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Reign of the unruly Sting operations |
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Needless advice
A state within the state
Solidarity
Rivers of life Fight on to show Indian serials Olympian dilemma for democracies
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Reign of the unruly WHATEVER be the final outcome of the expulsion drama involving AIADMK MP K. Maitreyan in the Rajya Sabha, there is no doubt that unruliness and chaos have become the norm in Parliament. Grave concern has been repeatedly expressed in these columns about the degree of indiscipline that sometimes prevails in both the Rajya Sabha and the Lok Sabha. On such occasions, the business of running the country is held hostage to political whimsy and grandstanding. Important Bills are passed without debate and thorough discussion. It seems that for some members disrupting Parliament has become an end in itself. Opposition party members have, without doubt, both a right and a duty to question the policies of the government. They can even question the actions of those who sit on the treasury benches. The challenge, however, must be expressed in a proper manner as Parliament rules provide for. Transport minister T.R. Baalu’s alleged actions with regard to getting gas allocated to companies owned by his relatives are questionable, to say the least. Mr Baalu has admitted that he “put in a word with the petroleum minister” and is attempting to brazen it out with a “what-is-wrong-with-it” attitude. Precious little though, will be achieved by disrupting Parliament again and again over the matter. Ruling party members also have a duty in this regard, and must ensure that Opposition members have their due say. Mr Maitreyan was removed from the House by Rajya Sabha Chairman Hamid Ansari under a rule that has not been used since 1989. Rule 225 applies when a member repeatedly disobeys the chair. The provision exists precisely to contain the kind of recalcitrant behaviour that is being witnessed all too often in the Houses. The nation cannot but sympthaise with the Rajya Sabha Chairman and the Lok Sabha Speaker, when they express their anguish over the state of affairs. Speaker Somnath Chatterjee’s repeated exhortations to maintain decorum have been to no avail, and he despairs of ever seeing a change in the honourable members’ behaviour. In the meantime, they cannot be blamed for taking tough measures against those who will not listen to reason.
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Sting operations THE sting operations in India have a sleazy reputation. Yes, they did ferret out some cases of corruption in high places, but their utility was badly compromised with other operations that went horribly wrong. If the nation was aghast at seeing the visuals of men like Bangaru Laxman of the BJP accepting wads of notes, it was equally shamefaced when a fraudulent TV journalist concocted the story of a Delhi teacher pushing her students into the flesh trade. Then there are several other cases of so-called sting operations which were no better than an attempt to blackmail. Overall, sting operations have become such a nuisance that last year the government was on the verge of putting in place a regulatory mechanism. Such a measure would have amounted to censorship and would have been a remedy worse than the disease. It is good that 12 leading broadcasters having 25 news channels have decided to go in for self-regulation. The News Broadcasters Association (NBA), having such broadcasters among its members as TV Today, NDTV, Times Global, TV18 and Sun TV, has come up with a “code of ethics and broadcasting standards” according to which sting operations will be used only as a last resort. Even then, there will be no use of sex and sleaze, narcotics and psychotropic substances or any act of violence as a means of getting a story. There will be no deliberate alteration of visuals, or editing, or interposing done with the raw footage in a way that it also alters or misrepresents the truth or presents only a portion of the truth. What is even more important is that these operations are not to take place to besmirch somebody’s reputation. The story has to serve an “identifiable larger public interest”. One hopes that other broadcasters, too, would join this endeavour because the values expressed through the code of ethics are almost universal.
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Needless advice POLITICS of compulsion can impact foreign policy, too. The UPA government, which is on an election mode, can only ill-afford to overlook the demands of its allies. It is because of the relentless pressure exerted against operationalising the India-US civil nuclear deal that the strategic deal remains in a limbo. Prime Minister Manmohan Singh knows only too well that any step to take the deal to its logical culmination will invite the wrath of the Left parties, leading even to the collapse of the government. The Left’s opposition is not so much on account of any tilt in favour of the US as on its inborn antipathy to anything American. The Left still sees the world through the prism of Cold War, though a country like China has little difficulty in coming to terms with the US. The changed political scenario is reflected in the way things have unfolded on the issue of Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s brief visit to New Delhi on April 29. Though India has declared the US a “strategic partner”, the latter could have refrained from advising India on how to go about the president’s visit. Mr Ahmadinejad may have such a wonderful idea as wiping Israel off the world map but he is the elected leader of a country with which India has age-old relations. The US State Department spokesman should have anticipated the Indian reaction. Then there would have been no need to clarify that he was not “pointing the finger at India” as the US has done now. It is a different matter that India would not like Iran to acquire nuclear weapons. It believes that Iran can be persuaded to give up its nuclear ambitions through talks at bilateral and multilateral fora. However, these considerations have not impacted Indo-Iranian relations which stand to gain if the gas pipeline becomes a reality and mutual trade gets a boost. That Iran has not been forthright on the project is a sore point India cannot overlook. And to make matters worse, Pakistan has been needlessly making the project difficult and uneconomical by demanding an exorbitant transit fee. These are issues that can be sorted out through friendly talks among the three nations on their own. They all stand to gain from the pipeline.
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Arriving at one point is the starting point to another. —
John Dewey
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A state within the state
IT is difficult to identify Dandakaranya, the forest of Dandaka, a cursed wilderness, full of demons and pestilence, where Prince Ram settled down to spend 14 years of vanvas. Today’s Dandakaranya covers an area of nearly 92,000 sq. km - double the size of Kerala -- and spans impressive chunks of the states of Andhra Pradesh, Orissa, Maharashtra and Chhattisgarh. Dandakaranya has been the home of the Naxalites for nearly a quarter century, i.e., ever since they launched armed action against landlords and moneylenders. However, the ‘Naxalite country’ is not confined to these states alone. In fact, a vast swathe of land called the Red Corridor from the Indo-Nepal border in Bihar all the way down to Dharmapuri in Tamil Nadu is in various stages of Naxalite control. Early this week Tamil Nadu Chief Minister M. Karunanidhi voiced concern over the Naxalite menace in his state. Immediately thereafter the Centre admitted that incidence of Naxal violence and casualties registered a rise in 2007, compared to the previous year. Obviously in an attempt to obfuscate, rather than elucidate, the issue, the Centre, while admitting that the Naxalites were on the ascendant, claimed that the police stations affected in 2007 fell to 361 from 395 in 2006. In nearly 165 districts, out of a total of 602, the Naxalites have in place a parallel administration with varying degrees of success. Small wonder that Prime Minister Manmohan Singh described Naxalism as the nation’s biggest internal security problem. Yet, there is little understanding of the Naxalite threat. There are only generalised comments in the public domain, including the mainstream media. When the Naxalites strike as in a north Bihar district early this month, the policemen can only flee with or without their weapons. In this milieu journalist Sudeep Chakravarti* is an exception in that he travels to the heart of Maoist zones in the country to bring back a story, which is as much poignant as it is dreadful. Unlike many other armchair “opinion makers” for whom Naxalites are modern-day demons, he tries to understand the phenomenon from a perspective that can only be described as humane. In his perception, the Naxalite is not a monster out to drink the blood of the innocent but somebody who has been forced to take up arms by a system that thrives on age-old prejudices. It would be instructive to remember that in Nepal, the demand for a “new democracy, abolition of monarchy, formulation of a new Constitution”- all democratic demands -- were put forward first by the Maoists. The Naxalites often claim that Bhagat Singh was also a communist, “trained, armed and emphatically Left”, as evidenced by his statement: “We don’t wish to suffer by inviting a black evil to replace the white evil. Indian workers must come forward - overthrowing imperialists as well as their Indian agents who wish to perpetuate the same economic system rooted in exploitation”. The author starts his inquiry from a rhetorical question former Prime Minister and Mandal messiah V. P. Singh asked: “What is stopping the youth of our country from becoming Maoists?” “Nothing”, for those who have been left out of the “Shining India”, would be an appropriate answer. Four decades have passed since the debt-ridden peasants in Naxalbari village in Darjeeling district in West Bengal took to armed struggle against the landlords. “Spring thunder struck all over India”, claimed a Naxal icon. The mighty state took pride in suppressing the Naxalites in a matter of six months. “Naxalbari has not died and it will never die,” prophesied Charu Mazumdar, the Marxist theoretician who found an answer to India’s problems in Mao’s The Little Red Book, which prescribes three stages of revolution - “the struggle stage, the guerrilla stage and the liberated stage”. Mazumdar was not wide of the mark when within months of Naxalbari, a small group of Naxalites led by Kunhikal Narayanan, his Maharashtrian wife Mandakini, young daughter Ajita and comrade-in-arms Philip M. Prasad attacked the Pulpalli police station in north Kerala. Around the same time, they attacked a Bhumihar landlord in Bihar’s Muzaffarpur district forcing Sarvodaya leader Jayaprakash Narayanan to camp in the area for months to give purposive leadership to the youth, lest they should fall into the lap of the Naxalites. By no stretch of the imagination can it be said that Naxalism was nipped in the bud when the police used extra-constitutional measures to take on young men and women who were attracted to the ideology. The factors that helped the cause have remained more or less the same. The arm of the state does not reach many areas in the country - “at least half of India is not being governed.” In fact, the government is disinterested in the development of rural areas as its interests lie in the urban conglomerates. While a rural bank a day is reportedly closed forcing farmers into the clutches of Shylocks, “several micro-finance institutions in rural areas, funded by major private sector banks like ICICI and HDFC were hitting farmers with sky-high interest rates”. Small wonder that farmers commit suicide even in prosperous Punjab. Does it really bother the rulers? The politician-contractor-bureaucrat nexus is too thick to ignore. As former Chhattisgarh Chief Minister Ajit Jogi, who is not lily white when it comes to corruption, says, if all the money the government has spent on the development of Bastar is added with interest and given to the people, every family in this tribal district would be richer by at least Rs 1 crore. Even 60 years after Independence, there is virtually no development in this area. Roads are now built for quicker deployment of the police. The lack of development is compounded by the fact that for a vast majority of people in this region, the daily income is only a fraction of $1, the international standard for determining poverty. Sure enough, Naxalites are able to attract cadres - 50,000 in one count - and several more sympathisers and supporters. After all, it required just 19 indoctrinated young men to bring down the twin towers in New York and force the president of the lone superpower to look for cover. There is no strategy worth the name to fight Naxalism. Chhattisgarh has come up with Salwa Judum, which Chief Minister Raman Singh compares to the “fragrance of the forest in summer”. It has forced thousands of people to move into camps where living conditions are horrible. The Supreme Court has come down heavily against the practice of arming people but the Chhattisgarh government which appointed supercop K.P.S. Gill to fight the Naxalite menace still goes by his strategy of out-gunning, out-communicating and out-running the Naxalites, though without any measure of success. The government has armed itself with such draconian laws as Chhattisgarh Vishesh Jan Suraksha Adhiniyam, or Special Public Safety Act, under which anybody can be arrested for the remotest connection with the Naxalites. The warning is clear: If the socio-economic deprivations that compel the poor to choose the path of violence are not addressed in right earnest, a situation will emerge when fighting Naxalism will be a futile exercise. *Red Sun: Travels in Naxalite
Country by Sudeep Chakravarti, Penguin/Viking
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Solidarity Colleges in pre-Partition Lahore attracted students from different parts of Punjab and their backgrounds varied widely even as they lived in the same hostels. They fell in two broad groups — the urban middle class and those belonging to the rural aristocracy. The upper stratum of the urban middle class belonged to the better off and westernised families, markedly aloof and individualistic in their attitudes while the others were from ordinary middle class families who lived a frugal life. The scions of the rural rich, however, showed a conspicuous lifestyle and generally provided themselves with things which the normal hostel life could obviously not. Mehboob Khan was one such resident of the hostel at Government College Lahore. His father was a minor Nawab, or Nabob as the British pronounced the word, and was oozing affluence. A tall and handsome youth in the Imran Khan class, his looks enhanced by sartorial elegance and delicate perfumes, he too lived in great style. Though not a champion at any game he was fond of sports and had a love of the outdoor life. Apart from owning a car, he had a well appointed private accommodation with a full complement of staff which included a khansama of repute besides others. Among other things it helped him escape the monotony of the hostel food and enabled him to entertain fellow students, particularly those who joined him in games. He maintained a sumptuous table and loved to host dinners and lunches to his fellow hostellers and never stinted on entertainment. But it was not just his lavish hospitality that made him stand out. Unlike some of his own kind who had wealth and presence but no mind, Mehboob was a good conversationalist with a spot-on sense of humour. The boys of the urban middle class were happy to enjoy his hospitality but were conscious of the disparity and even uneasy from a sense of burden that hospitality flowed more often from Mehboob. They therefore made it a point to organise occasional picnic lunches at which they could invite Mehboob so that a broad give and take was maintained. At one such gettogether Mehboob’s urban friends laid on a special treat with several delicacies of which mutton biryani was one. There were other things too. Every care was taken to match the level of Mehboob’s hospitality. There was a lot of bonhomie and with a guest like the Khan the hosts found it enjoyable to match their wits against his. There was the usual Urdu shair-o-shairi also. And as the lunch concluded and the popular guest got up to leave, he thanked his hosts profusely in a formal manner for which the Urdu language is the best suited but could not check himself from conveying mischievously that the biryani had somehow become pasty during cooking in these words: “Aapka behad shukriya. Khana bahut hi lazeez tha lekin aaj apke chawalon mein jo ittefaq dekha wo maine kahin nahin dekha.” (My extreme thanks. The meal was delicious but the sense of solidarity that I found today among the rice here was
unsurpassed).
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Rivers of life One
of the latest and more perfidious designs of the Chinese was revealed through a casual statement from Beijing that they intend diverting the flow of the Brahmaputra (Tsangpo) in Tibet. Viewed together with their preposterous claim over most of Arunachal Pradesh, this new intent is to shrivel the Brahmaputra in India to a mere monsoon, flood water ditch.
This, in effect, will deprive millions of citizens living in the Northeast region of India of their ages old livelihoods. And, in due course, Bangladesh will be reduced to the status akin to Darfur with unending queues of seekers of food-doles. After all, the food chain and industry are, among other inputs, hugely dependent on the perennial waters of rivers. In the history of mankind, certain spheres of activity acquired universal acceptance without recourse to legal treaties or covenants. Take for instance the freedom to ply over the high seas and oceans and utilising rivers for water and commerce as they come flowing from where-so-ever and by whom-so-ever. So, the Danube which arises in the Black Forest, merrily waltzes along not only through Germany but also across Austria, Hungary and Yugoslavia. In its journey of about 2800 km to the Black Sea, it enriches both mankind and its own water chemistry. In turn, the Black Sea becomes home to 300 species of birds and 100 fish species. More important, Danube’s waters become the elixir for Sturgeon, which provides the finest and the world’s most expensive caviar. Altogether a glowing story of symbiotic interdependence on one river by eight nations. In the course of evolution, the nations of South Asia, Southeast Asia and China were provided with several rivers; some for exclusive use of one nation and others as a common water wealth for several countries. A cursory glance on the topography of Asia enthralls the viewer as he watches so many rivers emanating from Tibet, in one narrow corridor South of the line Rudok-Lhasa-Chamdo and North of the crest line of the Greater Himalayan range. In the west, in a space of just about 60 km, is a tight knot of glaciers at the mean elevation of 17000 ft ASL which forms the source of four major rivers of Pakistan, India, Tibet and Nepal. The Indus enters India near Rudok and flows onward to Pakistan without hindrance by India. Barely 30 km from its source, arises the Sutlej. It used to flow into India without obstruction till the recent advent of the Parechu boulder-dam which may be the creation of Chinese mischief. From the Southeast of Mt Kailash, the abode of Shiva, springs up the Brahmaputra. It flows in almost a straight West-to-East channel for nearly 1600 km sustaining life and culture in Tibet along both its banks. It then skirts around the base of the Namcha Barwa peak (25,445 ft) and turns sharply south to enter Arunachal Pradesh. Another 160 km and it makes a dramatic turn West to enter Assam at Sadiya. Thence it flows for about 500 km up to Dubri where yet again it turns South to enter Bangladesh; finally emptying in the Bay of Bengal. For immeasurable eons, the Brahmaputra has been a common legacy of Tibet and India and now of Bangladesh as well. Now, looking up North of the tri-junction of Tibet, India and Burma we come to an incredible geographical occurrence. In a constricted space of just 240 km lie the main upper channels of four more immense rivers of Asia. And all flowing North to South. Two of them, the Irrawaddy and the Salween are exclusively Burmese. Next comes the Mekong, nourishing the life and culture of Thailand, Cambodia, Laos and South Vietnam, covering some 4500 km to end up in the South China sea. In the upper reaches, the Mekong forms the common international boundary between China and Thailand. Unmindful of protestations of the Mekong delta nations and of UNO, the Chinese have usurped and dammed the Mekong for hydro-electricity to its south-eastern region. So the once rich rice harvests of SE Asia are now a thing of the past. The fourth river of this brotherhood is the Yangtze-kiang which is wholly Chinese. And barely 60 km north of the Yangtze’s source is China’s very own river the mighty Howang Ho or the Yellow river. Both rivers are as indivisibly a symbol of China as is the Great Wall. Well, that is not all; China has another dozen rivers which emanate from within the mainland itself. If the sum of all the rivers of China falls short of her needs, would that justify China resorting to international river brigandage? Would they next divert the Karnali Ganga which also springs close to Brahmaputra and flow into Western Nepal? And dam the Red river before it enters North Vietnam, the latter’s only river? Nile, the longest of all rivers of the world, bubbles out from an insignificant spring on a hill top in Burundi, the smallest nation in the world perhaps no bigger than UT Delhi. It covers more than 6400 km to its mouth on the Mediterranean in Egypt. In its colourful history the Nile Valley cradled one of the world’s great civilisations. Now, if Uganda and Tanganiyka were to drain Lake Victoria (the head water of the Nile) through a canal into the Indian Ocean, what will be the fate of the teeming millions in Sudan and Egypt? We can be sure that the international community will pout pious platitudes over China’s evil designs as they did over the impending destruction of the Bamiyan Buddhas. China knows that India is ill-matched for any meaningful sabre-rattling. So what option do we have save for abject diplomacy? And draw solace from our mythology that the birth spot of the son of Brahma is watched over by Shiva and his consort Parvati from atop Mt. Kailash and by Vishnu the preserver from atop Gurla Mandhata (Mt. Meeroo) their abodes on either bank of
Manasarover?!
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Fight on to show Indian serials Kabul — Love affairs, foreign gods and ladies’ belly-buttons are at the centre of a row threatening Afghanistan’s free press. Broadcasters are locked in a battle with the country’s Information Minister, after two television stations ignored ultimatums to stop showing Indian soap operas. The government is trying to ban Indian serials – must-see TV for millions of ordinary Afghans – on the grounds that they are un-Islamic, because they show couples courting, women cheating and too much female flesh. They also show characters worshipping Hindu gods. Some Islamic clerics have threatened to blow up TV antennae if the shows are not pulled. But the country’s most popular broadcaster, Tolo TV, has defied government threats to shut down the shows, and they have accused officials of attacking the media in a manner reminiscent of the Taliban, which used tanks to destroy TV sets. The Ministry of Information and Culture has delivered three ultimatums ordering broadcasters to stop showing the programmes, but twice they have had to extend the deadlines after Tolo, which brought Afghanistan its own version of Pop Idol, and a smaller station, Afghan TV, refused to cave in to their demands. The broadcasters now have until Tuesday to take the shows off the air. In its most recent statement, the ministry said: “Tolo and Afghan TV are informed for the last time to stop broadcasting certain serials as soon as possible. Otherwise, they will be referred to legal and judicial authorities.” “These serials have become an icon for free speech,” said Tolo’s director Jahid Mohseni. “This is a stand that we have to make.” He rejected claims that the government’s opposition was based on protecting Islam. “It has got nothing to do with Islam,” he added. “It is about using Islam as a dogma to attack people. The Taliban did pretty much the same thing.” Afghanistan’s National Union of Journalists reacted yesterday by launching an advertising campaign to highlight what they described as government-sponsored “threats to democracy”. The union’s president, Abdul Hamim Mobarez, said: “We are defending free speech and democracy in our country. There is nothing against our religion in these shows. We strongly believe these actions will endanger our democracy.” Broadcasters invariably blur female characters’ shoulders, backs and mid-rifts whenever their saris are too revealing. Tolo insists the ban is illegal under the country’s constitution, which enshrines free speech, and they point to viewing figures of more than 11 million as proof the shows do not offend Afghan culture. They say freedom of speech is facing a “crisis”. The Minister of Information and Culture, Abdul Karim Khurram, named five soaps he wanted banned last week, after consulting the influential Ulemma Council of Islamic scholars. President Hamid Karzai has since sided with the mullahs declaring there are too many foreign shows. At least two stations cancelled their Indian soaps. More than a dozen stations have sprung up since 2001 following the overthrow of the Taliban. By arrangement with
The Independent
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Olympian dilemma for democracies BEIJING — The Olympic torch is not exactly an unwelcome guest, but it is a problematic one. As the flame continues its troubled odyssey, host governments face tough decisions. Do they allow their citizens to express their opposition in the style to which they are accustomed and risk offending China, host of the 2008 games? Beijing was so angered by raucous protests in Paris, where a demonstrator tried to wrestle the torch from a Chinese athlete in a wheelchair, that it has strained trade and diplomatic relations between the countries. Alternatively, do torch relay hosts deploy so much security as to crimp the Olympic spirit and their own principles of free speech? Many Indians were furious that few got to see the torch during its jaunt through New Delhi last week besides a handful of VIPs and the 15,000 riot police lining the route. “Why do we always kowtow to the Chinese?” columnist Poonam I. Kaushish said. “India is a democracy with strong fundamentals of free speech and expression, unlike Communist China.” The torch relay on Tuesday in the Indonesia capital of Jakarta was reduced to a couple of laps before an invitation-only crowd inside a gymnasium. The Nepalese government announced that its soldiers will shoot anybody who interferes with the torch’s ascent in May of Mount Everest on the Nepal-Tibet border. For the relay on Thursday in Canberra, Australia opted for a middle ground. The 10-mile route was lined with police, who arrested seven protesters. But they allowed demonstrations a respectable distance from the torch and did nothing to stop a skywriting plane that sketched “Free Tibet” above the relay. “We are a democratic country, but we are also an Olympic-minded country,” is how Kevan Gosper, an Australian official on the International Olympic Committee, put the situation in a telephone interview earlier in the week. Roughly 2,000 pro-Tibetan demonstrators showed up for the event, scuffling with more than 10,000 pro-Chinese. Japan comes next, and the storm has been building for days. The 1,400-year-old Zenkoji temple in Nagano last week withdrew its permission to allow the relay to start from its grounds; officials announced instead that they would hold a prayer vigil in support of fellow Buddhists in Tibet. For lack of another location, the relay will begin in a municipal parking lot. Nagano Mayor Shoichi Washizawa told the Japanese newspaper Asahi Shimbun that hosting the torch relay is “a great nuisance.” What makes the Olympic torch such a hot potato is that China is a huge economic power but also exceedingly thin-skinned. Beijing has made no secret that it regards the reception accorded what officials call “the holy flame” as a loyalty test to determine which countries are true friends. Despite profuse apologies from French officials about the Paris protests, France has been punished by a boycott of one of its largest retailers, Carrefour. Chinese travel agencies have canceled trips to France. Protests in Asia haven’t reached the level of fury that they did in Paris, London or San Francisco. “Asian governments tend to be very deferential to China. They don’t want any embarrassment,” said Joseph Cheng, a political scientist at City University of Hong Kong. But the torch relay has brought all sorts of complications. At each stop, torchbearers have dropped out, each time creating bad publicity and forcing a scramble for replacements. U.N. agencies who were supposed to provide torchbearers for a relay in Pyongyang next week withdrew because of concerns that the North Korean regime “would co-opt the whole event for propaganda purposes,” as one official put it. The host countries also have had to decide whether to admit Chinese paramilitary police who were trained as a “flame protection squad.” The militarist bearing of the men in the blue track suits has offended many participants in the relay. Japan has refused to allow them to participate. The International Olympic Committee appears to have given China great leeway in the planning of the relay. China insisted on the 85,000-mile, 20-nation route, the longest in Olympic history, overriding the committee’s misgivings. But the Chinese didn’t appreciate that the relay would be seen as a once-in-a-lifetime chance for activists to publicize their grievances. Demonstrating inside China is difficult and is likely to be impossible in Beijing during the Olympics. In South Korea, the next stop after Japan, thousands of Christians have announced their plans to demonstrate against China’s policy of forcibly repatriating North Korean defectors in violation of U.N. laws on refugees. “How can China be proud of hosting the Olympics when they don’t abide by basic international laws?” said Lee Min-bok of the North Korean Christians Association. By arrangement with
LA Times-Washington Post
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