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Competitive parochialism A true saint |
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New naval UAV Keep to all project goals THE Indian Navy is reportedly all set to develop an advanced, Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) with greater endurance and enhanced ability to collect and process data, to make it a cutting-edge reconnaissance platform.
Race for White House
Spousal sparring
Still off target Resolving Kenya’s war with itself
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Competitive parochialism THE situation in Mumbai seems to be taking a turn for the worse with Shiv Sena chief Uddhav Thackeray coming out in the open against what he calls “outsiders”. His workers indulged in vandalism when they smashed windowpanes and blackened English signboards at Chattrapati Shivaji International Airport in Mumbai. They were protesting against employment of migrant labour and use of languages other than Marathi at the airport. The demands can only be described as chauvinistic. English and Hindi are as much national languages as Marathi is and nobody has any right to protest against their use, particularly at an airport where foreigners frequent. Similarly, Uddhav Thackeray’s threat that if outside workers are brought to Mumbai “they will be packed off in parcel and sent back in a cargo plane” is highly provocative. What seems to have influenced Uddhav Thackeray is the limelight his estranged cousin Raj Thackeray and his Maharashtra Navnirman Sena have been enjoying over their campaign against “North Indians” (read UP-ites and Biharis). Anti-outsider campaigns have always been associated with the Shiv Sena which had its origin in a campaign against South Indians. The Shiv Sena does not want anyone, the least of all Raj Thackeray, to take away this platform from the party. So while ridiculing Raj Thackeray for his tirade against Amitabh Bachchan, it has hit upon the idea of preventing outsiders from working at the airport. This can only be called competitive parochialism. Both groups forget that they are agitating against the Constitution that gives the citizen unfettered freedom to travel and work anywhere in the country. While politicians are pandering to the parochial feelings of the people which, in turn, results in attacks against the poor people, the government remains a mute spectator to the goings-on. Of course, it can claim that it has arrested so many arsonists but what about people like Raj Thackeray, who was the chief guest at a marriage party organised by the police chief when his followers were taking the law into their own hands? Successive governments have mollycoddled the Thackerays so much that they believe they can get away with the most unethical conduct for a politician. It is this kid-glove treatment that encourages them to indulge in violence. The sooner it is stopped the better it will be for Mumbai and the rest of the nation.
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A true saint FEW people get to live to the ripe age of 93. Even fewer get to do as much noble work as Baba Amte did in these nine decades. No wonder, the sense of loss over his “untimely” death on Saturday last is palpable, not only among those whose lives he changed forever, but also those who watched this Gandhian saint from a distance. It is rare to find a person giving off so much love and affection so selflessly. So many prejudices are attached to leprosy even today that even family members of such patients desert them. The fear was even stronger when Baba Amte opened an ashram for them in Maharashtra nearly 50 years ago. But he was saintly in the true sense of the word. He not only served them day and night, but even got leprosy germs injected into his body to test new medicines that were then being developed. It is such sacrifices that had made him a legend in his lifetime. The messiah of the oppressed and the downtrodden was born into a well-to-do family. He lived a life of luxury to begin with, so much so that his car seats had covers made out of tiger-skin, but chucked it all to jump into the freedom struggle. When Independence came, he did not hang his social service boots but started a new mission: that of developing a practical and sustainable model of development for the poorest of the poor. His loving touch made infertile land to bloom and the helpless to get touched by a ray of hope. All his life, Devidas Murlidhar Amte strived to save trees and the environment. This quest continued in death too. He wished a burial, instead of cremation by fire and a sapling to be planted at the spot, so that he could be reborn as a tree. Whether one believes in rebirth or not, the nobleness of the gesture is unexceptionable. |
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New naval UAV THE Indian Navy is reportedly all set to develop an advanced, Unmanned Aerial Vehicle (UAV) with greater endurance and enhanced ability to collect and process data, to make it a cutting-edge reconnaissance platform. What is more, it is to be a rotary wing (helicopter type) UAV, rather than the fixed wing UAVs like DRDO’s Nishant or the hundreds of UAVs imported from Israel and deployed across the country’s borders. Navy Chief Admiral Sureesh Mehta has been quoted describing the UAV — to be built by the Hindustan Aeronautics Limited — as a “path-breaking initiative” that can “transform Naval warfare.” Whatever the hyperbole, there is no doubt that UAVs are playing an increasingly important role in battlefield and border reconnaissance, for both defence and offense. Advanced countries, in fact, are already looking at the possibility of unmanned combat vehicles (UCVs) which can replace the piloted fighter aircraft. Be that as it may, UAVs have already proved their worth as outstanding reconnaissance platforms. They can fly over enemy or border territory, lingering for long periods out of reach of radar or hostile fire, with their cameras taking in crucial detail about geographical terrain and movement of men and material. Modern technologies also enable target acquisition and real-time transmitting of data to weapons platforms, enabling an effective “sensor to shooter” link. UAVs can play a maritime role as well, and this is where the Navy’s project comes in handy. Apparently, the project clearance is expected shortly and a foreign partner has already been identified. HAL’s aeronautics experience will stand it in good stead and the project should fare better than DRDO’s fixed wing Nishant UAV. HAL is not immune to time and cost overruns, however, nor to performance lacunae and it should pull out all stops to ensure that a quality product is delivered to the Navy, on time. |
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Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best. a — Woodrow Wilson
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Race for White House
AS
the US presidential campaigns of the two main parties go along their expected extravagant over-the-top paths, one truth is emerging. The United States of America is more prepared for a woman than a black president. This is so despite the good showing by Mr Barrack Obama in the most recent bunch of primaries and the momentum he has gathered to come almost level with Mrs Hillary Clinton. Mr Obama is an articulate and attractive figure and has fired the imagination of many, among voters at large and such pedigree Democrats as Mr Edward Kennedy and Mrs Caroline Kennedy. He seems to have captured the mood of people at large hankering for a change after more than seven years of a woeful George W. Bush administration that has given the people the Iraq war, less taxes for the rich, prospects of a recession and the lowest standing of America in the world in recent times. Mrs Clinton also embodies change after a fashion, but eight years of her husband’s presidency is both an asset and a liability. She is not writing on a clean slate, whatever her protestations. Disregarding his frolicking with Monica Lewinsky and its consequences, Mr Bill Clinton’s eight years in the White House seem radiant, compared to the present incumbent’s record. But Democrats of the Clinton and Obama variety represent only one part of the political picture. Mr John McCain, who has achieved front-runner status in the Republican Party, is fighting influential sections of his party men and women who believe that he is not conservative enough. Decidedly, he is not a favourite of the evangelical Christians and is considered a liberal on such issues as immigration. It is a measure of how far the pendulum has swung in the American political spectrum that this should be so even though Mr McCain believes that the Iraq war can be won and would not hear of fixing a date for US troops’ withdrawal. It is, of course, likely that although Mr McCain will wrap up the delegates he needs to assure himself of the Republican nomination sooner rather than later, his major task would be to enthuse the rank and file of the Republican Party. Republicans increasingly come in shades of dyed-in-the-wool conservatives who distinguish themselves from the traditional variety by polishing their neoconservative credentials and opposing what is even centrist. How the Democrats’ neck and neck race between Mrs Clinton and Mr Obama will take shape remains to be seen. If Mrs Clinton cannot best her rival till the party’s formal nomination session, the so-called super delegates, who have the power to influence the result, can decide the issue. It is fair to assume that the Democratic policy-making machine will come to the conclusion that by nominating Mr Obama, a black American, the party would be gifting away the election to the Republicans, despite the record of the Bush administration. Bringing about change is a good slogan but it is wise to remember that party loyalties do not make a great deal of difference in the core beliefs of the American establishment. President Bush might have been foolish in how he invaded Iraq but the objective of toppling Saddam Hussein had wide support as also the strengthening of Israel’s position further in the region. Perhaps another president would have given greater priority to finishing the job in Afghanistan, which had wide international support, rather than intervene in Iraq when he did. But the aim of dominating the region is shared by US policy-makers. The US establishment has come to hold certain beliefs in the post-Cold War and Post-Nine Eleven world. Given America’s unmatched military power and the soft power it enjoys, it must shape the world primarily according to American interests. This means strengthening Israel and checkmating hostile forces in the Middle-East as also containing Russia by ringing it with nations harbouring old grievances against Moscow and eager to join an anti-Russian NATO alliance, containing and engaging China by a web of military and other alliances and building a network of countries to fight terrorism of primary concern to Washington. This set of beliefs is spelled out bluntly in the strategy document of 2002 by giving the US the right to strike a country of its choice pre-emptively and ensure that no country or group of nations can match American power and influence in the world. Differences among Republicans and conservatives and Republicans and Democrats are over the wisdom and practicality of threatening and acting unilaterally except as a last resort, the emphasis to give to multilateral action and the absurdity of creating the world after the American image. It is also open to question whether the US can, single-handedly or with coalitions of the willing, work its will in an increasingly complex and multipolar world. It would appear that the idealistic aspects of the American worldview have been overwhelmed by the circumstances of its emergence as the sole superpower for the first time in the history of the planet. The temptation to reorder the world according to American interests is too great. Historically, there has always been a streak of exceptionalism in American consciousness – the concept of the shining city on the hill. But for many Americans, particularly of the evangelical variety, God seems to have given America unsurpassed power to lead the world and reshape it. Americans of all stripes believe that their country is, indeed, the greatest. For most Americans, the abysmal standing of the US in the world is a signal that some things should be done differently. The blunt language of the bully should be eschewed and there are often easier diplomatic ways of resolving problems. Indeed, President Bush himself has been forced to adopt a somewhat changed policy in his second term, most strikingly on North Korea. Iraq, of course, is too far gone to try to change course, short of setting an early date for the withdrawal of all troops. Since he cannot resolve the Iraq mess during the remaining months of his presidency, there is little option for him but to put a brave face on things, and he has a supporter in Mr McCain who promises to seek victory and produce Osama bin Laden out of thin air, as it were. In any event, President Bush, together with most Republicans, has changed his tactics, not his beliefs. And Democrats share the vision of the city on the shining hill to a great
extent.
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Spousal sparring
You are improving, keep it up”, said wife as one was leaving for work in the morning. One heard it right but being in hurry, as usual, one didn’t absorb its full shock. Shock, because a compliment from wife isn’t a normal happening and usually has a flip side to it. For example, one took some time to realise that when they appreciate your dress saying, “Nice combination, eh”, the unsaid part is “Who’s coming to see you?” Presently, settled in the car, one mulled over it. It didn’t help that the missive had been delivered without any trace of sarcasm. What was the provocation, then? And, the motive? As far as one could recall, one hadn’t done anything in last 24 four hours or so that could impress her. I hadn’t folded the newspapers neatly after glancing through them, hadn’t watered the potted plants nor had I fed the fish in the aquarium. One hadn’t bothered to switch off the bathroom lights after taking shower and had left the towel at the usual place, i.e. on the bed. Also, one had been one’s grumpy, fussy self at breakfast. And to top it all, one had even smoked a cigarette. I had a mind to forget the thing but the sense of unease would not leave me. To get over with it, I rang her up and asked hesitatingly, “Sorry, I forgot to thank you. What was the compliment about?” “What compliment?” she said sounding as if she had been caught doing something utterly unacceptable. But, obviously, she had forgotten about it. So much the better, one thought and said, “Never mind.” But before one could hang up she pressed on saying, “What was I doing before you left?” I tried but couldn’t recall. “Sorry, I don’t remember”, I said. “That is the problem with you. You never take notice of the people around you,” she said. “Isn’t that good?” I said mischievously. “I mean at home”, she corrected herself. “But I was in hurry”, I said invoking the standard excuse. “Tell me when you are not?” she parried. Just then one recalled her favourite morning activity and took a chance. “You were scanning old newspapers”, I said. “Okay, I recall now. I read your piece that appeared in the newspaper last week. You’re improving as a writer”, she said in a tone that couldn’t have been more flat. Yet, the sense of relief made one joke, “Oh, I thought you meant that I was improving as a husband.” “Not yet, dear. But what’s the hurry, you have seven lives to do that”, she said sourly before
disconnecting.
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Still off target THE Defence Research and Development Organisation (DRDO) recently announced that it had “completed” its strategic Integrated Guided Missile Development Programme (IGMDP). Dr. S. Prahalad, one of India’s top defence scientists said that the IGMDP has been closed since most of the missiles under this project have been almost completed and inducted into the armed forces.
He further added that unlike the situation post-Pokharan, when doors to technology transfers were closed on India, new doors of frontline armament technology transfer are now open. In a far-reaching move that could change the very basis of the organisation of India’s defence, it was announced that the development and production of most of the DRDO’s futuristic weapons system henceforth would be undertaken with foreign collaboration with a five-year time frame at low costs with foreign partners and private industries. However, while the DRDO tried to put the best possible gloss over its decision to close the IGMDP, it needs to be underlined that the result for the nation and its armed forces has been less than satisfactory in so far as the IGMDP is concerned. While Agni and Prithvi have been the relative success stories of the IGMDP and have hogged the limelight, the other projects have been marred by delays, cost overruns and failures. The Trishul project was a short range, quick reaction, all weather surface-to-air missile designed to counter a low-level attack. It has been flight tested in the sea-skimming role and also against moving targets. It has a range of nine km and is powered by a two stage solid propellant system. The Trishul missile had been intended to be a multi-service design. The Indian Air Force, which had initially planned to deploy the missile, later rejected the idea. The Army followed suit by stating that Trishul was unlikely to meet its requirements. And the Israeli Barak system is being currently deployed by the Indian Navy instead of the indigenous Trishul system. It was then decided by the Indian government that Trishul would not be fielded as an operational system but would rather serve as a technology demonstrator whose technology could be used in other missile programs. Akash has been under development since 1983 as a part of the IGMDP and it was slated to enter the air defence systems of the army and air force in early 1990s. However, both the services rejected the system on the grounds that it did not meet their requirements. With the recent successful tests of the Akash in 2007, the Air force has reportedly ordered two units of the Akash missile for induction somewhere around 2009, which is almost fifteen years behind schedule. Nag is India's third generation "Fire-and-forget" anti-tank missile. It is an all-weather, missile with a range of 4 to 7 km. The missile uses an 8 kg tandem HEAT warhead capable of defeating modern armour including ERA (Explosive Reactive Armour) and composite armour. Nag uses Imaging Infra-Red (IIR) guidance with day and night capability. Mode of launch for the IIR seeker is LOBL (Lock On Before Launch). Nag can be mounted on an infantry vehicle; a helicopter launched version will also be available with integration work being carried out with the HAL Dhruv. Nag has completed its trial versions and the project will be completed by the end of 2008 exceeding its scheduled date by more than a decade. It is fairly clear that most of the projects undertaken by the IGMDP are either not fully complete or have fully met the requirements of the armed forces. DRDO has also received flak from the government for its major projects not being completed on time and for its lack of public accountability. While some blame for this must surely rest with the Indian government not fully setting the strategic direction of Indian defence industry and with the Indian armed forces whose demands have occasionally seemed more a reflection of the sales pitches from global arms market as opposed to the nation’s defence requirements derived from its geostrategic environment, the DRDO’s shortcomings cannot be given a short shrift in the indifferent performance of the IGMDP over the years. The lack of accountability with regard to the DRDO’s output and performance over the years has been astounding, especially given the resources that has been provided to it. Despite serious delays and overruns, the DRDO has continued to insist that no fundamental problems exist that need to be rectified. In the name of self-reliance in defence, sub-optimal use of nation’s resources has produced a situation where not only is a very small percentage of India’s weapon systems are of domestic origin but also the real problems in defence research and acquisition are not being examined seriously. The decision to close the IGMDP does not come as a surprise and probably the DRDO was not left with much choice. After making an announcement blitz involving Agni-III, Agni-IV, missile defence, Akash etc, the nation was quietly informed that perhaps time has come to bury the IGMDP. It can only be hoped that the DRDO and the government has learnt right lessons in so far as defence research and development is concerned. G. Bharath is a Research Fellow at Cornell University, US and Harsh V. Pant teaches at King’s College London
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Resolving Kenya’s war with itself It’s make-or-break time for Kenya. After weeks of standoff, Mwai Kibaki and Raila Odinga, who both claim to have won the Dec. 27 presidential election, are engaged in negotiations. Each side in the talks, presided over by former U.N. secretary general Kofi Annan, has agreed to a peace plan.
There have been calls for a truth-and-reconciliation commission, which is essential to holding those responsible to account for the recent violence. The African Union has put Kenya’s crisis high on its agenda, as have the European Union and the U.S. Congress, which held hearings on the flawed election last week. I am cautiously optimistic that a resolution can be found and peace restored to my country. But it is imperative that we unravel the underlying causes of the violence and not paper over them as Kenyan leaders have in the past. For nearly six weeks, Kenya has appeared to be at war with itself. Unfortunately, the fighting has been ethnically charged. Kenyans know that these “tribal clashes” are a beast that can be awakened by politicians, particularly during general elections. Shortly before and after the 1992 elections, violence consumed communities in the Rift Valley. Hundreds, perhaps more, were killed, and thousands were displaced. Many still haven’t returned to their homes. Even as we struggle to resolve the current crisis, we need to know why these clashes recur. Only then can wounds begin to heal and people look to the future with hope. One main trigger is the inequitable distribution of natural resources in Kenya, especially land. The colonial government forcibly displaced large numbers of Kenyans to make way for settlers. At independence, land changed hands, but issues of ownership and distribution remained. In Kenya’s highly competitive political landscape, land has become the battleground. Citizens are easily persuaded by politicians who promise land in exchange for votes. If the only way to get that land is to forcibly evict fellow Kenyans, neighbors become the easiest victims. Knowing that such crimes will most likely never be punished encourages the attackers. They deliberately demoralise and traumatise their victims to ensure they don’t return. Prejudices and stereotypes held by different ethnic communities go back a long way and are used to incite resentment and hatred. The modern African state is essentially a loose collection of tribal homelands or “micro-nationalities.” Kenya has 42: The largest has a population of several million; the smallest, only a few thousand. Political power is determined by these numbers. Tribal clashes in Kenya and elsewhere in Africa reveal the superficial nature of African nation-states. Most African nations were created by retreating European colonial powers that gathered or split the micro-nationalities. The resulting entity was given a name, a flag and a national anthem and handed over to a select group of Western-educated elites, most of them sympathetic to the colonial administration. Most Africans didn’t understand the new nation-state and remained largely loyal, and attached, to their micro-nationalities. The ruling elites, in turn, remained aloof and distant. Often they spoke a foreign language, adopted a foreign culture, and frustrated or dashed the hopes they’d raised before independence. Even today, for ordinary Africans, a threat to their micro-nationality or those they consider their leaders resonates more than a threat to the nation. Tribal clashes are also fueled by poverty, corruption and a perception that national resources are not equitably distributed. Micro-nationalities yearn for one of their own to become president so the community will have its “time to eat.” To create a more cohesive nation-state, ruling elites must devote time, energy and resources to ensuring universal freedom, security and equitable distribution of resources. And far from trying to destroy micro-nationalities, Africans should embrace their distinct cultures, languages and values. By bringing the best of their micro-nationality to the nation, they would enrich all. Consider: Micro-nationalities would begin to see the benefits of unity in diversity. There would be no need for anyone to organise tribal clashes against their neighbors. Leaders would be elected for their ability and commitment rather than by how many votes they garner from their ethnic tribe. They wouldn’t be blindly supported because of their hard-line stance on behalf of their own community. In this way, Africans might be able to rise above petty politics and embrace not only their countries but even the African Union’s dream of a United Africa. All of this takes leadership – not just from elites but from all of us. This is the only path toward a solution to Kenya’s current crisis and a lasting peace. The writer, winner of the 2004 Nobel Peace Prize, served in Kenya’s Parliament from 2002 to 2007. She is the author of “Unbowed: A Memoir.” By arrangement with LA Times-Washington Post
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Delhi Durbar Ambassadors of small countries in Delhi lament that they are overlooked by the Capital’s official machinery and media in favour of more powerful nations. In order to break through this impenetrable wall, Tunisian ambassador Raouf Chatty came up with a novel way of introducing his country to the media in the national capital. The proactive ambassador organised a special Tunisian food and wine festival at the Indian Women’s Press Corps (IWPC) last week to showcase his country’s rich culinary traditions. Of course, he also used the occasion to provide everybody a glimpse into contemporary Tunisia. The mouthwatering fare, a happy blend of Arabic and Mediterranean food, comprised the famous couscous, which can be made with lamb, fish or even stuffed squid, and was accompanied by Tajine, a savoury meat flan and mechouia salad, crushed grilled peppers drizzled with olive oil, all made by the ambassador’s personal cooks. The main course was followed by an array of delicious Tunisian pastries like layered baklava. All this was washed down with some fine Tunisian red wine and the ritual tea. As everybody tucked into this spread, Ambassador Chatty explained that like their culture, their food has also been influenced by different traditions like Jewish, Turkish and Italian. He rued that very little is known about his country, its culture and cuisine, even though Tunisia produces the world’s best olive oil and grows the most delicious dates.
Nation’s loss Lok Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee disclosed that till the 11th session of the Fourteenth Lok Sabha, 21 per cent of precious parliamentary time had been lost due to disruptions. With each minute of Parliamentary time costing the public exchequer about Rs 26,000 such disruptions result in enormous wastage of the taxpayer’s money and did great disservice to the country and its democratic order, the Speaker regretted. It is in this context that Chatterjee told the All India Chief Whips conference in Mumbai last week that the smooth and orderly conduct of the business of the Legislative Bodies is necessarily of great significance. “The conduct of the legislators has to be exemplary and must conform to the highest democratic traditions,” Chatterjee emphasised.
Shimla connection Vice-President Mohammad Hamid Ansari has a Shimla connection. The former ambassador studied at St Edward’s school and has fond memories of his childhood days in Shimla. He appreciated the cultural traditions and peace and harmony in the state during his meeting with Himachal Pradesh Chief Minister Prem Kumar Dhumal. The Chief Minister, who paid a courtesy visit on the Vice-President and the President during his recent visit to the capital, invited them to the state. He said people of the state will feel proud to learn that the Vice-President had his early education in the state. Dhumal also enumerated steps taken to preserve buildings of British era in Shimla and improving amenities in the city. Contributed by Anita Katyal, S. Satyanarayanan and Prashant Sood
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