The Tribune, Chandigarh, India

Farce at PPSC
Restore public faith in selections

The Punjab State Public Service Commission is stinking once again. The scandalous recruitment of doctors is bound to remind one of the depths to which the commission’s reputation had sunk under its previous disgraced Chairman. Those who thought that the shady goings-on of the past would not be repeated, given the scale of public outrage then, have been proved wrong. The Ravi Sidhu saga has got lost in dilatory legal wrangles. Exemplary punishment has not been handed over in time to act as a deterrent. Hence, ignominy has returned to haunt the once prestigious constitutional body which ought to have made selections without fear and favour.

The previous Congress government had exposed the Ravi Sidhu scandal to widespread public applause. Occupying a high moral ground, the then Chief Minister, Capt Amarinder Singh, had overhauled the discredited PPSC. For a long time the next Akali-BJP government kept the Congress-appointed commission out of business. It even tried to outsource recruitment work to the UPSC, which declined it. Finally, the government relented and sent a requisition for the selection of 100 doctors in October 2008. Later, 212 more posts were added. Even as the selection process began, some doctors, shocked at the manner of interviews, opened up in the media. One lady doctor lost her job for challenging the selectors.

The state public service commissions were made autonomous to insulate them from outside pressure or influence. But they have to be held accountable for wrongdoings, if any. The Haryana Public Service Commission’s PCS selections are under judicial scrutiny. The PPSC’s selection of undeserving doctors could put the lives of patients at risk and further erode their shaky faith in government hospitals. The muted reaction of the Chief Minister is surprising. Instead of a routine inquiry by the Chief Secretary, the government should thoroughly look into the allegations of favouritism and abuse of power and, if need be, the wrongful selections should be scrapped. Those found guilty must be brought to justice swiftly to keep up public faith in the state health system and the fairness of selections.

Mamata’s theatrics
She must learn to be more responsible

Ms Mamata Banerjee is no longer a political storm trooper, fighting the police on the streets of Kolkata. But her conduct often belies that fact and does not reflect the sobriety, wisdom and maturity expected of a senior Cabinet minister of the Union government. Her flip-flop this week over the Women’s Reservation Bill is a case in point. On Tuesday she declared herself to be ‘upset, very upset’ and asserted that the Trinamool Congress was opposed to the Bill in its current form. Demanding a special quota for Muslim women, she ordered Trinamool Congress members to abstain from voting on the historic Bill in the Rajya Sabha. But better sense seemed to have prevailed when she told the media on Wednesday that her party was totally ‘committed’ to the Bill. It has long been known, of course, that she is impulsive. But by defying the principle of collective responsibility and speaking out against the Bill, she only managed to embarrass the government and also herself.

Her conduct is indefensible because she was present in the Cabinet meeting which finalised the Bill. She had the opportunity to voice her reservations then. But there is no indication to suggest that she raised the issue of a separate quota for Muslim women in the Cabinet. It evidently was an ‘after-thought’ that prompted her to espouse a quota within the quota for reasons of expediency. But while she complains of a communication gap and not being consulted, she herself appears to have taken the government by surprise with her public outburst. A far more plausible explanation of her behaviour is provided by her publicly aired complaint that the government appeared to be consulting the Left and not its own allies. The close cooperation between the Congress and the Left over the Bill and the sight of Comrade Brinda Karat complimenting the government for pushing the Bill through could well have prompted Ms Banerjee to lose her composure.

Those who have closely followed Ms Banerjee are used to the passionate, sometimes incoherent speeches and often contradictory positions taken in swift succession by the temperamental leader. Although she first became a Union minister in the early nineties, she has been erratic all along, threatening to resign, once throwing her shawl at the Deputy Speaker and on another occasion at a former Railway Minister. It is a pity though because the country, and specially West Bengal, would like her to show greater maturity.

Thought for the Day

Four legs good, two legs bad. — George Orwell

ARTICLE

Towards a Naga settlement
Need to embrace emerging opportunities
by B.G. Verghese

The talks being conducted by the government with the Nagas through the NSCN (IM) appear to have entered the final lap. Both sides by now well understand the other. After meetings with the Prime Minister and Home Minister, Mr Muivah is currently in dialogue with the new interlocutor, Mr R. S. Pandey, a just retired IAS officer drawn from the Nagaland cadre. He succeeded Mr K. Padmanabhiah, who, over several rounds of talks with Mr Muivah and Mr Iasac Swu, patiently constructed the framework within which a settlement is now sought.

The government’s acceptance of the “unique” history of the Nagas laid the foundations for trust and further progress. The NSCN (IM) started with two primary demands, sovereignty and Nagalim, or the unification of all Naga-inhabited areas within India (and “Eastern Nagaland” in Myanmar). Over time, the government has more or less been able to persuade the NSCN (IM) that the states within India’s structure of cooperative federalism are co-sovereigns within a commonwealth. Going beyond that, however, it has conceded that the Nagas’ unique identity merits unique recognition through additional devolution within the
framework of the Constitution.

The NSCN (IM) was asked to consider what part of the Indian Constitution the Nagas were freely willing to accept and what additional heads, safeguards and features they might wish to inscribe within a special “Naga constitution” that could perhaps be incorporated as a separate chapter within the Indian Constitution. Critics might scream, but a moment’s reflection will convince them that there are many mini-constitutions or special dispensations within the Indian Constitution. These are spelt out in Articles 370, 371, and 371-A (pertaining to Nagaland) to 371-I and the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, and extend to special affirmative action covenants pertaining to the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, the OBCs and religious and linguistic minorities. All these subtle variations are so much part of our constitutional and social landscape and have been so completely internalised that we often fail to notice their existence.

Some of this might be done by transferring to the State List certain items that are now in the Concurrent List of the Seventh Schedule through a constitutional amendment. This should not be problematic as some of this has already been done to a limited extent in the existing Article 371-A. Still wider devolution is possible through Article 258 under which the Centre is empowered to “entrust” to a state “any matter to which the executive power of the Union extends”. None of this will affect the unity and integrity of the country because of the accommodative genius of the Indian Constitution. Nor is there any cause to fear a domino effect, whatever others may claim, as the Naga case is sui generis.

The other issue of Nagalim too is not intractable. The imagined boundaries of Nagalim, as sometimes drawn, have little historical basis as the Naga tribes, like their cousins in much of the Northeast, have been and perhaps still are migratory. Dimapur, for instance, the most prized territorial plum, was the capital of the Dimasa kingdom. It is now a predominantly Naga city and so it must remain, despite Dimasa claims, as history cannot be rolled back. In any event, Manipur, one of the oldest principalities in India, cannot be vivisected nor will Assam and Arunachal countenance the excision of Cachar and Tirip and Changlang respectively. “Eastern Nagaland”, the home of the rival NSCN(K) leader, Mr Khaplang, is in Myanmar.

The solution lies not in territorial reorganisation, which will be resented and resisted , but in the coming together of these other Naga-populated areas in a non-territorial entity. This would permit a coming together of all Nagas for purposes of economic, social and cultural development without derogation of current administrative jurisdictions. An example of this is to be found in the existing apex councils first created by Hiteshwar Saikia in Assam to accommodate the common interests of small, scattered tribes like the Tiwas, Rabhas and Mishings, who live in non-contiguous villages spread over a wider area. The apex councils elect an executive body to administer a devolved budget and plan through their
own key personnel in case of “transferred subjects”.

In a non-territorial “Naga peoplehood”, however, distinctively Naga areas in Assam, Arunacal and Manipur could be empowered to administer common programmes of economic and social development. This could be done by means of any of several administrative devices overseen by the parent state on the one hand that enable the administered units across state boundaries to sing from the same page. At the political level, the all Naga Ho-ho has functioned across state boundaries and even the international boundary.

Imaginative and creative solutions are available. Some already exist; others can be enabled by constitutional amendment. The K-Group has denounced the IM-Group for forsaking “sovereignty”. These are bargaining counters. Yet, it is absolutely necessary to get on board all shades of Naga opinion, IM, K and the two factions of the Naga National Council that Phizo founded, to endorse an overall settlement. That Mr Muivah is a Thangkul Naga from Manipur and Mr Khaplang a Hemi Naga from Myanmar does not matter. Given a just and true settlement, each can find a place of honour in the new scheme of things. Nobody need feel left out.

It is necessary to travel in order to arrive. Both the Naga and the larger Indian leadership and societies need to abandon outworn notions to embrace the emerging opportunities. An end to the Naga conflict will be a triumph and a balm and a signal that insurgency anywhere is not the path to peace and progress.

MIDDLE

Vignettes of fatherhood
by Anjali Mehta

I read an interesting article by a friend on types of fathers. It made me think about fatherhood generally and specifically about us as parents. I remember when we were growing up, the sentence “I will tell your father” held a great significance and threat value – fathers were relatively more shadowy and so quite feared.

Now, since fathers are in constant proximity to the children, almost as much as mothers, any mystery element is gone and the kids have them figured out completely. The children are fairly confident that fathers can be wound around their little fingers with perhaps greater ease than even the mother.

My husband finds fatherhood a very enjoyable and positive experience. There are, however, moments when I have found him feeling severely challenged.

We had taken the kids for a swim and it was time for them to come out of the pool. My son was being particularly recalcitrant about coming out of the water so my husband decided to be a little firm and told him that he had no option but to step out of the pool. His efforts were rewarded by a loud wailing on the part of my son and out of the blue the unfair verdict “you are the worst papa”! Everyone in the pool looked at my husband to see who had earned this title. He became beetroot red.

We had taken the kids for a Dhrupad (it’s fairly serious, slow, timeless classical music) recital and they were reasonably lukewarm about this style of music. They were both fighting for the chair near me before the show and it was decided that it would be half and half time each.

An hour later, my son decided that it was now his turn to sit next to me and asked my daughter to exchange places. She refused. Whereupon his face became set into the expression which comes on just before he is about to begin wailing loudly. I can never forget the look of pure terror on my husband’s face as he urgently took my arm and whispered “I think he’s about to cry!’.

He had visions of our son’s loudly familiar wail drowning out the concert completely and thought that they both may well make it to the next day’s newspapers entertainment section, for the wrong reasons. I somehow managed to save the situation.

My husband never recovered fully — he is always very uneasy when taking the kids anywhere (though they sit very nicely through most performances now ) and keeps searching the children’s faces for status checks during the programme.

My husband has reached the universal conclusion “there is never a dull moment…”

OPED

National Security Council should stick to its original charter
by S.D. Pradhan

There have been a number of articles in the print media on the functioning of the National Security Council and the role of NSA. Most of them have emphasised the need for reorganisation of NSC and its substructures as well as for redefining the role of NSA. Before considering these issues, a professional analysis of the objectives of NSC and NSA’s role is essential.

It is crucial to note that the functions and responsibilities of NSC and NSA have undergone significant changes in the last 11 years of its existence. The Task Force of Sri K.C. Pant had recommended a Planning Commission type organisation to act as a government think tank on security issues.

It suggested that the NSC should develop strategies keeping in view the security requirements in the next 5 to 25 years. Such projections were considered necessary to determine our military doctrines and develop plans for the acquisition of technologies and weapon systems, calibrate our nuclear doctrine, modify our foreign policy to develop leverages in the target foreign countries and to take appropriate steps for strengthening our comprehensive national strength.

To carry out its tasks, the Task Force had recommended that besides the National Security Adviser in the rank of Cabinet Minister, there should be three Dy NSAs in the rank of Principal Secretary for intelligence, coordination and planning wings. Each of the wings was expected to have full-time members (experts in different fields) to be appointed for 3 to 5 years.

The National Security Council was set up in 1998, albeit on a smaller scale in terms of staff. The notification clearly laid down that the NSC’s role was to advise the government on security issues, which included internal and external threats, food security and threats to atomic energy, space and high technology as also patterns of alienation in the country.

The role of the NSC did not include any executive responsibility. NSA was assigned the responsibility of functioning “as the channel for servicing the National Security Council.” NSA was expected to give directions to the National Security Advisory Board (NSAB) comprising experts in different fields to focus on priority areas and also to get required papers prepared for consideration by NSC.

The Strategic Policy Group (SPG), a body of Secretary-level officials from the key ministries, was tasked to act as the principal mechanism for inter-ministerial coordination and integration of relevant inputs in the formulation of national security policies.

However, soon after the establishment of NSC, NSA and NSCS were given additional responsibilities, changing the nature of NSC from a think tank to an executive office. After the Kargil conflict, the Group of Ministers gave NSA the responsibility of chairing the Intelligence Coordination Group’s meetings.

This body was meant to ensure that the consumers got their requirements from the agencies. It was also expected to evaluate the performance of the agencies. NSCS was expected to project the requirements of the consumers to the intelligence agencies. In addition, the newly created National Technical Research Organisation, the technical unit to support the entire Intelligence community, was placed under NSA. And when the Nuclear Command Authority was created, NSA was given substantial responsibilities connected with it.

If NSAs in the past could carry out all the tasks dexterously, the credit goes to their high calibre, competence and rich experience. However, overburdening NSA and NSCS with administrative responsibilities would not be conducive for the growth of NSC as an institution to undertake long-term planning – the very purpose of its formation.

Moreover, growing complexities in the security environment would make these tasks further taxing in the coming period. In fact, the tasks of NSA and NSCS are of higher nature than the executive functions. They have to objectively review governmental policies and the manner in which they are implemented and suggest changes and modifications to achieve our national objectives. Expectations from NSC and its substructures is that together they would act as the “Chankya mind” to provide “out-of-box” thinking to the government.

Releasing NSA and NSCS from the pressures of administrative responsibilities is essential to facilitate them to concentrate on the basic objectives of NSC to anticipate security threats, suggest coordinated strategies to deal with such challenges and recommend measures necessary for enhancing our comprehensive national strength.

While NSAs and NSCS have been sensitising the political leadership on important current threats like the possibility of the use of chemical, biological, radiological and nuclear weapons, various dimensions of terrorism, implications of growing circulation of fake currency and unrestricted flow of foreign direct investment, now in the present security environment they should also sharply focus on food, water and energy security issues — necessary for building our comprehensive national strength.

There is also an urgent need for streamlining the functioning of other two substructures of NSC viz. SPG and NSAB. The SPG is often replicating the task of the Core Group of Secretaries on security matters because of lack of clarity of their charters. The responsibilities of these bodies are entirely different. While the latter deals with current security issues and takes necessary decisions for implementation, the former is meant to “provide relevant inputs in the formulation of national security policies, to act as the principal mechanism for inter-ministerial coordination and to undertake long-term strategic review”.

For these tasks, the NSA has to provide directions on a continuing basis and NSCS has to provide necessary assistance. For these objectives, NSA must regularly attend SPG meetings. In the past, a few meetings were attended by the previous NSA, Mr M.K. Narayanan, and he was able to provide directions to the members making the discussion meaningful and was also able to get relevant inputs from the ministries/agencies.

NSAB is not fully utilised in the tasks of NSC. Its closer integration in the preparation of policy papers is highly desirable. For this, more frequent interaction between NSA and NSAB and provision of a dedicated research staff to assist NSAB are essential. The idea of having a few full-time members should be given a serious consideration.

What is required is not the reorganisation but the reorientation of the NSC and its substructures to the original charter.

NSA has several responsibilities in the NSC system, which require his undivided attention. Moreover, if NSC and its substructures are directly involved in certain tasks, then objective review of those tasks would not be feasible.

Punjab industry sinking
by KS Chawla

Three years ago the SAD- BJP government came to power in Punjab with the declaration that it marked the end of high-handed governance by Capt Amarinder Singh. Even before they settled down, witch-hunting started. The government hastily registered cases of corruption against Congress leaders.

Soon high-sounding development schemes like the metro rail for Ludhiana and the establishment of thermal plants, express highways and airports were announced.

The chorus of discrimination against Punjab continued without caring for the fact that the grants pouring through Central schemes like NREGA, the Rural Health Mission and Sarva Shiksha Abhiyan could not be put to use for the benefit of the people. Acquisitions of land for SEZs resulted in controversies. As a result, the government had to abandon some of the prestigious projects. The World Class University to be set up at Amritsar with 100 per cent funding by the Centre, awaits the acquisition of land by the state
government.

Factionalism in the ruling coalition stalled the reconstitution of the market committees, improvement trusts and corporations for a long time. Only recently began the process to fill the posts of chairman and member of
these bodies.

The working of the local bodies has remained in jeopardy because of lack of funds. They cannot spend funds collected by them even on development works. Industrial development has not taken place for the past three years and industry is sinking. The new industrial policy has failed to encourage the industry and trade to set up new units. The industry is upset with power cuts and red tape.

The industrial development boards have failed to help the industry despite giving the status of Cabinet minister or state minister to the chairmen and vice-chairmen of the boards. They are just a burden on the exchequer. They have no background of the industry. The only consideration is to please the favourites. All major industrial development corporations of the state are bankrupt. The tall promise of wiping out corruption has remained in the election manifesto. No senior bureaucrat has been caught except one.

The government has failed to provide the basic health and education facilities to the people. Both these sectors are in a mess.

There is a deterioration in the law and order situation. The police reforms suggested by the Supreme Court have not been implemented. The state police continues to be politicised. The state has witnessed the emergence of mafias in the shape of drug mafia, transport mafia and land mafia with the political backing. The poor are becoming victims of these mafias.

With the elections two years away, the Chief Minister is now expressing concern over unemployment and drug addiction among youth. He talks of generating employment opportunities for them. The government is filling vacant posts in various departments.

Despite the price rise, Punjab has not seen any action against hoarders and black-marketeers. People will not get swayed by gimmicks of the coalition government. Capt Amarinder Singh also followed the policy of pleasing the people during the last two years of his five-year term.

Health
How to avoid being asleep on the job
by Rob Sharp

The accident happened in early March in Reading, but its circumstances could be repeated at any time, anywhere from Penzance to Purley. Pakistani national Shehzad Akbar, 33, made the national news after ploughing his taxi into a tree. He was nearing the end of a 14-hour night shift and had fallen asleep at the wheel. He died shortly afterwards.

Such tragic incidents should serve as a wake-up call to a nation sleepwalking its way to an early grave with heavy hearts and droopy lids. A study published earlier this month by the Sleep Council – a charity circumspect enough to promote the benefits of a good night's sleep – told of 36 per cent of Britons sleeping poorly most nights. The average amount of sleep that people get is 6.6 hours – well below the recommended eight hours.

There are few who've avoided mainlining stimulants ahead of an exam but sustained tiredness – in its most extreme forms – can truncate lifespans. Lethargy caused by our lifestyles, on the other hand, can cause anxiety, depression and affect our ability to think clearly and react normally.

"If you're tired all the time it can be a mask for a variety of different problems," says Richard Vautrey, a GP in Leeds. "It could be stress-related depression, in some cases physical problems; anaemia, thyroid problems, diabetes or low blood sugar. Generally with people who complain there is no one reason that accounts for it; it's often more stress-related or something going on their life.

"In general terms people should have a balanced diet, exercise on a regular basis which can help release endorphins from the system which gives people energy; limit alcohol, stop smoking. Looking after your weight can help, it's common sense things. Also get plenty of rest. Some people are surprised that they get tired when they have been working excessively and forget to look after themselves. It's important to do things that can help you relax and unwind."

. Woodson Merrell, who has written The Source, Unlock Your Natural Energy, Revitalise Your Health and Change Your Life, suggests the British standard of half an hour three times a week, with a preference for yoga. He advises on useful yoga positions – for their beneficial effect on stress ("staff" – sitting upright, legs outstretched; "cobra" – lie flat on your belly then push your arms out and bend your head back, though probably best to consult a qualified instructor first).

"The book is examining how people can take charge of their health and revitalise their energy levels so they can achieve optimum wellness," he says. "Not everyone can do this, however. If you are a type one diabetic, you are probably never going to be in perfect health. But there are various areas – stress, diet, detox, exercise, rest and connectedness – which are important for the average person to consider."

He recommends that people take a stress log, work out the areas of their life where they can make a positive change and act accordingly. He also tells us to meditate during the morning, one of the most stressful times of day.

"Various studies suggest that when we're sleep-deprived the body overcompensates by producing the hormone cortisol [a stress-related hormone that increases blood sugar] which can make it more difficult to get to sleep in the evenings," he says. "If you don't sleep, you can also retain body fat, which in itself makes you sleepy and can weaken your immune system. It's also about the quality of sleep you get; if you wake up every hour throughout the night you can emerge in the morning feeling like you've been run over by a truck."

He recommends baths containing lavender, calming music, abstaining from alcohol, and has some interesting theories on how to stay sleeping if you feel like you're waking up. "If you're coming up into consciousness, and you are at that point where you are still thinking about something in a dream – latch on to the thing you're thinking about. Half the time you will return to sleep."

— By arrangement with The Independent