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The Dinakaran saga A divisive Bill in
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Rajapakse wins
again
US-Pak
‘strategic dialogue’
The gadfly
Challenge of
insurgency Towards
eco-friendly farming Chatterati
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A divisive Bill in J&K
As
if Jammu and Kashmir did not have enough problems to handle, the state assembly has added one more by adopting the Bill banning inter-district recruitment for government jobs. The new law is bound to promote divisive feelings on the basis of districts in a state where people have already been nursing ill will against one another on regional and other considerations. Any legislative measure that will lead to the rejection of a job applicant because of his district identity cannot be in the long-term interest of the state. The controversial Bill, a brainchild of the ruling National Conference and the Congress, has the support of the People’s Democratic Party (PDP) also, but it is against the provision of 8 per cent reservation for the Scheduled Castes as provided in the new legislation. The BJP, which has its following confined to the Jammu region, is opposed to the law. The way the political parties have reacted to the Bill shows that they are mainly bothered about their vote banks. This is indeed like a case of paving the way to hell with good intentions. The Bill apparently is aimed at helping the districts which have been hit hard by militancy. In the absence of a provision for recruiting people for government jobs from the districts where vacancies exist or arise, those living in the unfortunate areas would find it difficult to compete because of poor education facilities there. The new law, as the flawed argument goes, was necessary to help the militancy-affected districts, mostly in the Kashmir valley. However, this is a remedy worse than the disease. It would lead to more chaos in the state. At present, the state has 22 districts — 10 in the valley, 10 in the Jammu region and two in Ladakh. But in future the number of the districts may go up with an increase in population and owing to other reasons, as it has been happening in the past. How will the authorities handle the situation then? There may be the demand then for a reallocation of government employees, which will amount to opening a Pandora’s box. The new law may also influence the recruitment pattern in the private sector. No problem can be solved by adopting a narrow-minded approach. |
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Rajapakse wins again True
to expectations, the United People’s Freedom Alliance led by President Mahinda Rajapakse has won a comfortable mandate in the Sri Lankan parliamentary elections. With the opposition fragmented and divided, the UPFA’s victory is, however, not an unalloyed endorsement of Rajapakse’s style and substance of governance. If anything, it is a reflection of the lack of a viable alternative in the eyes of the people. The Opposition’s back was broken when the defeated candidate in the January presidential election, retired General Sanath Fonseka, was put behind bars and now awaits a controversial court martial. That hit the Opposition’s morale and caused division in its ranks. Far from the 74 per cent turnout for the Presidential contest, only 50 to 55 per cent of voters participated in the parliamentary election, according to an early estimate by the Centre for Monitoring Election Violence in Colombo. Usually 65 to 75 per cent come out, the group noted. This was a reflection on the lack of enthusiasm of voters in this election. Significantly, the ruling UPFA coalition had campaigned for greater power so as to give priority to economic growth over political reconciliation in the wake of the end of the civil war. This victory could well mean moving away from the politics of conciliation towards a more authoritarian system of governance of which there are signs already. President Rajapakse must appreciate that in the first parliamentary vote since the defeat of the rebel Tamil Tigers, the Tamil community did not cast their lot with hard-line nationalist candidates. Rather, Tamil voters backed a party that once was seen as the proxy for the Tigers but has since adopted a plank of autonomy within the Sri Lankan state. Voters did not follow a splinter group that had kept alive the demand for independence. It would indeed be prudent for President Rajapakse not to move away from the healing process. The ethnic Tamils need to be emotionally integrated into the country’s mainstream if Sri Lanka is to enjoy peace on a durable basis. Economic development and reconciliation can indeed go hand in hand.
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In His will is our peace. — Dante Alighieri
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US-Pak ‘strategic dialogue’ YET another phase commences in the volatile US-Pakistan relationship which has gone through such wild swings as few other nations have witnessed. From a surrogate state, which Richard Nixon sought to shield despite its savage onslaughts on the former East Pakistan populace, to a steep decline in ties during the second Bill Clinton presidency, marked a drastic rearrangement in their relationship. Simultaneously, Washington rapidly upgraded its ties with India just as it frowned on Pakistan as a veritable “failed state”. This was reflected in the last Clinton visit to the subcontinent — five days of a warm presidential State visit to India as against a five-hour stopover in Pakistan. In between was another chapter, the Zia-ul-Haq phase, which coincided with the Soviet Union’s invasion of Afghanistan. General Zia was able to rescue Pakistan from a drift towards economic insolvency by willingness to pull the American chestnuts out of the fire in Afghanistan. Claiming the status of a frontline state, General Zia sought suitable rewards — “aid”, weapons and a pro-Pakistan tilt vis-a-vis India. A shrewd bargainer, he described the early American aid offers as “peanuts” and pulled off handsome bounties from the United States, plus huge undisclosed benefits as a bonus. Pakistan’s A.Q. Khan nuclear chapter was a product of this phase of US-Pakistan relations. But for Washington turning a blind eye to a hefty clandestine buildup of the Kahuta centrifuge plant, there was little possibility of Pakistan acquiring its limited nuclear weapon status. Now opens a new phase of US-Pakistan relations. The “Strategic Partnership” meeting in Washington in March was a high water-mark of the new phase. What are the factors at work that have brought about this turnaround? America’s war with Al-Qaeda and their Taliban allies — now a virtual obsession with the US — drives the US policy makers to resurrect their drooping friendship with Pakistan. The war with the Taliban in Afghanistan is heavily dependent on Pakistan’s collaboration. Add to that the role that Pakistan as a moderate Islamic state can play in the American quest to mend fences with the Muslim world, now badly mauled by a string of developments — from Palestine to the fight with Islamic extremism worldwide. While these are the twin facets that primarily drive American policy makers to resurrect relationship with Pakistan, Washington would also, for the sake of old time relations, not like Pakistan to go under and become a “failed state”. On the other hand, propelling Pakistani policy makers — both the civilian government and the Army — is, above all, the economic factor. Insolvency stared Pakistan in the face as early as 2006; and when the IMF loan, which served as a stopgap arrangement, was consumed, the Pakistan government (and the Army) had no other option. It is this that forced Gen Ashfaq Kayani to bend low for American help, and launch an all-out war on the Taliban in Waziristan. The rivalry with India is a second factor moulding Pakistan’s policies. It is widely recognised that Pakistan has lost the race with India — support from the US alone may possibly retrieve their lost cause, partially. There is some commonality in this phase of US-Pakistan “partnership” with the earlier Zia-ul-Haq manoeuvres. Ironically, the Taliban and Afghanistan provide a common background. It was to rescue Afghanistan from the Soviet Union that General Zia offered Pakistani services for suitable rewards. The Taliban was built up as a joint endeavour — American arms and money, and the Pakistan Army leadership came together to create this Frankenstein. Now, in a turnaround, Al-Qaeda and the Taliban have become America’s principal enemy, and Pakistan is offering help in dealing with the Taliban in Afghanistan, provided Islamabad gets suitable rewards. The Taliban, now being the principal adversary of the US in Afghanistan, the Pakistan Army with its long relationship with the Pentagon is willing to offer its services in this confrontation, in lieu of a matching reward. “Aid”, hard cash, is, of course, the first, and most urgent requisite to meet the economic crunch Pakistan faces. Besides financial aid, Pakistan hopes to get advanced military equipment from Washington as a gift. Although this equipment — from Predator drones, unmanned aircraft, to surveillance equipment, etc. — is being sought in the name of fighting the Taliban, Islamabad is sure that this will upgrade its strength vis-a-vis India too. “There are no guns that fire only in one direction” — this edict is Islamabad’s philosophy too. At the beginning of 2007, Pakistan obtained IMF loans to survive. When the IMF loan was exhausted, it had no way but to turn to the US, its old friend, to stave off a calamity. There was no money for the Pakistan Army itself, and so it offered to launch an onslaught on the Taliban in Waziristan — bordering Afghanistan — to help close the porous border with Afghanistan on the understanding that this war will be paid for. The Pakistan Army has performed in Waziristan; the Pakistan Taliban has been badly mauled. Though overtly complaining against civilian casualties from American drone strikes in the Taliban heartlands, the Pakistan regime — no less the Army — has quietly surrendered a bit of sovereign rights — allowing American planes to slash Taliban targets inside Pakistani territory. Now, Islamabad seeks matching rewards. The $7.5 billion offered by the US in three tranches to stave off the Pakistani economic crisis after the IMF aid was exhausted was the first step. This money will soon be gobbled up. So, the Pakistan Army is putting up a $ 35 billion bill for its heroics against the Pakistan Taliban. It wants ample rewards for the blood of 2500 Pakistan soldiers in this fight against the Taliban. That forms the basis of the “US-Pak Strategic Dialogue” — a new phase in US-Pakistan relationship. There are a few peculiarities of this partnership. Taking a leaf from the experience of the Zia days, Pakistan is striking a hard bargain and is a bit reckless in staking claims — as with the bills of some $35 billion. Even if half the money comes, Pakistan will carry the day. The same applies to the demand for a civil nuclear deal. Nuclear claims can only push up Pakistan’s status, and even if the deal does not come about, nothing will be lost. Pakistani leaders are aware that past proliferation sins are still rankling the Americans. And so, the US has in polite language told them that an India-type nuclear deal is not possible. The Pakistani leaders, however, have a way of niggling and hope something will be gained by their nuclear posture. Say, a nuclear power station with American or Canadian technology — financed by Washington. The other important aspect, besides a big aid package, in Islamabad’s “wish-list” — advanced military equipment, including unmanned spacecraft, Predator drones, surveillance equipment — is claimed to be needed in the war on the Taliban in the Wazirstan border with Afghanistan, but could easily be diverted against India. On the US side, too, there is a “trust deficit”, and so the Americans have told their Pakistan friends that accountability — of the way Pakistan spends the money and uses the military equipment — has to be in place. American audit will have the final say, and this the Pakistanis do not like. There is a dispute pending on the second tranche, worth about $ 2 billion because the American audit disputes the expenses incurred by the Pakistan side on this account. Hopefully, Islamabad thinks the Americans will not be too hard on their demand for “audit” of the way the money is spent. Here the commonalities with the Zia phase end. There are political hurdles in the way of this “strategic alliance” which are difficult to negotiate. One relates to Pakistan’s standing in Afghanistan once the Americans quit that country. There is mounting pressure against the Indian role in Afghanistan’s affairs too. The second political hurdle is in relation to India. While it is the Indian demand that Washington obtains compliance from Pakistan against Pakistan-based terrorist organisations, Islamabad seeks US help in resolving the Kashmir dispute in a way favourable to it. New Delhi is exercised over several facets of the US-Pakistan “strategic relationship”. The Pakistani “wish-list”, of course, worries India a lot, understandably. The Predator drones in particular, since these will alter the Indo-Pak military balance. India is also concerned about the political space that Washington yields in Afghanistan. Above all, India seeks American pressure on Pakistan to ensure squeezing out of terrorist outfits such as the
Lashkar-e-Toiba.
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The gadfly The
colleague from Delhi had just returned from the Constitution Club and he could barely hide his resentment. “ Imagine, this man had not a single word of condemnation for the dastardly ambush of the CRPF men in Chhattisgarh,” he said over the phone. He was outraged by a speaker justifying the ambush. Even a dog bites back when trampled upon, declared Dr B.D. Sharma, who is not the only jhola wallah to hold such views. Though pushing 80, this remarkable man, who has authored four or more books on mathematics, continues to travel extensively, often in crowded sleeper coaches or riding pillion on a motorcycle, across the length and breadth of the country, mostly speaking out against government policies. Always clad in a khadi dhoti and kurta, with a light blanket slung over his shoulders in winter, the retired IAS officer is a familiar figure in the cow belt. He has always been a maverick and a rebel. Two of his decisions , when he was the Bastar DC, continue to be recalled by old-timers. When a famine struck vast parts of Madhya Pradesh, he shot off an SOS to Bhopal, urging the state government to declare Bastar as famine-affected. The notification would allow the administration to step up relief work and distribute foodgrains free to the people. But wheels of the government moved slowly and the proposal was lost somewhere in red-tape. The increasingly impatient DC shot off reminders. But eventually tired over the delay, he ordered godowns of the Food Corporation of India be thrown open and people allowed to take away the foodgrains. “I could not let people starve,” he later explained. “ As the DC, I only did what the government should have done in any case.” The FCI was not amused though and an FIR was lodged against the officer. But he remained unfazed. “ Arrest me if you want, but as long as I am the DC, people will get the foodgrains locked in the FCI godowns,” he is said to have told his seniors. He is said to have discovered that teachers in government schools in Bastar remained mostly absent. They would surface in the last week of every month to collect their salary and disappear for the rest of the month. Most of them had left their families behind and found it difficult to stay alone. The DC came up with a unique solution. Appoint the spouse of the teacher also in the same school, he ordered, and pay them half the salary received by government teachers. That would prompt the teachers to bring their family over to Bastar and would take care of both absenteeism and the trend of teachers seducing tribal women and later abandoning them. The proposal, as expected, was not approved. The finance department took serious objection to it and frostily ruled that no appointment could be made without fulfilling minimum qualifications. “Every woman is a born teacher. We don’t have to look into their academic qualification,” read the reply from
Bastar.
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Challenge of insurgency
Soon
after assuming charge on March 31, the new Army Chief, Gen VK Singh, highlighted his main tasks. One of these was to be ready for a two-front war, presumably implying Pakistan and China as the adversaries acting in concert. Another was the counter terrorism task in Jammu and Kashmir and in the North-East. In regard to the Maoist insurgency, rated by the Prime Minister as the most serious of all threats facing the country, his position was that the Army would not like to be involved in such issues which were, essentially “law and order” problems. This stand, both logical and understandable, stems from the very ethos and training of the armed forces which prepare, indeed, equip them to deal with external aggression. However, paradigms of national security have undergone changes in recent years which require that the theme of “we are there to safeguard the nation from external aggression” be revisited. The first and foremost duty of a nation’s armed forces is to safeguard its territorial integrity and sovereignty. With increasing insurgency in the North-East and later in Jammu and Kashmir, counter-insurgency got added to the responsibility of the Army and its numbers increased progressively, presently standing at about 1.3 million. The Army did not go into counter-insurgency readily but preferred that this role be taken by the para-military. In any event, it was hard put even to cope with the two nation state adversaries. Thus were born forces such as the Assam Rifles, the Border Security Force, the Indo-Tibetan Border Police et al. By 1978 need was felt for a similar force to cope with needs of security in the coastal areas and the Coast Guard was born. Later, in the mid-1990s came the Rashtriya Rifles. Not all of them were of the same genre. Over the last several years, these para -military forces have also grown considerably as internal security has acquired an increasing dimension in the country’s concerns. Until recently, the Navy and the Air Force remained aloof from anything other than the nation state adversary, considering all else as diverting them from their primary duty. In any event, there was no requirement. The terrorist attack in Mumbai on 26/11 changed all that. A daring attack was mounted from the sea in which the terrorists traversed through more than 500 kilometers of India’s water space unhindered and unchallenged. Whatever structure existed to safeguard the coast in the form of the para-military Coast Guard and State Marine Police forces proved grossly inadequate and the Navy, as the manifestation of the nation’s sea power, was, understandably, called to question by the people. New arrangements have now been made in which the Navy will bear ultimate responsibility. Much more remains to be done but “the buck stops here” principle has been established which requires the Navy to respond to situations not arising from threats from nation state adversaries. The same is true of its involvement in anti-piracy operations. Let us go back to the Army. Assuming that the Maoist insurgency strengthens, will it jeopardise India’s integrity, is the question that might be asked. And, if that is so, can the Army just sit in barracks and do nothing, is the logical corollary. Since, the main threats are from within, and not from without, to safeguard the integrity and sovereignty of the country against them must be the duty and responsibility of the Army. Undoubtedly, such duty is a horribly unpleasant one and should be undertaken only as the last resort, but if it comes to the crunch, we cannot shy away from it on the argument that the armed forces only fight external aggression. Only recently, there has been ongoing action by an equally professionally competent Army in a neighbouring country targeting some of its own people, misguided or fanatic or whatever. And, if the Pakistan Army is not a force which merits emulation, one can cite the part played by the British Army in quelling the IRA insurgency in Ireland not so long ago. Anyone who has been in uniform can understand the great aversion that the military would have to such scenarios but in these times, it does not help to shy away from what might well have to be done some day. To do it sooner rather than later, when the costs may be higher, would seem the right approach. Already, we appear to be nearing the stage when the moment of reckoning may not be far away. The recent decimation of nearly a company of the CRPF in the jungles of Chhattisgarh shows that even the para-military response may not yield the desired result. The incident itself might be an isolated one but it portends a disturbing future. The sovereignty of the nation state is under serious challenge and this affront has to be met with the fullest power that can be brought to bear. So, even as cognizance must be taken of the Home Minister’s assessment that the police and para-military forces can deal with the Maoists quite effectively, and one hopes that he is proved right, it will be wise for the country to start preparing itself for the military option. It is not something that can be done in a day as considerable mental adjustment will be needed, not just in the military but equally in the citizenry. In short, we are at the crossroads when a new paradigm in the security of the nation has taken root in which the armed forces may well have to become involved. Routine answers, as put forward in the past, may not pass the ultimate test that the armed forces must face, that their first and foremost duty is to safeguard the nation’s integrity and sovereignty from whoever and whenever. The bull must be taken by the
horns.
The writer is a former Director General, Defence Planning Staff
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Towards eco-friendly farming Economists
in general are interested in the economic benefits of crop production. Their interest in rural ecology is negligible. In Punjab a dramatic transformation has taken place in the cropping pattern. Mixed farming has given way to the monoculture (wheat-paddy cycle). The area under the wheat-rice cycle went up from 46 per cent in 1960-61 to 77 per cent in 2007-08 of the total cropped area in Punjab. Government policies in the early stages of the Green Revolution were responsible for the shift in the cropping pattern. The availability of HYV seeds only for a few crops, the availability of proper marketing, including the minimum support price and procurement price mechanism for selected crops, played a positive role in promoting an unsustainable cropping pattern. The Western vision of agricultural development and commercialisation of agricultural activities have also played a role in changing the thinking of Punjabi farmers. As a result, the state has lost some of its traditional crops, which were not only helpful in balancing the consumption pattern of farming households but also in maintaining the soil fertility. The decline in the area under pulses and coarse grains and the increase in the area under hybrid wheat and paddy have had a serious impact on the fertility of soil. The removal of pulses from the cropping pattern removes a major source of free nitrogen for the soil. The new varieties of wheat and paddy need much more irrigation in comparison to the desi varieties. It is one of the major reason that the area under artificial irrigation (tubewells and wells) has increased very sharply. The groundwater in Punjab is being overdrawn to such an extent that the water table has fallen to the levels that make pumping difficult and too costly. Small farmers with little resources are the worst affected. The depletion of groundwater is forcing farmers to replace the traditional pump sets by expensive submersible pump sets. Poor water management is also leading to land degradation in irrigated areas. Due to the unplanned canal irrigation system and an inadequate drainage system, the south-western districts of the state face water-logging and resultant soil salinity. Waterlogging in these districts not only affects agriculture production but also harms trees, roads, buildings and infrastructure. Additional problems arise from an injudicious use of fertilisers and pesticides. Punjab, with a geographical area of just 1.5 per cent, accounts for 8 per cent of the total fertilizer consumption in the country. This has turned soil acidic and alkaline in different parts of the state. The excessive use of chemicals not only affects the health of soil but also of humans and animals. It is a major reason behind the increase in cancer cases in Punjab. The burning of agricultural wastage and excessive use of machinery are adding to environmental pollution. The heavy input-based agriculture is affecting each and every farmer and the environment adversely – be it the cropping pattern, access to groundwater, cost of cultivation or soil fertility. Now is the time to rethink about Punjab’s model of agricultural growth. There is an urgent need to substitute the unsustainable method of cultivation with a sustainable and environment-friendly method. The green agriculture, which involves integrated pest management and nutrient supply, should be promoted for the ever-Green Revolution. It is necessary for maintaining the productivity of our soil and save our natural resources. Creating awareness among farmers is necessary to promote organic farming in the state. The writer is a lecturer in economics at Asbasjs Memorial College, Bela, Ropar (Punjab)
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Chatterati Cross-border ties
Delhi
got a little nervous when Sania Mirza’s forthcoming marriage to Shoaib Mirza opened a debate on the ethics of cross-border weddings. But we already have had some rather sensitive cross-border marriages in India which have worked well till now. Just a few months ago JKLF Chairman Yasin Malik married a Pakistani painter, Mashal. Mashal was given a rousing reception on her maiden visit to Kashmir last year. Sania is our national pride and she fortunately will remain so even after her marriage to the former cricket Captain of Pakistan. Fortunately, despite TV hysteria, no official “Delhi statements” on the matter ensured there were no red faces at the end. And now that the Shoaib row has been amicably settled, Delhi will await, with the rest of the country, the hullabaloo around the nuptials in mid-April. Creamy layer at a
wedding Diplomat-turned-author Pavan Varma, who is nowadays our Ambassador in Bhutan, was in the capital with his whole family. His young lawyer son was getting married. The sangeet and the mehendi were quiet family affairs that saw the family dance till the wee hours of the morning. But the reception at Motilal Nehru Marg had a heady mix of politicians, media personalities and artists. Sheila Dikshit and her family quietly savored the delicious Hyderabadi food while Anand Sharma met up with some old friends. Nalini Singh, Vinod Dua and other media heads were busy chatting about the future of the nation. Sonal Mansingh, Satish Gujral and Jatin Das mixed and mingled with the crowds. Arun Jaitley walked in with wife Dolly, who is nowadays a great advocate of the women’s Bill. Vice-President Hamid Ansari is a former diplomat, so was very much at ease in this homely crowd. Pavan has authored very many well-received books. He has translated former Prime Minister Vajpayee’s Hindi poems into English too. He and his two beautiful daughters along with his elegant wife Renu were excellent hosts at a do that had Delhi’s creamy layer in attendance. A glittering show The Rashtrapati Bhawan’s usually staid Ashoka Hall for a change was lit up by Bollywood stars. Trooping in to receive the prestigious national awards, they glittered amongst the usual VVIPs. There was the Prime Minister, the Home Minister and several politicians, but the one who stole the show was Kareena Kapoor watching beau Saif get his award and, of course, Rekha. Kareena was over the moon and clapping all the way wearing a saree and ethnic jewellery as her boyfriend, Saif Ali Khan Pataudi, walked up to the President to receive his award. Speaking later, he said endearingly that he would cease to be a naughty boy and instead “strive to be a more responsible citizen”. The ever-young Rekha was the cynosure of all eyes as she elegantly received her award. The controversial awardee, Sant Chatwal, for obvious reasons, did not get the same reception as the other awardees. This was a unique mix of glamour and politicians. It was very apparent that Chatwal was a misfit in this gathering. Given his track record, one does not need to wonder why. |
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