|
|
Criminal waste Naidu’s political
gambit |
|
||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||||
|
Towards
new Afghanistan
New US
thinking on India
His
Master’s Choice
by Raj Chengappa, Editor-in-Chief
|
|
Naidu’s political gambit
It
needs no messiah to surmise that the theatrical performance of Telugu Desam leader Chandrababu Naidu in taking a party delegation to Maharashtra, courting arrest for attempting to lead a protest march to the Babhli barrage which is under construction across the Godavari, and his subsequent refusal to accept bail were part of a plan to extract political mileage with an eye on the 12 byelections to the Andhra Assembly from the Telangana region. That Mr Naidu and his men were finally bundled into a special aircraft and flown out virtually by force at the instance of the Ashok Chavan government in Maharashtra has brought the curtains down on a drama that the TDP would have liked to continue for some more time to gain maximum advantage. While it is true that the barrage may reverse water flow and affect inflows into Sriramsagar reservoir that irrigates Nizamabad, Karimnagar, Warangal and Adilabad districts in Andhra, the timing of Naidu’s action shows the unmistakable stamp of electoral politics. By organizing a bandh in Andhra over the arrest of Chandrababu Naidu and other leaders, the TDP tried to make it out to be an issue of wounded Andhra pride but it did not cut much ice. With all parties playing for high stakes in the byelections on July 27, the battle is indeed fierce. The Congress has to prove the supremacy of its Chief Minister, K. Rosaiah, against the onslaught of young Jagan Mohan Reddy who has defied the party high command to undertake a yatra to garner support in the name of his late father and former Chief Minister Rajsekhar Reddy. But the highest stakes are those of the Telangana Praja Samithi whose 10 legislators had resigned besides one each of the Congress and the BJP in support of a separate Telangana state. All eyes in Andhra are on the battle at the hustings. For the TDP this is a chance to bounce back into public reckoning. For the Congress it is an acid test for Rosaiah, but for the TRS it is a battle for remaining credible in its fight for
Telangana. |
|
|
Towards new Afghanistan
Tuesday’S Kabul conference of Afghanistan’s donor countries clearly brought out at least two possibilities: handing over of the country’s security to the Afghans by 2014 and induction of 36,000 former Taliban militants into Afghanistan’s regular forces. By July 2011, when the US-led foreign troops will begin to withdraw from Afghanistan, it will be ready with its army and police force to independently take care of law and order in almost every province. A mechanism is going to be set up to identify the areas where Afghanistan’s security forces will be deployed in the beginning to replace the foreign troops. President Hamid Karzai seems to be confident of his own security forces to be in a position soon to take on the challenge posed by the militants. His confidence stems from the support his strategy for new Afghanistan has got from the international community, which wants peace to return to the war-torn country as quickly as possible. President Karzai has succeeded in convincing the US and other donor countries that the cause of peace demands that the Taliban factions which renounce violence must be inducted into the government. His idea is that the strategy will weaken the remaining Taliban groups against whom the fight will continue till they are finally defeated. After winning over some of the Taliban elements to his side and the roadmap getting ready for the departure of all the foreign forces, it will be easier for him to convince the Afghan masses that those indulging in militancy are the enemies of the people. However, President Karzai’s idea of establishing peace may prove to be useless unless he succeeds in convincing the international community that the terrorist bases on the other side of the Durand Line — Pakistan’s tribal areas — are not eliminated soon. The ISI-patronised Haqqani faction of the Taliban, besides the one led by Mullah Omar (no one knows where he is), is unlikely to be inducted in the Karzai government. These destructive elements must be handled ruthlessly so that the Afghan peace process goes on undisturbed. India, which is involved in a big way in the reconstruction of Afghanistan, will have to continue to remind the world that there should be no let up in the drive against the terrorists of every hue and persuasion, based in the
Af-Pak region. |
|
|
A diplomat ... is a person who can tell you to go to hell in such a way that you actually look forward to the trip.
— Gaskie Stinnett
|
New US thinking on India
When
an anxious Andrei Gromyko met Atal Bihari Vajpayee just after the Janata Party government assumed office in 1977, he was assured that Indo-Soviet relations were strong enough to withstand changes in the government in New Delhi. When a populist Barack Obama assumed office in January 2009 there were good reasons for many in New Delhi to feel concerned about the future of India-US relations. Obama made no secret of his view that he intended to resolve world issues in partnership with a resurgent and
assertive China. As President-elect, he averred: “We also have to help make the case that the biggest threat to Pakistan right now is not India, which has been their historical enemy; it is actually from within their borders.” While these views are unexceptionable, what raised the eyebrows in India was his assertion: “We should probably try to facilitate a better understanding between Pakistan and India and try and resolve the Kashmir crisis, so that they (Pakistan) can stay focused not on India, but on the situation with those militants.” President Obama subsequently expressed his displeasure with American outsourcing to India by stating: “Say no to Bangalore; say yes to Buffalo.” Now, in the second year of his presidency, we are evidently seeing a turnaround in President Obama’s thinking. His administration is recognising that an assertive China is set to challenge US power worldwide and particularly in the Asia-Pacific region, where the US has alliance relationships with a number of countries like South Korea and Japan. Not only is China strengthening its navy to militarily assert its territorial claims on maritime boundaries with Malaysia, the Philippines, Japan and South Korea, but it is also challenging the presence of the American Pacific Fleet in the South China Sea and the Yellow Sea, off the Korean coast. The Chinese have introduced new concepts in international relations by claiming that foreign ships cannot enter the waters in their neighbourhood even if they are outside Chinese territorial waters by describing these areas close to their shores as “waters of China’s interests,” or as being within “China’s sphere of influence”. Moreover, China’s export-led growth and manipulation of exchange rates are seen as producing destabilising global trade imbalances, and its approach to climate change is less than positive. On India’s western borders, the US is now realising that despite all its solicitude towards and assistance for Pakistan, Gen Ashfaque Parvez Kayani has no intention of ending his support for Taliban groups like the Quetta Shura led by Mullah Omar and the Haqqani network, based in North Waziristan, which are inflicting heavy casualties on the American forces in Afghanistan. Moreover, these groups are now being reinforced by the Lashkar- e-Toiyaba. In these circumstances, there are now calls in the US, led by influential Congressmen and Gen David Petraeus, to declare the Haqqani network as a terrorist organisation. Thus, contrary to earlier perceptions, it is now clear that while the US may nominally thin down its forces in Afghanistan and even move its forces out of Southern Afghanistan, it will not permit a Taliban takeover of Afghanistan. The US will retain adequate air power and ground forces across Afghanistan to inflict damage on the Taliban and Al-Qaida bases there and even in the tribal areas of Pakistan. On July 1, the Pentagon’s Under Secretary for Defence Policy, Michele Flournoy, outlined the US approach in Asia. She asserted that it no longer makes sense to discuss the increasingly interconnected Asian region in terms of “East Asian” security or “South Asian security”. She added: “It also means that the security of Asia’s two dominant powers (India and China) can no longer be viewed as a zero-sum game. A safer and more secure India that is close to the US should not be seen as a threat and vice-versa. Indeed, all three countries play an important role in that region’s stability”. Flournoy also remarked that the economies of both India and the US relied on effective maritime security to preserve free passage in the Indian Ocean and surrounding waterways. India believes that its interests are not served when US-China relations are marked by collusion, as was apprehended in the first year of the Obama Administration, or by confrontation, which marked the early years of the Cold War. Moreover, the emerging American policies appear to reject Chinese efforts to undermine India’s “Look East” policy. China views Indian engagement with its Asia-Pacific neighbourhood with suspicion, asserting that India is merely a “South Asian power”. While Michele Flournoy has indicated that the Obama Administration recognises that India has a “lot to offer” in space technology and that agreements are being finalised to permit “frontline American (defence) technologies to be shared” with India, substantial spadework remains to be done if the relationship is to grow significantly. American firms are still restricted in developing relations with the Indian Space Research Organisation and key Indian defence industries. Though India has already moved to acquire C-130 J transport aircraft and P-81 maritime reconnaissance aircraft and appears interested in meeting its shortages in field artillery by purchases from the US, for its Mountain Divisions, future high-value Indian defence acquisitions should have detailed provisions for technology transfers and imports from India by American suppliers — the provisions which American defence industrial units need to get familiar with. The US State Department has rejected Pakistani accusations of “human rights violations” during recent protests in Kashmir. Referring to these events, the State Department Spokesman stated: “We regret the loss of lives in this incident. It is an internal matter (of India). We respect the efforts of the Government of India to resolve the current situation in Kashmir. In terms of the protest, we would urge everyone to refrain from violence and conduct protests in a peaceful manner.” Moreover, during his visit to New Delhi on July 15 President Obama’s National Security Adviser Gen James Jones came down heavily on Pakistan-based terrorist groups, stating: “In our bilateral relationship with Pakistan, we have expressed strong concerns over the existence within the borders of Pakistan of terrorist organisations that have goals to destabilise our way of life, your way of life, to prevent (our) strategic goals from being achieved in Afghanistan.” Preparations now appear to have commenced for President Obama’s visit to India this November. While the Obama Administration is now showing a better understanding of India’s security concerns, New Delhi would be well advised to prepare now to utilise his visit for addressing other concerns also like the existing sanctions on the Indian defence research and space organisations. A strategic partnership can have little meaning if such sanctions
persist.
The writer is a former Ambassador of India to Pakistan.
|
||||||
His Master’s Choice PALAT, palat, palat!"
He barked from behind. I turned my back and was surprised to see a dog
on my trail. "Bhai Sahab, can you make me understand what is
the fault of a dog, if he wags his tail if someone whistles?"
"No fault. But how do you know I can talk with you?"
"Come on sir, do you not have canine teeth? So you should have
canine tongue too!" He could not have been more candid. "I
have some clarifications to seek, regarding the predicament of the
Labrador, who is in the news for being claimed by different people, and
the matter is in the Hon’ble Court!" And he kept barking with me,
taking the canine-cause one by one. "Is it not a dilemma of sorts,
if you have to choose your master, be it a townsman, a bureaucrat or an
army man? And why should they prove it, by inciting our instinctive
wagging of the tail? Sometimes I feel doing it, when the pressure cooker
whistles!" I smiled and waited for his next sal(i)vo. "Will
they obtain the consent of my buddy before implanting a chip in him; or
before taking his sample for DNA? What about our rights to privacy and
against intrusions? Ye pulis-kachehri ke chakkar kaun katega Bhai
Sahab aur kaun jhelega tareekh pe tareekh!" He went on being a
little filmy. "A media-trial is already on, but will they not show
in pics, Marshall, or Leo, sitting on his haunches , salivating with his
lolling tongue, watching the trial, waiting him to be declared "His
Matser’s Choice! We have only known to ‘cross’, but not to be
cross-examined. O’ destiny!" He lamented. "We love our
masters, or our ‘owners’ — he chuckled a bit at this ownership —
but those of us who are always on a high, in straying here and there,
are not considered even for an adoption! Our taut tail not straightened
permanently, doesn’t mean that we don’t take even straight and
sagacious counsel. Why have we to now engage counsel, sir!" He was
going beyond his brief but I kept mum. "Well, Bhai Sahab, call me
mad but we have been known to be loyal to only one master, and not two,
or too many. Till the time the verdict will be announced, our
faithfulness will remain in a state of suspended anima(l)ation, almost
akin to impeachment of credit and character we are known for. Can you
tell us an early solution? Canines are impatient and cannot wait like
humans, you see." I heard someone taking a dig at me then, saying,
"Kutton ke munh nahin lagte!" and I decided to beat a
hasty retreat advising our best friend of the species: "File an
application of early hearing!" He was not as unworthy and
discourteous as me. He wagged his tail and winked before finally parting
ways. But I could hear him brood still, "To be owned or not to be,
that is the question...!" Thereafter I could not hear his voice.
|
||||||
by Raj Chengappa, Editor-in-Chief
Suresh Kalmadi is in charge of organising India’s most prestigious international event: The Commonwealth Games Delhi 2010. There is a growing concern that when the Games begin on October 3, the infrastructure would not be fully ready or up to scratch. But Kalmadi remains supremely confident of delivering. Part of that confidence lies in the 1,500-strong workforce he has put together to run the show – most of them below 30 years of age. He also has an army of 20,000 young volunteers who are helping out. It’s a mammoth effort that involves not just building new stadia but also getting in place infrastructure for Delhi apart from hosting a 10,000-strong sports contingent coming from 71 countries when the Games begin. At the Games office in Delhi, Kalmadi spoke to Editor-in-Chief Raj Chengappa on the challenges ahead in the coming months and how he plans to meet the targets. Excerpts: There are doubts being expressed whether India would be fully ready when the Games begin. Well, people say this and that and say it is Indian management. But we are planning and arranging everything systematically. The Commonwealth Games Association has monitored all arrangements being made. They are fully satisfied with the arrangements and say we are fit for organising the Games. We will deliver everything that is required. What’s the magnitude of the challenge for handling the Games? We got the bid after sixty years of Independence. This is the first time that the Commonwealth Games are being held in India. The last big event that was given to us was the 1982 Asian Games. So, for the last 28 years we did not have a mega sport event. The talent was not there in India to organise such a huge event. But because of the Commonwealth Games, we have now got about 1,600 people working here. Now, we are ready to face any challenge with all Indian talent. Secondly, this is a land of cricket. Through the Commonwealth Games we will be able to highlight Olympic sports and bring young people to these games. This will partly take away the craze for cricket. Cricket is played only in 10 countries of the world while in over 200 countries there are Olympic sports.
There are different aspects. One is infrastructure. We have now got all world-class stadia. Also, where the sportspersons stay, the Games village, we will have a better one than what Beijing had during the Olympics. We have built infrastructure for the Games to suit the athletes and their comfort. We are expecting around 15,000 people from abroad. We are making arrangements to cook 35,000 dishes, which will include Asian food, Continental food and a wide variety of eatables. Some 20,000 young volunteers have come forward to help us during the Games. The 71 Commonwealth countries had thought because of the negative publicity things were going wrong in India. But recently after they visited India they were fully satisfied. Has all the infrastructure that Delhi requires come up? The all-new airport has just come up. We have got the Metro from the airport to the Games village and to various stadia. People ask about the cost of the Games and also include what is being done to the Metro, the airport and flyovers that are coming up into our account. But this is all part of the legacy expenditure. And look what tourism is going to bring about: people were going to Kathmandu, Malaysia, Singapore etc but now they will want to land in Delhi. So tourism-wise and employment-wise also, Delhi is getting a good income. There is a lot of big legacy for Delhi city and its citizens. And the Indian economy too will benefit. The cost of the Games seems to have ballooned from the original estimate. The cost of organising the Games is Rs 2,000 crore. The rest is for the legacy infrastructure. The development of Delhi’s infrastructure and the cost of building stadia will be around Rs 10,000 crore. But that is investment for the future. If we bid for the Olympics, it will be useful. The biggest challenge is how you utilise these facilities after the Games — it’s a global challenge. Even China faced it after the Olympics. Mani Shankar Aiyar, a former Union Sports Minister, feels the Games are a waste of money and that the money being spent could be better utilised for the development of the country. Mani Shankar Aiyar lost his job as the minister because of this attitude. India is now a tall country in terms of the economy. But we have to catch up in sports. Unless you hold a big event, and we have not hosted any big event for a long time, people don’t know what India is all about. Now all the people are coming to India and will see what the country is. So it’s going around the entire sports world. These games are in Delhi, so there will be all-around improvement in Delhi. Naturally, the common man somewhere in Bhopal will not be affected as much as a citizen in Delhi. But to win a bid to get the Games, you can’t give a Timbuktu and say we are having the Games. My dream is to have the Olympics in India and that’s the next project for us if everybody is willing. But Rs 2,000 crore is still seen as a lot of money. Whatever money we have got for the Games is a loan that we have to fully repay. All the other agencies who got the Rs 10,000 crore, whether its the Delhi government or the Sports Ministry, have got it as a grant. We have raised Rs 600 crore up to now by way of television, sponsorships, merchandising and ticketing. There are other revenue sources. And we hope to return a major part of the loan through that. A few months ago there was a nasty spat between the international federation and you. What’s the status now? They were insisting on getting a lot of foreign consultants and we sorted that out. Such battles between local organisers and the Federation break out in all Games – it happened in Melbourne too. But we have made up now and are in the best of terms. There are complaints that no top international athletes are participating in the Games. Well, up to now we have got a tentative estimate, but by early September, we will be able to know the exact position and the number. Most of the top-class people are coming this time. If we go by the numbers which I have so far, Australia is sending 700 athletes and officers, England is sending 500 squads, Canada is sending 450 athletes and other countries are also sending top athletes and leaders this time. During the Queen’s Baton ceremony, Sports Minister M. S. Gill felt slighted by the treatment meted out to him. Is there a lack of coordination between the Sports Ministry and the Games Committee? There are no differences between the Sports Ministry and our Committee as far as Commonwealth Games are concerned. We are working under a team headed by the Prime Minister. Although there might be some differences of opinion, we are working as a perfect team India. We have never had any differences with Mr M. S. Gill. When the Queen’s Baton was released in the UK, the President of India was also there and Mr Gill was invited, but he was in China. So he could not go. We have cordial relations with Mr Gill. He has been very helpful to us. Q. Mr Gill also raised the issue of having fixed tenures for the chiefs of all sports organisations in India. You have been the chief of the Indian Olympic Association for over a decade. Doesn’t he have a point? As far as the issue of extension in my term as the chief of the IOA is concerned, this question does not relate to Commonwealth Games. We are an autonomous body. We are independent of government control. If the government wants some changes, they can have a dialogue with us. We do not accept the diktats from the government either. We can ourselves bring about the changes. Do you favour a fixed tenure for an IOA chief, say three to five years? No, no. no. If you are associated with a national sports body, you have international links. You need enough time to understand the situation for the development of the games at the national and international levels. With a short tenure, it is not possible to implement long-term developmental ideas for sports. Coming to the Indian sports itself, we are a nation of over a billion people, but we do not perform well at the Olympics and other international events. What can be done to improve our medals tally?
|
|
|
| HOME PAGE | |
Punjab | Haryana | Jammu & Kashmir |
Himachal Pradesh | Regional Briefs |
Nation | Opinions | | Business | Sports | World | Letters | Chandigarh | Ludhiana | Delhi | | Calendar | Weather | Archive | Subscribe | Suggestion | E-mail | |
What all is involved in
organising the Games?