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Perspective | Oped

Perspective

Nobel is not noble always
Outrageous selections have stained the Prize
by Punyapriya Dasgupta
S
ixty years after Mahatma Gandhi’s death it is time Indians resisted the temptation to extract, whenever possible, one more word of regret from the Nobel people for the denial of a Nobel Prize to him. A simple fact is that a Nobel does not necessarily go to whoever really deserves it. There is no guarantee either that the undeserving will not get it.

Profile
Honour for nature film-maker
by Harihar Swarup

T
he Rajiv Gandhi Wildlife Conservation Award has come a bit too late for Mike Pandey, internationally renowned nature film-maker. Much before he was chosen for India’s highest award for conservation and protection of wildlife, Pandey was decorated with Green Oscar, becoming, thereby, the first-ever Asian to receive the world’s most prestigious award.


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OPED

Revamping rural education
Punjab need not waste funds on new schools
by Sharanjit S. Dhillon

A
lthough
the existence of a number of educational institutions in Punjab is an indicator that the state is educationally developed but there exists a wide gap between education in the urban and rural areas.

On Record
Bickering has hit J and K coalition govt: Tarigami
by Prashant Sood

Among the prominent leaders of the Left in Jammu and Kashmir is, M.Y. Tarigami, who represents Kulgam in the state assembly. He is a member of the Central Committee of the CPM and secretary of the party in Jammu and Kashmir.

Courts tend to save marriages
by Virendra Kumar

During the past couple of decades, there has been an incredible increase in divorce phenomenon in India. It seems to be more pronounced in cosmopolitan cities like Delhi, Chennai and Kolkata.


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Perspective

Nobel is not noble always
Outrageous selections have stained the Prize
by Punyapriya Dasgupta

Sixty years after Mahatma Gandhi’s death it is time Indians resisted the temptation to extract, whenever possible, one more word of regret from the Nobel people for the denial of a Nobel Prize to him.

A simple fact is that a Nobel does not necessarily go to whoever really deserves it. There is no guarantee either that the undeserving will not get it. Tolstoy, one of the world’s greatest novelists and one of the most influential exponents of modern-day pacifism, from whom Gandhi drew inspiration, was also not considered  fit for a Nobel Prize – either in Literature or Peace. 

Those who did not get a Nobel make a long incredible list. The omissions are especially glaring in the field of literature. Emile Zola did not get it, nor Mark Twain, nor Anton Chekov, nor Henrik Ibsen, nor Johan Strindberg, nor Rainer Rilke, nor Franz Kafka, nor Gertrude Stein, nor Graham Greene. And so on and on. 

The same thing happens in the other fields covered by Nobel’s prizes though, may be, on a smaller scale. Satyen Bose was never considered for a Physics award although some of those who followed up his work were awarded. 

The Physics Prize for 2001 was given to three men “for the achievement of Bose-Einstein condensation . . .’’.  A still living physicist nominated many times is Ennackal George Sudarshan from Kerala, now an Indian American at the University of Texas, with a record of pioneering work in quantum optics. At 76 now he no longer hides his disappointment at “extra-scientific considerations” swaying the Nobel Prize jury. 

In 1979 the Physics Prize went to three persons who, according to Sudarshan, “built on the work I had done as a 26-year old student.” A quarter of a century later, the Prize for 2005 was given to three men, including Roy Glauber, “the father of quantum optics”, according to the Nobel citation. 

An angry Sudarshan remarked that the prize “was awarded on my work and I wasn’t the one to get it.” And he shot off a letter to the Swedish Academy of Sciences advising it to “give unto Glauber only what is his.” 

Bernard Shaw described the Nobel Prize award as a lottery.  He was embarrassed when his name too came up as a winner.  Shaw wanted to accept the medal but not the money.  When told that the two could not be separated he gave the money for the creation of an Anglo-Swedish literary institution.

In more than a century of the Nobel Prize, only two persons have whole-heartedly declined the prize – Jean Paul Sartre and Le Duc Tho.  Sartre believed that a truly independent writer “must not allow himself to be transformed by institutions”.  Le Duc Tho’s conscience did not permit him to accept any credit for a foredoomed peace agreement.

Outrageously undeserving awards have stained Alfred Nobel’s great bequest.  Henry Kissinger, the unabashed advocate of US domination of the world, was given a Peace Prize for an agreement that failed to end the Vietnam war. He had attained considerable notoriety by then for his support to Pakistani barbarism in emerging Bangladesh and assassinations in Latin America. 

He went on, after winning the Nobel Prize, to wink at Indonesian dictator Suharto’s genocide in East Timor and preach his theory that physical possession of oil does not make the Arabs its uncontestable owners. Kissinger’s Nobel Prize was jointly with Le Duc Tho but the upright Asian refused his share because he could see that the Paris Agreement they were signing was an American make-believe and would not end the Vietnam War. 

Bizarre events followed the award of a Nobel Peace Prize to Menahem Begin, jointly with Anwar al Sadat. Begin, a self-confessed terrorist who led the notorious massacre of Arabs at Deir Yassin, went on with a Nobel Peace Prize round his neck to war in Lebanon and another Nobel Peace laureate, Mother Teresa, rushed from Calcutta to wipe the tears of his victims.

About Gandhi, the Norwegian parliamentary committee in charge of the Nobel Peace Prize  has at least shown some remorse. That was done at the award of the Peace Prize to the Dalai Lama in 1989.  Displaying the contrition fell to the same Gunnar Jahn, a lawyer-politician-banker, who was for nearly 28 years on the Peace Prize Prize jury – 24 of them as its chairman. He was the barrier to a Nobel for Gandhi. 

At the presentation of the Prize to the Dalai Lama, Jahn said:  “It would be natural to compare him (Dalai Lama) with Mahatma Gandhi, one of this century’s greatest protagonists of peace and the Dalai Lama likes to consider himself one of Gandhi’s successors. People have occasionally wondered why Gandhi himself was never awarded the Nobel Peace Prize and the present Nobel Committee can with impunity share this surprise while regarding this year’s award of the prize as in part a tribute to the memory of Mahatma Gandhi.”  

Nobel archives show Gandhi was nominated for the prize at least five times and thrice his name was on the short list. How a Nobel Peace laureate isfinally selected is a secret and no minutes are kept. But Jahn kept a diary and it testifies that in 1947 his argument for barring Gandhi was that he was not “only an apostle of peace but foremost a patriot, not naďve, an excellent jurist and a lawyer”! 

After Gandhi’s death when his nomination (sent in while he was still alive) came up, two of the five members of the jury pleaded for a posthumous prize as amends at last for the injustice done to a great man.

There was nothing then in the Nobel rules against such an award but Jahn prevailed with his argument: “To me it seems beyond doubt that posthumous award would be contrary to the intentions of the  testator.”

The same Jahn had no difficulty in reconciling himself to a posthumous award 13 years later when one was given to a fellow Scandinavian, Dag Hammarskjold.  Gunnar Jahn might have been genuinely sorry, albeit late, over Gandhi. He made reverential  references to the Mahatma also at the presentation  of the Peace Prize to Martin Luther King. 

The Norwegian Nobel Committee has been saying that its decision not to give the Peace Prize for 1948 to anyone since there was no suitable “living” candidate and not to spend that year’s money on anything was its way of silently but respectfully leaving Gandhi’s place among the Laureates open. 

The expression of regret again by the Nobel Foundation in Stockholm in response to inquiries by an Indian TV channel does not add to our existing knowledge. What will be interesting, if research can unearth it, is who manipulated Gunnar Jahn and how. The Nobel people deny any British hand. Unbelievable!

What did Gandhi himself think of a Nobel Prize for him? After he had been passed over in 1937 and his name came up again the next year, Agatha Harrison of the Quakers brought the news to him and sought a reaction. Gandhi wrote on a small piece of paper (perhaps it was a Monday, his day of silence): “Do you know of a dreamer who won attention by adventitious aid?”

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Profile
Honour for nature film-maker
by Harihar Swarup

The Rajiv Gandhi Wildlife Conservation Award has come a bit too late for Mike Pandey, internationally renowned nature film-maker. Much before he was chosen for India’s highest award for conservation and protection of wildlife, Pandey was decorated with Green Oscar, becoming, thereby, the first-ever Asian to receive the world’s most prestigious award.

Nevertheless, it was an apt occasion to honour India’s most accomplished and iconic nature film-maker as the nation observed World Wildlife Week (October 1 to 7).

Pandey’s comment was: “I am humbled and honoured by the Rajiv Gandhi Award. It is heartening to see the awareness that has come about nature and environment, but this is just a beginning”.

Significantly, his breathtaking visuals on the killing of whale sharks had persuaded the authorities to ban the hunting of exotic species and pitch-forked Pandey to fame internationally. Mike’s latest film is “Timeless Traveller — The Horseshoe Crab”. The 22-minute film brings out the laboratory research conducted on the species as also the crab in the natural environment.

According to medical experts, the blood of the crab is white on extraction. It turns blue with exposure to air, showing the presence of copper used in the medical sphere against bacterial contamination in drugs, vaccines and in surgeries.

The film shows that after the blood of the crab is drawn out, it is released back into the waters, and in 24 hours the blood is regenerated. Known to be the oldest living creature on earth, dating back to 562 million years, the crab is under severe threat.

Pandey has been quoted as saying: “What existed along large parts of our Eastern coastline along the Sundarbans Delta and Orissa, has now got restricted to just one small pocket of Balasore and is rapidly declining”. The crab is also smuggled in truck loads.

“Shore of Silence”, focusing on a large marine species, is, perhaps, Mike’s most celebration production, having won him the Green Oscar for the second time in the year 2000. This is the first-ever documentation of the slaughter and trade of whale sharks on the Indian coast.

The whale shark is an innocent creature and can swim close to the shore thus falling easy prey to poachers armed with harpoons and spears. Known to be the largest fish on the planet, an adult shark can grow up to 45 feet in length.

The film moved the central government to enact legislation banning the killing of whale sharks on Indian shores. There is a great demand for shark meat and fins in South East Asia and poaching on certain pockets continues. The oil from their livers is used to waterproof boats.

International recognition came to Mike when his film — The Last Migration—Wild Elephant Capture in Sarguja (now is Chhattisgarh state) — won him his first Green Oscar as far back as 1994. He then became the first Asian to get this honour.

Mike was born in Kenya and he began his tryst with camera when he was barely seven-year-old. His uncle presented him his first camera — a Kodak Browning Box — on his birthday. He was ten when he sailed from Africa to India.

Throughout the long sea journey he was fascinated by huge creatures that swam along side the ship. This was his first inspiration for wildlife shooting which blossomed after 40 years. He became internationally renowned and India’s most accomplished nature film-maker.
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Wit of the week

It’s amazing; the enormous investment countries like India and China are pumping into innovation and technology. And you have so many minds! In another 10 years, the axis of innovation could well shift to the East. Noble prizes will be awarded to anyone anywhere, who comes up with innovative research or discovery. Many of my PhD research students are from India.

— Borje Johansson, member, Nobel Prize Committee for Physics

President Pervez Musharraf"It seems a little strange to me that the presidential election involves outgoing assemblies. I have it in my mind that in case I get elected I would like to look into maybe getting a vote of confidence from the new assemblies".

President Pervez Musharraf

Benazir Bhutto"General Musharraf has said he wants national reconciliation. We want that too. The nation should move from the past to a better future."

— Benazir Bhutto

Today, while the world is in conflict, ironically in conflict with diversity, the biggest challenge is managing diversity. India, in contrast, has always grown in diversity. Ours is a country that has given birth to four religions as well as assimilated and absorbed various cultures.

— Jyotiraditya M. Scindia, Lok Sabha MP

When we Indians hit our pillows at night, our dreams about India’s future are not just colourful, but steroidal. All of us are finally beginning to believe that the sand castles we build in our minds are not going to be simply washed away by the morning tide.

— Anand Mahindra, industrialist

Sachin TendulkarI began playing cricket because everyone around was into cricket. They did play other sports in our neighbourhood, badminton and hockey, volleyball; football was really popular when Mumbai’s monsoon was on, we would dance in the rain as we played the beautiful game, but yet, somehow, it never was quite cricket. Cricket was special.

Sachin Tendulkar

India states that anti-personnel landmines still continue to be integral to the country’s defence preparedness, which ICBL feels is not a tenable position. If 155 countries, big and small, around the world can ensure their security without the use of landmines, surely India too can. What is needed is a change in mindset. India is now displaying increasing openness, flexibility and involvement in this issue.

Sylvie Brigot, Executive Director of International Campaign to Ban Landmines (ICBL)Mahendra Singh Dhoni

 

Sreesanth has matured and will get better. Ek-aadh match ban lag jaayega, line pe aa jaayega.

Mahendra Singh Dhoni, Indian Captain

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OPED

Revamping rural education
Punjab need not waste funds on new schools
by Sharanjit S. Dhillon

Although the existence of a number of educational institutions in Punjab is an indicator that the state is educationally developed but there exists a wide gap between education in the urban and rural areas.

Education being provided in the rural areas is of very poor quality. There is lack of school infrastructure, many of the village schools lack buildings and if the building exists, then there are no teachers. Teachers prefer urban or semi-urban postings and are not inclined to work in the rural areas.

There is hardly any supervisory body in existence and thus there is no accountability at any stage. The student strength in the government schools has fallen at a sharp rate. The dropout rate, particularly at the primary level, is very high. Poverty, lack of employment opportunities along with low educational levels of the parents are the few reasons for the high dropout rate in the rural schools.

The systematic policy of withdrawing from the social sector, including education, by the government coupled with a decade of militancy has hit the education system hard in the rural areas. No serious and worthwhile effort has since been made to revive school education by the government in the rural areas either in the form of providing teachers or any physical infrastructure.

Most of the government schools are in a shambles. The present government has shown some inclination to provide quality education in the rural areas through the much-publicised “Adarsh Schools” in each block of the state, which is a welcome step.

However, this requires huge resources, which looking at the financial position of the state seems to be quite difficult to achieve for the whole state in the next 2-3 years.

The aim of the government is to provide good and quality education to the rural masses at their close proximity. The same can be achieved by revamping the present system at far less financial liability. The government, instead of establishing new schools, should devote all its available resources and energy to restructure the existing school education system.

This can be done by selecting one of the existing government senior secondary school in each block and facilities for imparting education in all streams — science both medical and non-medical, commerce, agriculture and humanities — be provided in these schools.

It should fill all vacancies of teacher. These schools should be provided with the requisite infrastructure like libraries, laboratories and playgrounds. The government should equip these schools with buses/vans to ferry students from distant villages in the block.

The provision of transport facility is very important, otherwise many children of far-off villages will not be in a position to make use of these schools. With a widespread network of roads in the rural areas it won’t be difficult to reach the school located at a distance of 4-5 km if proper transportation facility is provided.

Even in the urban areas students travel 4-5 km to reach the school. These schools should provide education with English as the medium of instruction from class I. These schools should cater to at least 2,000 students of the block. In order to ensure that students from all villages in the block get education from these schools, five primary/elementary schools in each block should be selected as subsidiary to these schools. These schools can be named as modern government schools. Similar schools are run very successfully by the Chandigarh administration.

The success of these schools will, however, depend not only on the physical infrastructure but also the way these schools are run by the government. There should be a committee of local people to oversee the day-to-day running of these school and these committees may be given the name of local school boards.

The universities and colleges in the area can be even assigned the duty to oversee the functioning of these schools. In order to make these schools successful in providing quality education, whether Adarsh or government schools, efforts will have to be made to make teachers teach.

No worthwhile purpose will be served if teachers do not take up their responsibilities seriously. Teachers should be given training in new techniques and methods of teaching at regular intervals. They should be convinced that teaching is not a job it is a mission and only then any meaningful purpose will be served.

As majority of the parents in the rural areas are either semi-literate or illiterate, so these schools be made day boarding, as there will be nobody to solve problems of children at home. Children should be made to sit in the school after the school times, complete their homework and get their problems solved in the school itself.

Another benefit of making these schools day boarding is that children can pursue sports seriously. This will help the state in identifying good players at the school level and they can be further groomed to become national/ International players. The size of the class should be restricted to 40-50 students.

The other alternative is privatisation of school education, but it is not the solution for improving the education system in the rural areas, rather it will further accentuate the problem of illiteracy in the rural areas.

What is required is the will of the government to provide quality education in the rural areas and for this it will have to convey that it means business and is dedicated to the purpose in order to make Punjab a literate state in the real sense of the word. Let each child be equipped with the weapon of education to fight all the socio-economic evils.

The writer is Professor, Punjab School of Economics, Guru Nanak Dev University, Amritsar.

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On Record
Bickering has hit J and K coalition govt: Tarigami
by Prashant Sood

Among the prominent leaders of the Left in Jammu and Kashmir is, M.Y. Tarigami, who represents Kulgam in the state assembly. He is a member of the Central Committee of the CPM and secretary of the party in Jammu and Kashmir.

While he has faced detention under laws such as the PSA early in his political life, Tarigami has also been targeted by militants. His real name is M Y Rathar. The surname Tarigami comes from his native place Tarigam. A two-time MLA, he is keen to promote secularism and democracy in the state.

Excerpts:

Q: How do you look at the functioning of the Congress-PDP government in the state?

The functioning of the coalition government has been adversely affected by their mutual bickering and acts of oneupmanship. In the process, public interest and good governance have suffered.

This has also created doubts in the public mind over the seriousness of the coalition partners to carry forward the Common Minimum Programme set by them.

Often its functioning has conveyed an impression that the coalition was a divided house, specially when some of its leaders, including ministers, criticise the government while enjoying power.

Q: Are there differences in the style of working of the coalition government headed by the Congress and that by the PDP?

We are still going through the process of learning in J&K as to how the coalition should function. It is to be borne in mind that all governments, whether coalition or otherwise, have to observe the principle of joint responsibility of the cabinet in a parliamentary system of government.

Trouble is bound to arise if this principle is not observed and one of the partners starts playing the role of opposition while being a party to the cabinet decisions. In this context, the style of working of the coalition government in the state has left much to be desired.

Q: Has there been an improvement in the situation in Kashmir. Has infiltration from across the border come down?

A lot of improvement is visible. This is testified even by the knowledgeable people and those who possess expertise in defence affairs, including the Army authorities.

Q: How do you view the PDP demand for reduction of troops in the state?

The reduction of troops in the state is not the demand of the PDP alone. A substantial section of political opinion in Kashmir supports the view that in the wake of the improvement in the security situation, the time has come when a re-assessment should be made on the quantum of forces to be deployed in the state.

This is a serious issue and should not be taken up as a means to improve the electoral prospects of any one party. We believe that the issue needs to be taken up and debated properly taking the overall interests of the state and its people.

Q: What are your party’s suggestions for finding a lasting solution?

We firmly believe that the status quo cannot work, especially after endless bloodshed in J&K. We believe that the restoration of Article 370 to its original position should be the first step. This should be followed by the decentralisation of power and devolution of authority.

The elected regional and sub-regional fora need to be empowered to take decisions concerning their areas of jurisdiction without any interference. For this, appropriate changes and amendments need to be introduced in the Constitution. We stand for converting J&K into a genuine federation of its constituent regions, a unit of the union and a co-federal unit vis-a-vis the other parts of Kashmir.

Q: How do you look at the demand for separate regional councils in Jammu and Kashmir?

Not only the regional councils should be there, but in addition to the state and the region, power (both political and financial) should trickle down to the elected forum at the district, block and village levels on the same pattern.

At all these levels, the elected fora should be empowered to raise resources, allocate funds and take decisions in respect of their areas of jurisdiction. There should be an elected head of the government, the Prime Minister and the Legislative Assembly for the state of J&K, governed by the Constitution which will look after the interests of the entire state.
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Courts tend to save marriages
by Virendra Kumar

During the past couple of decades, there has been an incredible increase in divorce phenomenon in India. It seems to be more pronounced in cosmopolitan cities like Delhi, Chennai and Kolkata.

However, this is now catching up even in smaller cities and towns. Kerala the most literate state in India, has earned the dubious distinction of registering a 300 per cent rise in divorce cases per year!

What does this signify? Does it mean that marriage as a social institution is losing fast its primordial position and that the courts of law seem to be recognising this fact by granting divorce decrees rather easily? In our view, such a notion is somewhat misplaced.

In the matrimonial conflict situations at least one thing is still clear: we do not as yet seem to enter matrimony with a divorce-design. Such a position is reinforced on two counts.

One, leaving aside the exceptional cases of fraudulent marriages that fall within the realm of criminal law and not matrimonial law, marriages are invariably ‘solemnised’ with full participation of members of the community to which both parties belong.

Often huge expenditure is incurred on the solemnisation of marriage, as if, it is an investment to ensure that the couple may live happily forever afterwards!

Two, as yet we have not been able to evolve any viable arrangement that could be a legitimate substitute for the institution of marriage providing the requisite sanctity and stability to human relation, which is a sine quo non for their own development and the healthy growth of children.

It is in this backdrop, the legislative intent manifested in clause (2) of Section 23 of the Hindu Marriage Act, 1955, needs to be appreciated.

This clause mandates that, before, proceeding to grant any matrimonial relief under the Act, “it shall be the duty of the court in the first instance, in every case, where it is possible so to do consistently with the nature and circumstances of the case, to make every endeavour to bring about reconciliation between the parties.”

In the exploration of this legislative intent, a bold initiative taken by the Punjab and Haryana High Court has come up before the Supreme Court in the case of Jagraj Singh v. Birpal Kaur (2007).

The fact matrix of the case reveals that the parties were married in the year 1993. The following year a son was born to them who did not survive. In the meanwhile, the husband left for Brunei, Darussalam, and the wife joined him there.

However, not finding any gainful employment even in the capacity of a pharmacist (she being a holder of M.B.B.S. degree), she returned to India and started living with her parents.

Relations between the two became strained in due course of time and in 2002 she petitioned for divorce on grounds of desertion and cruelty under the relevant provisions of the Hindu Marriage Act 1955 (HMA).

The District Judge dismissed her petition. She appealed before the High Court, where the husband was represented through the Special Power of Attorney (SPA).

Being acutely aware of its bounden duty under Section 23(2) of the HMA, the High Court directed the husband to appear before it in person. On the stipulated date, the wife was present, but the husband was conspicuous by his absence.

The SPA assured the court that “the husband would positively remain present in the court on the next date of hearing.”

However, when the husband did not show up at the twice subsequently adjourned hearings, the peeved judges of the High Court passed the non-bailable warrants “to be executed through the Ministry of External Affairs, Government of India” on the address given by the husband’s SPA in a foreign country.

This unprecedented order of the High Court was challenged before the Supreme Court by the SPA, contending that “the personal appearance of the party to the proceedings is not mandatory” and that the court has no jurisdiction to issue non-bailable warrant under the HMA. This led the apex court to examine for the first time the ambit of the court’s duty under Section 23(2) of the HMA.

Emphasising the need for maintaining the institution of marriage, C.K. Thakker, J. (for himself and Lokeshwar Singh Panta, J.) has discerned that “conjugal rights are not merely creature of statute but inherent in the very institution of marriage,” the matrimonial disputes should not be allowed to be driven to a “bitter legal finish,” every possible effort must be made so as to restore the conjugal home and bring back harmony between the husband and wife,” and the court must endeavour by directly involving the parties in such a manner so that “possible irritations and misapprehensions should not be allowed to vitiate the (conjugal) atmosphere.”

Hence, the approach of a court of law in matrimonial matters should be “much more constructive, affirmative and productive rather than abstract, theoretical or doctrinaire.” It is with this objective the court must make attempt to bring about reconciliation “irrespective of the stage” of the case under Section 23(2).

The court “should not give up the effort of reconciliation merely on the ground that there is no chance for reconciliation,” or one party or the other says that there is no possibility of living together.

The apex court does recognise the fact that living together is highly “personal to the parties.” Nevertheless, in its attempt to rehabilitate the couple the court is obliged to determine the cause of conflict, and this could not be done without having first-hand interaction with the couple concerned.

This indeed is the basis for issuing non-bailable warrant to the recalcitrant husband for ensuring his presence in the instant case.

The writer is former Professor and Chairman, Department of Laws, Panjab University.

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