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The Mumbai farce In election mode |
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Power of
pardon
Bhutan opts for
democracy
The real
spirit of Goa
Exploit potential for
organic farming US troops will stay
beyond UN mandate in Iraq Delhi Durbar
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The Mumbai farce The
arrests of Raj Thackeray and Abu Azmi for three hours in Maharashtra was nothing but a farce enacted by Chief Minister Vilasrao Deshmukh to hoodwink the people. First of all, the government took two weeks to get the men who had let loose a goonda raj in the state. And then, it seemed to be more keen to see them on bail than keep them behind bars where they rightfully belonged. Whether it was done to avoid the possibility of Raj Thackeray becoming a “hero” or because his Maharashtra Navnirman Sena is an alliance partner of the Congress in state politics is a matter of interpretation. What is beyond doubt is that the Deshmukh government has failed in its duty to maintain law and order and protect the lives of outsiders who have been systematically attacked by Raj’s goons. Reining in these unruly mobs was the responsibility of the Deshmukh government, which it failed to discharge, for whatever reasons. Raj Thackeray has chosen an unethical route to gain cheap popularity. By provoking “Marathi manoos” through his fulminations that they had been sidelined by people coming over in droves from Uttar Pradesh, Bihar and other states, he has uncorked a genie which will be difficult to put back in the bottle. The only gainer of this machination may be Raj himself; Maharashtra state and its people will have to pay a heavy price for his petty gains. The Congress party, which is providing cover to Raj Thackeray, to weaken Bal Thackeray’s Shiv Sena, is going to regret the kind of support it is lending to politics of parochialism and hate. The irony is that Uddhav Thackeray and Samajwadi Party leader Abu Asim Azmi have jumped into this competitive exploitation fray. They have all let loose their cadres to flex their muscles. All this is being done to position themselves at vantage spots for the next assembly and parliamentary elections. They do not see the danger of small-time leaders in other states raising similar parochial demands, when the integrity of the country will be under threat. The Centre and the Congress High Command have done little to see that Mr Deshmukh does not play politics of the dangerous kind.
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In election mode The
appointment of three new Pradesh Congress Committee presidents signals the start of the process for the Congress party to recast its organisation and image in preparation for the elections. The changes were not only expected but also long overdue. In fact, it is surprising that the changes, in the first instance, are limited to three states. Regardless of the speculation over the timing of the general election, the reality is that the Congress has also to get ready for assembly elections in 10 states this year. After the recent election defeat in Gujarat and Himachal Pradesh, the party needs to do much more, and without waiting for too long, if it is to take on the BJP, its principal adversary. As of now, three Union ministers have been given political charge of states: Water Resource Minister Saifuddin Soz of Jammu and Kashmir; Information Minister Priya Ranjan Dasmunsi of West Bengal and Minister for Personnel Suresh Pachauri of Madhya Pradesh. The fact that PCC chiefs for Karnataka, Jharkhand and Chhattisgarh were not named at the same time raises the question whether the effort is to boost the party units in the state or to pave the way for a reshuffle of the Union Cabinet. The choice of Mr Soz for J & K would be welcomed by the rank and file in the state. While the political skills of Mr Soz would be on test in this sensitive border state, his clean image is an asset to begin with. Mr Dasmunsi is known for his antipathy to the CPM and can be expected to raise the pitch of the battle against the Left Front. In Madhya Pradesh, Mr Pachauri can count on the support of HRD Minister Arjun Singh as the latter’s son has also been given a role at the head of the campaign committee. More changes in the party and the government that need to be carried out without further delay should provide a clearer picture of how the Congress intends to take on not only the BJP, but also UPA supporters such as the CPM, and those who have drifted away from the
NDA.
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Power of pardon The
Supreme Court has rightly ruled that Governors should exercise their power of clemency under Article 161 of the Constitution strictly in accordance with the law. Otherwise, it will not shy away from testing the legality of the Governor’s remission power, the court ruled. In this context, the Bench consisting of Chief Justice K.G. Balakrishnan and Justice R.V. Raveendran refused to lift the stay on the en masse release of as many as 1,500 life convicts by the Andhra Pradesh government. Consequently, the order serves as an important precedent to all the Governors (by extension, the state governments) misusing their power of clemency to release life convicts prematurely. Justice Balakrishnan maintained that life imprisonment necessarily implied that the convict has to spend his entire life in prison. However, the Governor could grant pardon to a life convict only after he spent at least 14 years in prison, and not earlier. The Bench sought to correct the erroneous impression that the Governor’s power of pardon is discretionary, wide and not limited by time, occasion and circumstances. Being a constitutional authority, an order passed by the Governor is subject to judicial review if he has transgressed the jurisdiction in exercising this power; if he has passed it without the application of mind; or if it is a mala fide one. Significantly, the Bench questioned the Andhra government’s decision on the “wholesale release of criminals”. The Bench cannot allow this as it would be perilous to society, endangering peace, security and public order, it ruled. When the then Andhra Pradesh Governor and now Union Power Minister, Mr Sushil Kumar Shinde, pardoned a life convict (incidentally, a Congress worker) on the advice of the Rajasekhara Reddy government, the court quashed the remission on the ground that the Governor was guided by political considerations while exercising his constitutional power. The Punjab and Haryana High Court issued a notice to the Punjab government when the Governor pardoned Bathinda-based Sandeep Singh, son of former minister Teja Singh, convicted in a double murder case. The Om Prakash Chautala government in Haryana, too, granted pardon to hardcore criminals. Last Friday’s ruling should hopefully check the Governors from abusing their power of clemency, which is not a privilege or an act of grace and is subject to certain standards.
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Learn to write well, or not to write at all. — John Sheffield, Duke of Buckingham
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Bhutan opts for democracy King Jigme Singhye Wangchuk abdicated power in 2006 in favour of his son, Prince Khesar Namgyal Wangchuk, accelerating the peaceful transition of Bhutan from an absolute monarchy to a constitutional monarchy, begun in 1990 and slated to be completed in March this year. Still fresh in his mind was the migrant Nepali takeover of the indigenous Bhutia community in Sikkim and its forced merger into the Indian union in 1974. The Sikkimese lost their identity to the Nepalese as a result. Two other factors helped the King read the writing on the wall: the movements for democracy started almost simultaneously in Nepal and Bhutan in the late 1980s and the concern for the growing population imbalance on account of the Bhupalese — Bhutanese of Nepali origin. Together these triggered the efflux of nearly 110,000 Bhupalese into Nepal in 1990. The Maoist insurgency and the Jan Andolan II of Nepal in 2006 hastened the Royal decision on turning Bhutan into a multiparty democracy. Unlike in Nepal, India had preferred stability over democracy in Bhutan. The twin pillars policy of constitutional monarchy and multiparty democracy now adopted by Bhutan and virtually abandoned in Nepal is India’s favoured choice for the Himalayan states. In any event, the voluntary and peaceful transfer of power to the people is rare in these turbulent times and troubled region. In December 2003, after six years of negotiations with Bodo, Kamtapuri and ULFA militants, and Delhi’s friendly persuasion Bhutan flushed out the rebel groups from 30 camps in east Bhutan in Operational All Clear. The India-Bhutan Treaty of Perpetual Peace and Friendship of 1949 was revised last year to reflect sovereign equality by dropping the provision on Bhutan being guided by India in its foreign policy. The process of turning the country around from absolute monarchy to democracy began in earnest in 1998 when executive powers were transferred from the King to an elected council of ministers headed by a Prime Minister. The Royal decree of 1953 has been replaced by a written constitution to be adopted this year. Bhutan has crossed several milestones in the path to full democracy. Already in place are Bhutan’s five constitutional pillars: Election Commission, Anti-Corruption Commission, Attorney-General’s Office, Civil Services Commission and Audit Commission. Later this year, Bhutan will unveil its first written constitution and a new fifth king, its first constitutional monarch. A country of 700,000 people so far untouched by terrorism is unlikely to remain an oasis of stability. It faces multiple security challenges. Nurtured for nearly two decades in refugee camps on a mix of UN dole, Maoist ideology and Nepali polity in East Nepal, a number of dissident groups like the Bhutan Tiger Force, the Bhutan Maoist Party and the Communist Party of Bhutan have sprung up. The political groups, spawned in the early 1990s by the repression against the Bhupalese — have mainly remained dormant. ULFA and Bodo rebels who threaten the land links to Bhutan are handled by Indian security forces. Bhutan has a 200-sq km residual border dispute with China, its only other neighbour with whom it has no trading or diplomatic relations. Where the watershed along the Masang Kungchu range is clearly defined, the border has been demarcated. It is in the North-West portion where the spurs drop towards Chumbi Valley which is disputed. The Chinese aim is to enlarge the Chumbi Salient so that it can secure a larger launch pad along the Amo Chu river into the strategic Siliguri corridor. Dolam Plateau and Dokala have figured prominently in the 18 rounds of talks held alternately in Beijing and Thimpu. No talks have taken place since 2006 due to Bhutan’s preoccupation with constitutional changes. The border talks are synchronised with those held between India and China and follow coordinated trajectory. The resolution of the two border disputes is closely linked and in the final stages would involve tripartite negotiations to settle the coordinates of the two trijunctions: West of Tawang in Arunachal and East of Batang La in Sikkim. Bhutan faces no immediate threat from the north and the south though cross-border concerns, especially from the south, are palpable. A sizeable Indian Military Training and Administration Team (IMTRAT) has been located at Ha and Thimpu since 1962. It trains and prepares Bhutanese security forces to meet the multifaceted internal and external challenges and provides its inventory of weapons and fire power though Bhutan is free to procure from other sources. All roads inside Bhutan have been built by the Border Roads Force called Dantak. India had a similar training team in Nepal from 1950 to 1978 when Kathmandu asked for its withdrawal. It would be wise to reduce IMTRAT’s optical presence especially from Thimpu and gradually downsize its physical presence in Bhutan. No longer relevant, a police advisory team was removed in 1997. Bhutan’s relations with Nepal are soured over the refugee issue. Both have their versions of the so-called southern Bhutan refugees problem. While Bhutan says all the refugees are not Bhutanese citizens, Kathmandu has told Thimpu that it is a problem between “you and the refugees”. Joint verification of refugees has been done but talks are stalled due to the interim political situation in Nepal. Bhutan is unlikely to take back any refugees though the older ones wish to return “to die in Bhutan”. They are part of the Back-to-Bhutan group. A new generation of Bhupalese, born and bred in the camps, affected by Maoists has spawned militant groups which made their bombing debut in Bhutan last month. A shooting incident occurred recently to stop the refugees vacating the camps. Later this month, the first batch of 300 refugees will go to Norway and Denmark. Most of the 110,000 refugees are to be divided between the US, Canada, Australia, the Netherlands and New Zealand. As many of the Bhupalese are teachers, their exodus will leave a void in local schools. India had washed its hands of the refugee problem though recently it played a key role in persuading Nepal to provide exit visas to the Bhupalese. Relations between India and Bhutan have never been better. These are perfect in the cooperative use of 2000 MW of Bhutan’s 30,000 MW hydroelectric power potential. The projects on stream are Chukha, Kurichu and Tala, all three 1500 MW. Three other projects worth 1760 MW — Punatshangchhu I and II and Mangdechhu — are in the pipeline. India buys back 1044 MW of electricity from Bhutan, and New Delhi itself is a recipient of power from Tala through the Northern grid. Water has enabled Bhutan to enjoy one of the highest per capita incomes in SAARC, next to Maldives. But the Bhutanese measure the index of prosperity through what they call Gross National Happiness. The GNH or the strategy of growth is distilled from sustainable development, environmental protection, cultural heritage or good governance. In 1998 Bhutan removed all saw mills from forests and banned the export of timber. Regulations require minimum green coverage of the country to be 74 per cent. The Centre for Bhutan Studies in a recent poll adjudged that 68 per cent of the Bhutanese are happy and contented. Last month’s four powerful bombs and some more this month credited to dissident groups in Nepal exploded in different parts of the country. These are not the first explosions to rock Shangrila Bhutan but they indicate that Bhupalese and Maoists can combine to undermine Bhutan’s collective
happiness.
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The real spirit of Goa The
spirit of Goa goes beyond its golden beaches and prawn curry. It lies in its golden-hearted people. Ritesh Salgaonkar, the driver of our rented car, looks much too polished for his job. He speaks immaculate English and is a treasure-house of knowledge on local history, architecture and culture. He knows where to locate old Goan villas in the villages for my architectural interest; which beaches have aquamarine blue waters and suggests which lobster to choose. He is the perfect guide and friend one can hope for a travel! But what endears him most is his special concern for my wife’s arthritis; taking the car through little known alleys close to beaches and forts, so that she doesn’t have to walk much. As the day ends over chilled beer at Baga beach, watching the sun dip into the expanse of blue waters, we ask him if he would take us out for sightseeing next day also? “Sorry sir, tomorrow I can send my driver only … as I would be busy in office.” And then he clarifies, that actually he is the owner of the travel agency from which we’ve rented out the car — a post-graduate in history — and came in only because the driver had to suddenly take his girlfriend to her village! Next day, however, we’re pleasantly surprised to see Ritesh again. “Though Lawrence has shown up and he’ll drive, I have come so that Ma’am doesn’t have any problems.” And the myriad beauties of Goa unfold caringly and patiently for us the whole day. Looking for books on Goa I go browsing in various shops. The “Singbals” book shop in Panaji housed in a heritage building painted in vibrant turquoise-blue colours of the sea; located right in front of the Church Of Lady of Immaculate Conception and “Mr Baker” — famous for its croissants and apple tarts, run by two old Goan sisters — is the perfect setting for a book lover. As I browse through books, the proprietor, gives me special attention as an architect from Chandigarh. He suggests books, offers coffee, and more significantly a fat discount! He also helps me in arranging a possible appointment with Mario Miranda, the famous cartoonist of whom I’m a great fan. I end up buying more books than I need! As I want to pick up some famous Goan port wine, Albert Pinto the owner of the wine store, passionately holds forth on the attributes of a good port wine, history of wine making in Goa, and the old Portuguese wines — in short a session that would do my Wine Club meet in Chandigarh proud. Goa is all this and much more. It’s an experience where Mrs Fatima Robello, owner of a heritage villa; first opens the door with a ferocious Alsatian dog but later serves coffee with plum cake, when I want to photograph her magnificent villa! The slogan “Athithi devo bhave” must have been born in big-heart
Goa.
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Exploit potential for organic farming Consumer
demand world wide is now shifting fast to organic products. Not only fruits, vegetables, grains and fibers, the preferences are clear even for products like meat eggs, milk and tea. Driven by commercial interests, most of the suppliers of different commodities are exploiting the consumers by labeling their products as organic without applying any credible internal control and certification by any authorised agency. A recently held exhibition of organic produce at New Delhi is incontrovertible evidence of the situation. Except for one or two stalls none of the exhibits were organic products. None of the stalls could show any credible certification. It is common knowledge that in the intensively cultivated areas, whether these are foodgrain crops, fruits or vegetables, chemical fertilisers and pesticides have been used excessively for over more than five decades. The high potential irrigated areas suffer from high levels of chemical residues in the soil and in the commodities being produced grown there. Fruits and vegetables are excessively sprayed with pesticides. So unscrupulous are the producer-sellers that they do not hesitate to spray immediately prior to harvesting the produce. Some even dip the produce in chemical solutions before bring the produce to the market. Many of us have seen sting operations of one of the T.V. channels showing raw plucked mangoes being injected piece by piece with carcinogenic chemical solution before packing the fruits in cartons. On being questioned, the packers responded that every one does so because by the time the fruit is sold in the market the fruit ripens and its skin becomes attractively golden in colour. In this country, the producers neither have the knowledge nor any concern about the consumers as to what they are being supplied. Government checks and enforcement of food safety laws are violated with impunity. Under such circumstances, it is not surprising that many unscrupulous sellers are exploiting the consumers by falsely labeling their products as organic. For any organic production, the fields have to be kept free of application of chemicals like fertilisers and pesticides. This results in drastic reduction of yields of the commodities being produced. Yet, these cannot be labeled as organic. After three years, the land has to be tested for residues and after that every operation has to be free of any chemical application and the produce has to be tested for chemical residue, if any. Only with such an internal control can the product be certified an organic product. This certification has to be by an accredited agency. These days the sensitised consumer in the world market demands even the traceability of the product he buys and consumes. The traceability system involved internal control by small units like hectare of land under the crop. Listing its ownership and location, a complete record is kept of all operations and applications to the end till the product is packed for sale. Then bar codes are fixed on every pack or even individual fruit, which carries the complete record of whatever operations or applications the product has passed through and the consumer can trace the complete history of the product he buys. Any defect can be traced back to the origin of the defect. Potential in hill and rainfed areas The system of organic production and traceability can be applied and implemented more easily in most of the hill areas and rainfed areas of the country. In these areas, the chemical load is quite low and in most soil residues can be eliminated easily. Fortunately, systems of bio-fertilisation and pest control are available, wherein soils are analysed for bacteria and organisms that fix nitrogen from the air and create high fertility conditions in the field. These organisms are separated in the laboratories and multiplied through organic cultures like animal dung and jagary (gur) and applied in the field, which do not let the yields come down – rather, they improve. These cultures work better in the soils where there are no chemical residues. We have examples of Cuba, where such organic farming is being practiced extensively. In that country booming requirements of protective foods are being met through organoponicos on small plots of land allotted to the individual farmers. The country has more than 7,000 such urban allotments, that occupy some 81,000 acres. More than 200 gardens in Havana supply its citizens with more than 90 per cent of their fruits and vegetables. More than 200 locally based centers specializing in bio-pesticides annually produce 200 tons of verticillium to control whitefly, and 800 tons of beaveria sprays to control beetles. Cut banana stems baited with honey to attract ants are placed in sweet potato fields, which have led to control of sweet potato weevil. There are 170 vermi-compost centers, the annual production of which has grown to 9,300 tons. These and many other such systems can be developed and applied in India also. The hill areas of Himalayas, particularly the states like Himachal Pradesh in western Himalayas, have quite a few virgin areas, in respect of application of chemical fertilisers and pesticides. There are valleys in areas like Saproon, Palampur, Kangra and Chamba, which are easily accessible and can be got rid of chemical residues, if any, must faster, because of quite heavy rains that wash off the soils quite considerably. Once these lands are brought under organic farming the organic fertilisation does not wash off easily and organic pest control persists quite stubbornly. Another outstanding advantage of these areas are they are quite free from dust and other air pollutants. As a consequence the commodities produced here, such as fruits, vegetables and flowers, have much better lustre and fetch better prices in the market. These areas are crying for sustainable exploitation for organic production of high value commodities, which can fetch much better prices and can be produced cost effectively. In some of the valleys of these areas, the abundant water flowing down to field after field of paddy are an eye sore. One wonders why such high potential areas have to continue producing wheat and rice or other such crops and not turn to high value crops under the system of organic farming with traceability! Himachal Pradesh has another special advantage in this respect. The state has well developed research institutions like Agricultural University and Institute of Himalayan Bio-resource technology at Palampur, Horticulture and Forestry University at Solan along with central and state research centers in various regions including Shimla and Kullu. These institutions should be used to develop systems of organic production in their areas of strength. Credible private organizations also exist that can implement the systems of organic production and certification with traceability. All these are the challenges and opportunities that are awaiting the new government of the state, if there is a desired level of seriousness for improving the lot of the farmers, particularly small farmers.
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US troops will stay beyond UN mandate in Iraq
Over
the past year, we have seen that Iraqis are committed to affirming their own sovereignty. The Iraqi army and police are taking the lead in providing security over much of the country. Iraq is building relationships with other nations in the Middle East. The Iraqi people want to meet their own needs and control their own destiny. And they desire a more normal relationship with the United States. US troops and diplomats have made untold sacrifices to help put Iraq on the path to self-sufficiency. A crucial phase in this process will unfold in the coming months, when US ambassador in Baghdad, Ryan Crocker, begins negotiating a basic framework for normalised relations with the Iraqi government – to include what is known as a “status of forces” agreement. Whenever American troops are stationed or temporarily present on foreign soil, a number of legal questions arise, ranging from the overall scope of their mission to the minutiae of day-to-day life – from authority to fight to rules for delivering mail. In more than 115 nations, we have individually tailored status-of-forces agreements. These agreements are crafted to take into account circumstances in each host country as well as the unique requirements and missions of our forces there. In Iraq, the presence and role of the United States and our coalition partners have been authorised by UN resolutions. The current UN authorisation expires at the end of this year, and Iraq has indicated that it will not seek an extension. It would rather have an arrangement that is more in line with what typically governs the relationships between two sovereign nations. There is debate here at home about the future presence, composition and mission of US forces in Iraq. It is clear, however, that US forces will need to operate in Iraq beyond the end of this year for progress in stabilizing Iraq to continue. In these negotiations, we seek to set the basic parameters for the US presence in Iraq, including the appropriate authorities and jurisdiction necessary to operate effectively and to carry out essential missions, such as helping the Iraqi government fight al-Qaida, develop its security forces, and stem the flow of lethal weapons and training from Iran. In addition, we seek to establish a basic framework for a strong relationship with Iraq, reflecting our shared political, economic, cultural and security interests. Nothing to be negotiated will mandate that we continue combat missions. Nothing will set troop levels. Nothing will commit the United States to join Iraq in a war against another country or provide other such security commitments. And nothing will authorise permanent bases in Iraq (something neither we nor Iraqis want). And consistent with well-established practice regarding such agreements, nothing will involve the US Senate’s treaty-ratification authority – although we will work closely with the appropriate committees of Congress to keep lawmakers informed and to provide complete transparency. Classified briefings have already begun, and we look forward to congressional input. In short, nothing to be negotiated in the coming months will tie the hands of the next US commander in chief, whomever he or she may be. Quite the contrary, it will give the president the legal authority to protect US national interest – and the latitude to chart the next administration’s course. There is wide recognition of the need for a normal bilateral relationship of this type. It has the support of moderate political forces from all of Iraq’s communities – Sunni, Shiite and Kurd. A bipartisan group of senior senators have called for it – among them Carl Levin, John Warner and Richard Lugar. And it has been promoted by bipartisan panels such as the Independent Commission on the Security Forces of Iraq, chaired by retired US Marine Corps Gen. James L. Jones. Similarly, the Baker-Hamilton commission advocated a series of longer-term missions that would require an agreement of this sort. There is little doubt that 2008 will be a year of critical transition in Iraq as our force levels continue to come down, as our mission changes and as Iraqis continue to assert their sovereignty. But to continue the success we have seen in recent months, the Iraqi people and government will continue to need our help. Iraqis have requested a normalized relationship with us, and such a relationship will be part of a foundation of success in Iraq – a foundation upon which future US administrations can build. The writers are, respectively, the US secretary of state and the US
secretary of defense. By arrangement with LA Times-Washington Post
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Delhi Durbar Issues concerning farmers will be on top of the agenda of the Opposition at the start of the budget session of Parliament with both the UNPA and the BJP-SAD planning farmers rallies in the national capital. The Bharatiya Kisan Union has also planned an indefinite gherao of Paliament from February 27 to press for its demands, which include waiving the debts of farmers. Sensing the Opposition's desire to make political gain by highlighting the problems faced by the farming community, the government is working on an agriculture package. It remains to be seen if the government will announce it before the start of the session to puncture the attack of the Opposition.
Sukhbir’s ideas The ascendancy of a young leader to the top in the Shiromani Akali Dal is likely to see some changes in the organisational structure of the party. Sukhbir Singh Badal, who was in the national capital recently after assuming responsibility as the chief of SAD, wants to make the party tech savvy. Badal Jr is keen that sustained efforts are made to attract FDI in areas direly needed in the sensitive border state. Even as efforts are being made by the External Affairs ministry to be a nodal point for taking up the case of the specific needs of the states, Punjab is keen for high tech intervention to deal with the problem of contamination of water and ensure a smooth transition to new agricultural practices.
Arms bazaar India is a lucrative market for armaments with the three armed forces seeking to modernise their inventory and proposed purchases running into billions of dollars. All major armaments manufacturers are keenly eyeing the deals to be clinched. Consequently, the fifth edition of Defexpo-2008, spread over four days in the capital from February 16 to 19, has attracted more than 270 defence manufacturers from no fewer than 30 countries. This also provides domestic manufacturers including those in the private sector an opportunity to display their produce. The endeavour is also to ensure that India acquires cutting edge technology from around the world. Considering the warmth in the ties between India and US, there are no fewer than 46 American companies being represented at the show.
Nylon shuttles People for the Ethical Treatment of Animals (Peta) is pushing for the use of synthetic shuttlecocks rather than those made of bird feathers. Peta believes there is a shortage of feather shuttlecocks because of the fear that players might contract bird flu. Peta is trying to impress upon the Badminton Association of India to shift to nylon shuttlecocks as the economic benefits of such a move are considerable. Contributed by Prashant Sood, Girja Shankar Kaura and S. Satyanarayanan
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