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Tribune Special
— Charles Dickens in Tale of Two Cities
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Urdu in the
sub-continent
Profile
On Record
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A Tribune Special Our Lucknow Special Correspondent Shahira Naim gives an on-the-spot report
IT was the best of times, it was the worst of times, it was the age of wisdom, it was the age of foolishness, it was the epoch of belief, it was the epoch of incredulity, it was the season of Light, it was the season of Darkness, it was the spring of hope, it was the winter of despair, we had everything before us, we had nothing before us…
— Charles Dickens in Tale of Two Cities These lines best describe the state of affairs in Uttar Pradesh’s Azamgarh district. For Azamgarh, being projected as the epicentre of terrorism, things had just started looking up. In tune with the changing milieu of post-liberalisation India, the youth from the district were no longer jumping to grab a job in the Gulf. Instead of earning their livelihood doing petty jobs in these countries, they were in search of avenues in the lucrative service sector in the country. The latest trend was to do an English-speaking course, get computer literate and do short-duration job-oriented management or other professional courses being offered in the private sector in the metropolitan cities. The final destination was to land a job in an MNC or BPO. “Our young men were easily finding jobs paying a salary of around Rs 20,000 in the cities. This had almost reversed the trend to go to the Gulf in search of jobs,” said Dr Iftekhar Ahmad, Principal of Shibli National College. Consequently, what was emerging was a visibly confident young generation. This generation next youth was ably competing in the job markets of Mumbai, Noida, Gurgaon and Delhi. The BPOs and MNCs were giving employment to these youth purely on merit and regardless of their regional or religious background. A possible reversal of this heartening trend is worrying those who are suspicious of a political conspiracy behind the recent turn of events branding the entire Azamgarh district as the nursery of terrorism — a term first used to describe Azamgarh by Gorakhpur firebrand Hindutva leader and BJP Member of Parliament Yogi Adityanath. Would the global MNC employers also succumb to this negative branding? Would youth from the district still be whole-heartedly accepted by employers, universities and professional colleges? With the police in hot pursuit, even parents are having second thoughts in sending their children to study outside the district. As Maulana Juwaad, a wizened old man from Sanjarpur, says, “The whole government machinery seems to be working towards Raj Thackeray’s game plan of sending people from Azamgarh back to their villages”. Azamgarh emerging as India’s terror capital started on September 19 with the Delhi police staging the Batla House encounter. During the encounter, it killed two alleged terrorists — Atif and Sajid. Both of them belonged to Sanjarpur village, around 30 km from the district headquarters. Atif Amin had been staying in New Delhi for the last three years. After getting a B Sc (IT) degree from Manipal University, he had secured admission in the post-graduation course in Human Rights Development in Jamia Millia Islamia. Similarly, 17-year old Sajid had stepped out of Sanjarpur barely two months ago to do an English-speaking course in Delhi. His identity card from Shri Param Sant Jamunadas Inter College in Azamgarh shows his date of birth as September 2, 1991. He had passed his Class Tenth examination in 2008 and was enrolled for Class XI. The Delhi police also arrested Saif from the flat in Batla House. He also belongs to the same village. According to his father Shadab Ahmad, Vice-President of the Azamgarh unit of the Samajwadi Party, he wanted to do a good computer course from Delhi as he thought it would open doors for a good job. Incidentally, the Samajwadi Party was quick to disown Ahmad. No senior party functionary has cared to visit him. “No I am not angry, just hurt,” says Ahmad commenting on his party’s response. Two more boys picked up by the Delhi police in connection with the Delhi blasts belong to Azamgarh. Both Mohammad Shakil and Zia-ur-Rahman are students of Jamia Millia Islamia in New Delhi. On September 23, a heavily armed team of Delhi’s Anti-Terrorist Squad (ATS) descended on Sanjarpur in the wee hours and raided the house of four young boys — Sajid, Arif, Salman and Khalid — who, they claim, were the absconding associates of Atif and Sajid. This Squad believes them to be associates or sleeping modules. Of these, two were studying in Lucknow. Arif was taking medical coaching in Lucknow and preparing for the CPMT examination.
Like most boys of their age, Atif, Saif and Arif were also passionate about cricket. In fact, Saif and Arif had even played up to the district level. “Isn’t it normal for boys from the same village to live together? It took care of homesickness that a first-timer feels in a big city like Delhi. Anyone going to Delhi for taking an examination or job interview invariably stayed with them and is now on the police radar”, explained Tariq Shafiq, a social activist from Sanjarpur. Even before the news of the encounter, arrests and raids could sink in Mumbai police made another round of disclosures. On September 24, the Mumbai police arrested five young men all belonging to Azamgarh. Claiming to have delivered a body blow to the Indian Mujahidden, Mumbai’s Joint Commissioner of Police (Crime Branch) Rakesh Maria asserted that the five persons were part of the Indian Mujahidden’s think-tank and assisted or participated in all incidents where blasts happened or unexploded bombs were found in the country since 2005. The net result of the police operations has been that hundreds of young boys and girls from Azamgarh studying in various colleges in Delhi, Aligarh, Lucknow and elsewhere have switched off their mobile phones. Their parents have no news of them. Some of them had booked their tickets to celebrate Eid with their families at home. Now no one knows if they would come at all. The uncertainty hanging in the air is mind numbing. Since the Batla House encounter, newspapers and channels are competing with one another to run stories toeing the “Azamgarh nursery of terrorism” line, a description that makes people from the district cringe. Too hard hit to challenge these allegations, an average Azamgarhi or Azmi as they call themselves, is extremely angry with the media for believing every word the police is saying. “Nowadays, it’s common for the media to be skeptical of police encounters and custodial deaths. But in the case of terrorism in general and Azamgarh in particular, the media is more than willing to swallow hook line and sinker whatever fabrication is being churned out by the police”, said Umair Siddiq Nadwi, Editor of Marif, an academic publication brought out by the prestigious Darul Musannefin Shibli Academy in Azamgarh. The legacy of Allama Shibli Nomani holds no significance in the changed environment. This writer, poet, historian, teacher and nationalist had set up the Shibli Academy, a leading centre of Islamic learning. Similarly, many can still recall a poem learnt in school about Rana Pratap’s horse Chetak. Few know that its writer Shyam Narain Pandey also hailed from Azamgarh. In these dark times, the media is in no mood to remember the contribution of Rahul Sanshkrityayan, Ayodhya Prasad Hari Oudh, Kaifi Azmi, Shamsur Rahman Farooqui or Shabana Azmi. It is only interested in playing up the fact that Dawood Ibrahim’s relatives live in Azamgarh. That Abu Salem belongs to Sarai Mir. That Abu Bashar, the so-called mastermind of the Ahmedabad blasts, belongs to Binapara, a village not far from Sarai Mir. What probably means little to the media is that the district has produced many celebrities. Incidentally Uttar Pradesh Principal Secretary (Home) Kunwar Fateh Bahadur and the Additional Director-General of Police (Law and Order) Brijlal, the two top law enforcement officials, are also from Azamgarh. Even the high profile Samajwadi party leader Amar Singh originally belongs to the district. What has never hit the headlines is the fact that the district has the highest sex ratio of 1026 females in Uttar Pradesh. And this is not due to men going out in search of livelihoods as even the under six sex ratio is an impressive 949! Despite having one of the highest literacy rates in the state (overall 57 per cent, male 71 per cent and female 42 per cent), Azamgarh having a population of about 40 lakh does not have a single university, engineering college or medical college. Students have no option but to go elsewhere to pursue a higher degree and professional course. Despite perceptions to the contrary, the madarsas have made an important contribution to the relatively strong literacy standard of the district. Most of them now impart modern education along with religious guidance. For example, in Uttar Pradesh villages where it is difficult to come across a girl who has passed Class XII, it was surprising to learn that Sanjarpur, painted as the den of terrorists by the media, has no less than 50 women post-graduates! Something that the world perhaps needs to know is that the district being projected as the centre of religious orthodoxy was founded in 1665 by Azam, son of Vikramajit, a descendant of Gautam Rajputs of Mehnagar in pargana Nizamabad. According to the official website, Vikramajit like some of his predecessors embraced Islam, married a Muslim woman who bore him two sons, Azam and Azmat. While Azam gave his name to the town of Azamgarh, his brother Azmat constructed a fort and settled the bazaar of Azmatgarh in pargana Sagri. In the run-up to the Lok Sabha election next year, the Intelligence Bureau-police-media combine is causing a polarisation not only in Azamgarh but across the nation that suits the Hindutva brigade. In the name of internal security and combating terrorism, an alarming minority bashing and stereotyping is taking place. However, things are slowly changing for the better and that is providing a flicker of hope. Jamia Millia Islamia Vice-Chancellor Mushirul Hasan’s decision to provide legal aid to two university students picked up by the Delhi police was, perhaps, the first step. Dr Hasan also took the initiative to hold a counseling session for the traumatised students from the districts living in New Delhi’s Jamia Nagar. And now the National Human Rights Commission’s notice to Delhi police raising questions regarding the Batla House encounter has provided some solace to the people. They hope that in the coming days Azamgarh would substantially reclaim its lost reputation.
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Urdu in the sub-continent
THE article, “Injustice to Urdu in India” (Perspective, August 3) by Justice Markandey Katju, Supreme Court Judge, is a bold analysis of the state of affairs and the linguistic mess created by a section of Indian society in the last few decades. It evoked good response from the readers as also an article by Mr Beant Singh Bedi (Perspective, August 31). It was expected because Indian society is still tied by the common bond of a composite culture, evolved in the last hundreds of years and has refused to bow down completely to the pressure from vested interests. Among the supportive reactions was also a letter from Professor Chaman Lal of the Centre of Indian Languages, Jawaharlal Nehru University proposing that Punjabi language be taught in both Gurmukhi and Persian script. Naturally, there can be no better alternative to forge strong cultural bond with two-thirds of Punjab on the other side of the border and also to continue strong link with the heritage of the classical past, most of which is preserved in the Persian script. The Partition of Bengal did not divide the language and culture as on both sides of the border, they continued with the same language and script. Except for the small variation in the language spoken in Calcutta and Dhaka with certain words and terms peculiar to each of them, the common script of Bengali has kept the literature of both sides bound with each other. Since there was no change in the script after Partition, they continued to have strong link with their classical past. On the contrary, the language and culture of Punjab suffered the most. The strongest fort of Urdu was the United Punjab which produced the greatest Urdu poets and writers of the twentieth century such as Iqbal, Faiz, Saadan Hasan Minto, Rajendra Singh Bedi, Krishan Chandar, Patras Bukhari, to name a few. Persian script was a common script widely used for Urdu as also with Punjabi along with Gurmukhi script. The sudden linguistic divide of Punjab has changed the scenario uprooting the post-partition generation from their cultural ground. Therefore, Professor Chaman Lal’s suggestion to teach Punjabi in Gurmukhi and Urdu script needs serious consideration, apart from the suggestion of Justice Markandey Katju and Beant Singh Bedi for Urdu’s revival. Even in the worst days of post-partition violence and bloodshed, it was Urdu literature and Persian script which had kept the bonds between the two sides of the border intact and had worked as track two diplomacy in reducing hatred generated by the military conflicts and political upheavals. Jagannath Azad, son of renowned Urdu poet Tilok Chand Mehroom, who himself was a major poet of Urdu, was more popular in Pakistan than in India. In his article, Mr Bedi has rightly referred to the compulsory teaching of Persian and Nagri script to the students of MA in Hindi and Urdu respectively at JNU. I had taught Urdu to the students of MA (Hindi) during 1976-77 and most of them are professors in various universities. They have a fairly better understanding of literature than those who do not know the script and are not exposed to Urdu literature. I had observed that the students of MA (Urdu) coming from Kashmir and the courses like Adeeb Kamil/Adeeb Mahir had learnt Nagri script and were exposed to Hindi literature at JNU only. This is a successful experiment leading the students to develop a better understanding of the common heritage. I still remember how my students had grasped the link between Sufi and Bhakti movement in the Northern India and could appreciate the values of our Sufi-Saint poets. Instead of being in the separate departments of Urdu and Hindi, we were fortunate to be in CIL, JNU, where boundaries between Urdu, Hindi and other Indian languages were not sharply drawn. One of my students had translated Hasan Naim into Hindi and Chaman Lal and I had translated Punjabi poems into Urdu. Thus, all of us were exposed to the writings in various Indian languages. Recent trend of “multi-disciplinarity” which is in vogue now, needs to be applied in all seriousness in language teaching. It would not be proper to think that the conflict was between Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi alone. It was a complex linguistic conflict which was ultimately based on the economic gains in which the language and script were used as tools. The forces which opposed Urdu language and Persian script had earlier sidelined Biraj, Awadhi, Bhojpuri, Magadhi and Maithali. According to Grrierson, who is known for his linguistic survey of India, the use of Kaithi script was widespread in Bihar, north-western province and Awadh in the late 19th century. “Tirhuti” script has been prevalent for Maithli. However, all that was sidelined for creating a hegemony which suits a common standardised language and is beneficial for the market economy. The reason for which English language is dominating resulting in global language loss is the same for which the linguistic diversity of the northern India was done away with. The impression created is that after the evolution of Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi, as if, the evaluation of other languages and dialects have stopped. However, we have seen how Rajasthani and Maithali have developed into full-fledged languages in recent times though a language like Biraj has been pushed back. Those opposed to the cultural and linguistic diversity of Indian society are not ready to provide equal opportunity to each language and script to flourish and out of which a lingua franca would naturally evolve. Therefore, the basic problem is not simply of the relationship of Urdu, Hindi and Punjabi or the Nagri, Persian and Gurmukhi script but of forging a harmonious relationship between all the languages and scripts of northern region which may enrich each other and together they may be able to face the onslaught of western language and culture which is crushing vernaculars. Urdu was the first victim and has survived so far because of its own strength. However, Hindi, Punjabi and other Indian languages are also facing the same aggression now. A survey of government schools in Delhi reveals that only the students from economically weaker sections of society are attending the Hindi-medium schools. The situation in other states does not seem to be better as more and more students are opting for English medium, if possible, right from the primary level. Only strong bond between languages, dialects and scripts can resist this onslaught. Diversity is the essence of Indian society. In festivals, in food, in variety of sweets and in dress, this diversity blooms itself. No region on the earth can claim such diversity as witnessed in the northern India. Therefore, diversity of flora, fauna and language is the beauty of this region. Any move to undermine this diversity will be retrograde and divisive and be fought back by all the patriotic forces. The anguish expressed by Justice Katju and Mr Bedi and Prof Lal’s proposal should be viewed in this context. The writer, a former Administrator of the Punjab Wakf Board, is the author of a recent Urdu book, The 19th century debates on scientific terminology in vernaculars
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Profile Truly, he has turned from an activist to an administrator, the first non-bureaucratic nominee, a welcome change. As an activist, he had filed a many as 1,000 applications and his best known cases include seeking information on how the Prime Minister’s National Relief Fund is disbursed. Ironically, his name cropped up following an intervention by L.K. Advani, selection committee member. The Leader of Opposition reportedly vetoed another candidate, R.B. Sreekumar, a former police officer who had pointed accusing fingers at the Narendra Modi government during the 2002 Gujarat riots. Gandhi replaced the former police officer. Known to be a man with a mission, Shailesh has decided to accept Re 1 as his salary and enjoy no perks like official accommodation and car. Five years back, he sold his successful plastic manufacturing company which he had run for 23 years so that he could spent the rest of his life pursuing social work. The proceeds were put in a fixed deposit and the family lives on the interest. He was quoted as saying: “I felt I had got everything in life, good education, a successful career, and good family life. Now the time has come to give something back to society”. The 61-year-old IIT alumnus, who was awarded the Nani Palkhiwala Award for Civil Liberties this year, had used the RTI Act effectively for better governance and accountability in public life. After filing the RTI queries, he would fight long battles with the establishment, be it exposing anomalies in the PMO or the Chief Minister’s Relief Fund or the case of former Forest Minister of Maharashtra who illegally stayed at the JJ hospital during his prison term. In his new role as Information Commissioner, Gandhi has pledged to clear all appeals to his office within three months, or quit if he failed to live up to his promise. His first and foremost objective is to bring down the pendency of the appeals and complaints at CIC. Sometimes the appeals come up for hearing after three to six months and when they come so late, the focus of the applicant gets lost. Gandhi wants to ensure that no appeal stayed with him for more than three months. This objective, he asserts, is non-negotiable and “if I am not able to do this, I promise to quit the job.” Gandhi’s firmly believes he has enough evidence to demonstrate that it is very easy for a single commission to resolve 4,000 appeals every year. His research reveals that the average number of cases disposed of by a commission ranges between 450 and 900. A single judge of the Bombay High Court disposes of an average of 2,500 cases per year, although the cases cover more than 20 laws under the Constitution while the RTI Commission deals with only one law — the RTI Act. The RTI movement originated in a small village of Rajasthan, when villagers wanted to know how much money was sanctioned for a project and how much was spent on it. The success of the movement launched by the Mazdoor Kisan Shakti Sanghathan in rural Rajasthan brought the RTI on the agenda of the nation. So far nine states have enacted RTI Acts, the first being Tamil Nadu. Parliament passed the RTI act on May 12, 2005, which became operational from October 2, 2005.
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On Record Delhi’s population has increased by about five times and perhaps its geographical girth at least as much if not more. The Sunday Tribune, therefore, deemed it fit to interview him and ask him specifically whether he could measure up to the job. “Yes”, says Malhotra with alacrity and confidence. Excerpts: Q: You were Delhi’s Chief Executive Councilor in 1967. How does it feel to contemplate leading Delhi after 41 years? A: There has been no gap. First from Delhi I have been getting elected to the Lok Sabha four times, Rajya Sabha once. Then, in the Metropolitan Council, even after those five years. So for over 40 years, I have been on elected posts from Delhi. And all the elections which I have not contested like the Corporation or the Delhi Assembly, I have been the chairman of the Election Campaign Committee. So my constant touch with Delhi has always been there. Q: Didn’t Delhi underg a sea change socially and politically over the years? A: Definitely. In ’67, when I was the CEC, New Delhi’s population was hardly 30 lakh or so. Now it is 1.6 crore. In that sense, there is a sea change in Delhi. But it’s all taken into account because the BJP has been raising the people’s issues consistently. Q: Doesn’t your return to Delhi politics signify a creation of leadership vacuum in your party in Delhi since you and Madan Lal Khurana went out of Delhi politics? A: No. There are many younger leaders in the party who are very competent and deserving. I myself was in two minds whether to continue in national politics or to return to Delhi. After all if I had continued in national politics, I had the chance of becoming a Union Minister once the NDA won the elections. But it is for the party to decide. Whoever the party decides will be the candidate and whatever the party directs me to do I will be happy to carry it out with maximum sincerity. Q: What is your vision of Delhi under the BJP rule? A: I want to give to the people a Delhi which is secure, safe, planned and clean. At the same time, Delhi should serve the interests of the poorest of the poor too. Under my leadership, I want to see that the poor too get a fair deal, those living in slums, in jhuggi jhonpris, and urban villages, they should also be provided a good quality of life. We will give them pucca one room tenements. After all, we had decided to give them 25 square yards plots where as the Congress gave them only 12 square yards. I also want to inform the people that the Congress is committing a fraud by bringing in Sonia Gandhi and making her distribute provisional authorisation certificates to the unauthorised colonies. This is also against the Supreme Court verdict which ruled that the government should do only planned development of Delhi. Before issuing certificates there have to be district and zonal plans and each and every building plan has to be cleared and only then such authorisation certificates would hold some value. When we come to power, we will go about this in a planned fashion so as not to invite any strictures from the court and make those living in these colonies feel secure. I too have plans about the Yamuna. It is polluted and full of toxic material. This should first go to the treatment plants and clean treated water would be discharged into the Yamuna. Q: Will terrorism be your main election plank? A: Terrorism is a very big issue. Though there are other equally important issues like inflation and rising prices which concern the common man as much. Both the National Security Adviser and the Home Minister have said that Delhi is the main target of the terrorists. But the Sheila government has failed to check it. That is because instead of feeling obliged towards our security personnel who laid their lives fighting terrorists, a finger of suspicion is being raised towards them. Why would a policeman face the terrorist if after his death he has to face an enquiry whether he actually died in a genuine or fake encounter. Money is being openly collected for terrorists. And AICC general secretary is demanding a CBI enquiry to establish whether it was real or fake encounter. This will really dishearten our security forces. Q: But recently Advaniji said in Vashim that the rural folk is not as concerned about terrorism as the urban populace. Do you also feel the same? A: No it’s not that anymore. True, rural areas were not targeted earlier. But now even these areas are being targeted. The attack in Mehrauli was primarily aimed at the rural population.
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Prof Vijay Kumar Malhotra