves instantaneously. As rhetoric may or may not work, use it with caution.

Showing the fear of law to the mob will always be counter-productive. An "eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth" approach in a democratic set up is not the answer. Human rights will be thrown to the wind and more sober means of reconciliation, meditation, moderation, rehabilitation and reconstruction available with the state are discarded.

Policemen need to be trained in lawful dispersal of unlawful assemblies involving psychological techniques of empathy and commitment besides having an unbiased and unequivocal stance on group rivalries.

The writer is Inspector-General of Police, Criminal Investigation Department (CID), Haryana

FACT FILE

w A mob represents a large group of people that is difficult to control. It has no mind; doesn't listen to reasoning and has self-acquired immunity from violent acts.

w It takes advantage of unforeseen situations to trigger violence. It resorts to gimmickry, histrionics, drama, popular appeal, etc.

w It questions perceived impropriety, exploitation, insinuation, accusation, insult, aberration, oppression, persecution and atrocities, etc.

w Rioting, assaulting, abetment, unlawful assembly promoting enmity, mischief are all covered under the Indian Penal Code.

w The Army 'shoots to kill' but the police, if required, 'shoot to injure'. The police should use "as much force as is required."

w For any method of violence containment, standard drills should be followed. For mob dispersal or containment, the Magistrate should issue written orders.

w Inquiries into alleged police high-handedness bring down the morale of the police.

Quelling riot sans firing, Bihar style
S.S. Dhanoa

IN the Sixties, Bihar, notorious for mob violence, had reported incidence of rioting 10 times more than anywhere else. I handled three law and order sensitive districts of Shahabad, Dhanbad and Ranchi tactfully without causing any loss of life.

As the District Magistrate for seven years, it was my settled policy to personally handle and resolve all tense situations. Most conflicts can be resolved without force and if unavoidable, police should not go beyond lathi-charge and teargas.

In Bihar, the Congress had won all elections till 1962 to the chagrin of the Opposition parties, particularly the Lohia Socialists, communists and others. As the 1967 elections approached, the Opposition parties roped in the students in their protest movement. They organised a statewide general strike to provoke authorities to use force against the students.

My settled policy was to use force and disperse unlawful assemblies at the very initial stage by canes and batons. All magistrates and police officers were given clear-cut guidelines to use force as the situation warranted but not to resort to firing save for protection of life and property and, that too, if they could not communicate with me.

We succeeded in dispersing student mobs during the strike and timely round up of the suspected miscreants whereas in the rest of Bihar the police had to resort to firing to disperse student mobs, especially in cities with university headquarters.

The late General Bhagat, Army Division Commander, Ranchi, had ordered a route march of his unit through Ranchi town. A city like Ranchi remaining peaceful was unacceptable to the Opposition leaders. We got an intelligence report that some leaders had addressed students in the night and taunted Ranchi students to take out processions. Students had barricaded themselves inside the university campus with a stockpile of brickbats and stones and started attacking the police pickets outside.

When the executive magistrate told me that many of his policemen had been injured and sought my permission to open fire, I rushed to the spot and found the police party and the magistrate hiding behind a wall with many policemen lying injured. They were not prepared to try a fresh lathi-charge and instead sought my orders for firing.

I took a police baton and asked the police to follow me. The rioters started to flee, but soon regrouped. I boarded the jeep and drove fast onto the irate group, catching a few of them. Soon other rowdies melted away and took positions inside the university campus.

When the Vice-Chancellor refused to intercede, I ordered lobbing teargas shells, asked the police to enter the campus and arrest the miscreants. Many students ran away on seeing the police while others were rounded up. Peace was restored in the town within three hours. We screened the arrested students and released most of them barring the ring leaders.

The student disturbance paid the expected dividend to the politicians and for the first time in Bihar we had a non-Congress state government. The new Chief Minister, Mahamaya Prasad Sinha, admitted in his speeches that he owed the exalted position to Bihar's students whom he described as his jigar ke tukre. He appointed commissions of inquiry for all places where police firings were ordered including Ranchi where peace was restored without any firing. Despite indifferent legal assistance, we had the satisfaction of getting the Justice S.P. Singh Commission to observe that commendable restraint was displayed by the magistrates and the police in dealing with the disturbances.

This was perhaps the only Commission of Inquiry that ever made such an observation. The Commission’s observation was honoured by the government. All officials involved got a formal commendation recorded in their permanent character rolls.

In the strife-torn Jammu and Kashmir, it has become imperative for the law and order authorities to empathise with the sentiments and aspirations of the people. At the same time, the visibility and salience of the armed personnel, particularly in the urban areas, needed to be brought to the minimum.

Owing to the threat from the armed militants, the armed forces will have to be strategically placed so that they could swiftly and decisively respond to such attacks. The police, which have interface with the common people, should not carry firearms. They must have mobility through vehicles protected from brickbats. They deserve taser guns. The taser bullets, generally non-lethal, temporarily stun the targets. The Canadian police have been using taser guns effectively.

The writer is a former Chief Secretary of Punjab