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Fire in the sky Import of pulses |
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Admission mess End the logjam in IIMs ON the face of it, the decision of the Indian Institutes of Management to fix April 21 as the deadline for declaring the results of the general category students for admission to six IIMs cannot be faulted. The decision followed the Union Human Resource Development Ministry’s failure to explore a timely and calibrated response to the Supreme Court’s stay order on the Central legislation providing 27 per cent reservation for the OBCs in the IIMs and IITs.
Upper Houses have a
role
A spooky date
India, Pak caught
in an ideology of conflict A city both
impressive and scary Inside
Pakistan
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Import of pulses AFTER suffering electoral setbacks in Punjab, Uttarakhand and Delhi largely due to the high prices of essential commodities, the Congress-led UPA government has now decided to import 15 lakh tonnes of pulses in the next eight months. The prices of pulses have risen steeply during the past few months despite imports of 18 lakh tonnes in fiscal 2006-07. Present indications are that the prices are unlikely to cool in the near future despite the additional imports. The country faces a shortfall of 3.2 million tonnes. The CBI is looking into complaints that some traders have manipulated the prices and some others have exported pulses in violation of the ban. Though a price-monitoring cell has been set up in the Prime Minister’s Office, it has yet to show results. Price spiral, manipulation and scams happen when there are shortages. The domestic production of pulses has failed to keep pace with the growing demand of a rising population. India produced nine million tonnes of pulses annually in the pre-Independence days and the production has risen only by four or five million tonnes. Despite being the world’s largest producer of pulses, India has, of late, been witnessing a decline in the output. According to an estimate of Assocham, the US, Russia, Thailand and China are also witnessing a similar declining trend. Canada, Brazil and Myanmar are the only countries to register a growth in pulse production. The global mismatch in demand and supply has led to a sharp rise in prices everywhere. Imports of pulses, wheat and oilseeds do not offer a long-term solution. For that the government will have to make efforts to improve agricultural productivity. The Green Revolution had not touched pulses. Even the quality of wheat produced is below the global standards. Farm universities and research institutions have failed to deliver any improved variety of seeds. Growers usually do not get the benefits of high prices. Public investment in agriculture is low and small wonder that agricultural growth has slumped to below 2 per cent. |
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Admission mess ON the face of it, the decision of the Indian Institutes of Management to fix April 21 as the deadline for declaring the results of the general category students for admission to six IIMs cannot be faulted. The decision followed the Union Human Resource Development Ministry’s failure to explore a timely and calibrated response to the Supreme Court’s stay order on the Central legislation providing 27 per cent reservation for the OBCs in the IIMs and IITs. Though the court ordered an interim stay on the OBC quota on March 29, the HRD Ministry is taking a long time to file a review petition seeking vacation of the stay order. The delay is attributed to the differences between the HRD Ministry and the Law Ministry on some aspects of the review petition. Moreover, HRD Minister Arjun Singh’s one-upmanship and eagerness to implement the OBC quota at any cost are also responsible for the present confusion. Last week, the HRD Ministry asked the IIMs to keep in abeyance the results of both general and OBC categories till the Supreme Court cleared the air on its stay order. The IIMs, however, felt that a blanket freeze on admissions to both general and OBC categories will be unfair as that would disturb the admission schedule, upset the academic calendar and put students to hardship. Accordingly, the IIMs will wait for the Centre’s directive on the expanded intake to accommodate the OBC quota. While this course seems to be fair and reasonable, the HRD Ministry’s directive to stay the entire admission process is flawed. Many business schools have already started their admission process. As IIM-Ahmedabad Director Bakul Dholakia has said, many bright students would prefer to join these schools in view of the uncertainty in IIMs. Further, those joining them will not get refund of the hefty fee if they decide to shift to the IIMs later. It is not clear how the HRD Ministry can wriggle out of the mess. If the Supreme Court does not vacate its interim stay order on the OBC quota, the IIMs will be justified in going ahead with their admission plan for the general category. |
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Success without honour is an unseasoned dish; it
will satisfy your hunger, but it won't taste good. — Joe Paterno |
Upper Houses have a role
MANY believe that upper chambers have little or no role to play and have become sinecures for tired politicians and a haven for crony politics. They are seen as a wasteful extravagance and an unrequited burden on the taxpayer and citizen who is often told that there is not enough money for things that are more essential. There is little doubt that upper chambers have been abused and misused and have strayed from their intended composition and purpose. The revival of the Upper House in Andhra Pradesh after a lapse of 22 years has, therefore, not surprisingly attracted adverse comment in certain quarters. A closer examination would, however, suggest that the Upper House has its uses and that it has a part to play in safeguarding the democratic and federal interest. The Constitution vests the Rajya Sabha with a specific function as a guardian of states’ rights within the “Union of States”. Indian federalism rests on a distribution of powers that makes for a relatively strong Centre. Nevertheless, the states have a distinctive role in the federal scheme and the Rajya Sabha or Council of States, with weighted representation for demographically smaller units, is a custodian of states’ rights. Constitutional amendments must be passed by a majority of each House and two-thirds of those present and voting. However, in matters affecting the distribution of powers and other states’ rights, a constitutional amendment must also secure ratification by half the state legislatures. What of bicameral legislatures in the states? This is optional, not mandatory, which might suggest that the upper chamber is expendable and may be brought into existence or abolished at the whim and fancy of individual states. Is then the revival of the upper chamber in Andhra merely a matter of caprice and an opportunity to buy support or silence through a system of spoils? The advantage of an Upper House of elders with fixed terms that provides continuity despite periodic general elections is that it can be a more reflective body not subject to the hurly burly of everyday politics though not necessarily immune from political pressures. It can debate issues that may not come up before the Lower House for lack of time and can, by delay through debate, provide time for second thoughts and ensure against hasty or emotional decisions. This sounds trite only because the membership and work culture of the upper chamber has all too often come to replicate that of the Lower House. It is here that reform is possible and, indeed, necessary, not by legislation or constitutional amendment but by convention and agreement on building a new political culture. The political parties and presiding officers have a role. This may appear a circular argument, appealing from Caesar to Caesar. But often change begins when those operating the system realise that a spreading rot must ultimately consume them too. While Rajya Sabha members are elected by the elected members of the state legislature, legislative councils are differently constituted. A third of their representatives are required to be elected by members of local bodies or panchayati raj and municipal representatives, a sixth by graduates and teachers and another third by members of legislative assemblies. The remaining one-sixth are nominated by the Governor from among persons of merit in the fields of literature, art, the sciences, the cooperative movement and social work. With the 73rd and 74th Amendments in place, this provides for an organic link between state legislatures and grassroots institutions of governance. Thus, just as the Rajya Sabha can protect and promote states’ rights, legislative councils can help further empower and enable local institutions of self-governance constituting the third tier of government. This suggests a most meaningful and potentially powerful nexus that needs to be understood and creatively exploited to buttress an emerging foundational tier in what could and should evolve into a new Indian federalism. The presence of teachers and graduates from all walks of life and of well-selected nominated members can provide a valuable leavening to the membership of the upper chamber and thereby to the legislative process as a whole. The Andhra Chief Minister is not wrong in asserting that the revival of the Legislative Council in his state will enable it to induct much needed expertise and experience into the legislative and even executive wing. It could also facilitate representation of unrepresented areas and vulnerable and marginalised groups or special interests as emerging, upwardly mobile groups seek recognition and voice. These are invaluable safeguards in fashioning a new cooperative federalism. The Constitution is a flexible instrument that allows a lot of room for creative experimentation and nation building. We need to fashion this new social and political architecture rather than merely decry what has gone wrong in the past and will not be remedied by clinging to an outmoded status quo.
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A spooky date Monsoon
was on its last legs and I had just bid goodbye to my teens. A weekly visitor to our house in Lucknow had come calling. He was armed with a wand with which he claimed he could call spirits. My brother (Ronnie), an Air Force pilot posted at Izatnagar, Bareilly, and I were all ears as Mr Ariel talked about his ability to call spirits. “B.......,” said my brother. I joined in the chorus as we challenged him to arrange a spooky date. “OK, I call upon the evil spirit to pay you a visit when the Central Jail gong strikes 12 tonight”, said Mr Ariel as he waved his wand in a typical magician way. “Khana is ready”, was the call from mom as we trooped out of our outhouse bedroom into the dining room. We had almost forgotten our date with the evil spirit. But as Mr Ariel got on to his Jawa bike he said:”
Watch out at 12”. Ronnie and I spread out on our beds at 10 p.m. as a slight drizzle and subsequent wind resulted in a power
shutdown. The cool breeze lulled us into sleep. The gong of the Central Jail, barely 2 km away, could be heard every half an
hour. So deep was my slumber that I did not hear the 11 p.m. gong. I woke up to the chowkidar’s call “jaagte raho”. As I heard his footsteps making a splash on the wet roads, the Central Jail gong sounded. It was loud and clear. I started counting the gongs:” One, two three..............and 12”. Yes, it was midnight. My eyes were wide open like an owl’s. I spread out my hand to feel Ronnie’s bed. It was not there. The drizzle had stopped. Ronny had taken his bed out to sleep in the open. My eyes moved from one corner of the room to the other. And then I saw a white figure right above my head. It moved its arms as if there were no bones in it. I ripped out my bedsheet, covering myself. Soon I was soaked in sweat. I dared to peep out again from under the bedsheet. Yes, the white figure was still there moving its arms in a circular fashion. As the clock struck 12.30, the street light bulb came on. Electricity had been restored. The light switch of our room was barely three feet away. “Should I switch it on”, I wondered. The chowkidar’s “jaagte raho” gave me the courage. I leapt out of my bed and switched on the light. And what do I see: Dangling on a hanger from a ceiling fan hook was Ronnie’s white
shirt. |
India, Pak caught in an ideology of conflict The
just concluded 14th SAARC conference, besides other things, also brought into focus the underperformance of the SAARC during the last twenty-two years since its inception. Some observers compare the potential of SAARC with that of the European Union, but this is a bit far-fetched. Nevertheless, SAARC could have performed far better than it actually has – the difficult relationship between India and Pakistan is cited as the main reason. And the dispute over Kashmir is widely believed to be raison d’etre for the logjam between India and Pakistan. But actually, it is not so. The ‘Kashmir dispute’ is a cause of the problem for the people of Jammu and Kashmir across the Line of Control; for India and Pakistan it is a consequence of a much deeper problem. The festering wound on the political landscape of the subcontinent is not a political dispute between the two nations but the psychological divide between the two people. For India the divide is subtle but ingrained in its psychology. In case of Pakistan, it has been obvious and pronounced, some may even term it as the raison d’etat for it. In the making of human civilisation, political geography has never remained a permanent feature. A line drawn here can change tomorrow, but the flow of history cannot. While judging the history of partition, one may want to accuse the British, the Muslim League or the Congress for the partition in 1947; however, the fact is that the majority of the Hindus and Muslims were not prepared to share a common political space once the British left. Besides, the Muslim elite were not ready to accept the hegemony of the majority community – in this case Hindus. Since the Muslims were displaced as rulers by the British, for the Muslim elitist psychology, continuing in India would have meant a double loss - that of having lost the rule, and then having to accept an inferior position owing to its weak numerical strength. If living together was a problem, partition solved nothing. The reason for the inability of the two sovereign states in not being able to resolve the issues confronting them, even after the partition, is that they have had a trust deficit in their relationship. History bears witness to the fact that the two countries have never had a normal relationship in the 60 years of their Independence. The partition was not a temporary phenomenon; it reflects the deep fault-lines between the two. The two countries evolved since their freedom in different ways. India, which prides itself on its democratic credentials, is a fast-growing economy. It is a rising power in the present-day world order as it finds itself in tune with the three main pivots of the international power structure: democracy, market economy and western liberal values. On the other hand, Pakistan, though it aspires to be a modern state, still finds itself not a fully functional democracy. Its internal ideological contradictions do not jell well with the prevalent liberal value systems. And the critiques of Pakistan would like to stress that the friction between the two states is not purely due to different issues but of different value systems – “A modern democratic state will have problems with a not-so-democratic and non-modern state”. But it is also a fact that the tensions between India and Pakistan have never been due to the quest for dominance of one value system over the other. They have been engaged in the power game of dominance. If they do not fight a war directly, they chose to fight by proxy. If a direct confrontation is a costly affair, it is better to circumvent that. Talking of past hostilities may seem out of place in the atmosphere of the present détente, particularly when the two countries have declared that the peace process they are engaged in at present is “irreversible”. No doubt, at present, India and Pakistan are trying to wrestle with the difficult issues they are faced with. In normal circumstances, one would like to expect that the economic well-being of the masses get precedence over the abstract ideological fault-lines. It is of some relief that the political leadership of the two countries today is aware of this fact. The sustained composite dialogue process is the outcome of this realisation. But there are some real challenges ahead. Though the composite dialogue has been able to produce some results on the softer issues like travel, people-to-people contact, restoration of cultural and sporting ties, and also create an atmosphere of calm on the borders, it has hardly made any progress on the difficult and crunch issues. If the dialogue remains bogged down like this for some more time, the peace process may lose its momentum. The emergence of such a scenario will clearly be attributed to the weakness of the political leadership and its inability to shed the baggage of the history at a very critical juncture. Such clouds of pessimism seem hovering over the horizon of the sub-continent, owing to several reasons. The leadership of Pakistan is placed in a very precarious position and the internal contradictions there may torpedo the whole peace process. The weak political leadership in India is comfortable with the status quo rather than having the urge to tread a difficult path. And the developments in Afghanistan and the Middle-East have generated deep anxieties in the population of these countries. Being in close proximity, the Sub-continent cannot insulate itself from any situation likely to emerge. The orientation for peace or war is subservient to the condition of mind; and the initiative for one or the other takes shape accordingly. Only a steadfast leadership in India and Pakistan can disassociate itself from the ideology of conflict. Whether it is possible to bridge the gulf or not, only time will tell. The writer is a visiting fellow at CRRID, Chandigarh |
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A city both impressive and scary DUBAI – On the track, a horse is on fire. A snow-white Lippizaner on a long rein, it makes its way slowly, trembling and wide-eyed, past the grandstand at Nad Al Sheba racecourse in Dubai. It is almost nine at night and, in the dark, the horse, with its entire hind-quarters aflame, makes an astonishing sight. Beyond the winning-post, to the relief of the queasier Europeans who are watching, the flame-retardant blanket is taken off and doused. In this city, nothing is done in moderation. The Dubai World Cup race meeting, which took place recently, was the most valuable in the sport’s history, with more than $21 million of stake money to be won. At the height of proceedings, there was a spectacular display, of which the horse-fireball was part, while on a gigantic screen a film celebrating the wildness of the horse was shown. Elsewhere on the racetrack, other kinds of wildness were in evidence. The Dubai World Cup takes place at the end of the Prophet Muhammad’s birthday, during which no alcohol must be served, but the ruler of Dubai, Sheikh Mohammed, had exempted the racecourse. In an enclosed area known as the International Village, one of the biggest parties of the year had been under way since late afternoon and would continue until almost midnight amid scenes of excess that would raise eyebrows at any English course. The deal in Dubai is straightforward. Foreigners contributing to the feverish expansion of the economy – that is, the vast majority of the population – are given significant tax breaks and the chance to enjoy themselves as if they were on holiday, so long as they stay within their own community. Public displays of immodest behaviour are subject to swift and harsh punishment. The vast majority of those at Nad Al Sheba racecourse would say that the compromise has paid off handsomely. The vision of the ruling Maktoum family was for Dubai to become both the business centre and the most favoured tourist destination of the Middle East. It would be where West and East met to make money and enjoy themselves. Today the skyscrapers are being built on a 24-hour schedule and the city seems to be taking shape before one’s eyes. A combination of Sheikh Mohammed’s feudal power and his grip on the media, which fans the flames of adulation on a daily basis, have enabled the vision to take shape without some of the messier side-effects of unrestrained economic growth. Human Rights Watch has just published a report on Dubai’s use of labour from the Indian sub-continent, which suggests that the price being paid for those skyscrapers is not only financial. Workers routinely have their passports and salaries withheld, or are forced into years of debt for alleged “recruitment costs”, or are deported or jailed for objecting, or live in squalid housing camps out in the desert. It is a brutal system. Wealth against freedom: it is not as straightforward a choice as those who live in quieter, less rumbustious parts of the world might like to think. The result of the Dubai compromise is an exciting, optimistic city which seems to live in sort of a cultural vacuum, where all nationalities and colours seem united by a shared dream of personal wealth and fun. As a vision, even as a social experiment, it is, like the horse in flames on the racecourse, both impressive and slightly scary. By arrangement with
The Independent |
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Inside Pakistan The
latest proof of how religious extremism is threatening to subvert the rule of law in Pakistan can be found in what has been happening in Islamabad for the past few weeks. The government has been virtually brought to its knees by the maulanas controlling the federal capital’s famous Lal Masjid and its two madarsas – Jamia Hafsa and Jamia Faridia. The vigilante action groups comprising the students of these religious schools have been sending shivers down the spine of the government by indulging in activities like forcibly occupying a children’s library and abducting three alleged prostitutes and two policemen. They have now forced the federal government to enter into talks with them to sort out various issues, including the demolition of seven mosques built over illegally occupied land. The extremists have made it clear that they will resort to “direct action” if the government refuses to listen to them. They have set up parallel courts and sent out the message that they have licensed weapons to defend themselves if the Islamabad administration decides to use force against them. They have even threatened to resort to suicide bombings! The result: the federal government – read President Gen Pervez Musharraf – has authorised ruling the Pakistan Muslim League chief Chaudhary Shujaat Hussain to sort out the matter through talks. Chaudhary is, therefore, holding negotiations with Maulana Abdul Aziz and Maulana Abdur Rashid Ghazi, the heads of the Lal Masjid administration and Jamia Hafsa, respectively, but nobody is sure about the expected “good news” soon, according to Daily Times. The government is avoiding getting tough obviously keeping in view the coming elections, but this is being questioned by those who want the rule of law to prevail. The News commented: “If, as reports suggest, several ministers and intelligence agencies have ruled out an operation against the fanatics, or kept it as a measure of last resort, this should not have meant that the government speak from a position of weakness and accede to all the demands of the clerics.” While the crisis involving Lal Masjid and its madarsas is yet to blow over, the Islamabad regime finds itself in the grip of another unsavoury controversy. It, perhaps, does not know how to deal with the threat issued by extremists to one of its ministers, Ms Nilofer Bakhtiar. They want her to be sacked from the Cabinet for hugging a fellow para-glider in Paris, considered a “grave crime” by Islamic vigilante groups. The government cannot take this lightly, as in February this year Punjab provincial minister Zille Huma was gunned down by an extremist because she ignored the fanatics’ advice to conduct herself in accordance with the Islamic tenets as interpreted by them. According to Shireen M. Mazari, Director-General of the Institute of Strategic Studies, Islamabad, “To a large extent, the malaise afflicting us (Pakistan) presently is a result of our own internal dynamics – especially where the state is seen to also be paying scant regard to the law. “Be it the cops manhandling the non-functional Chief Justice or beating up unarmed protesters or attacking the offices of a television channel; or state institutions disregarding environmental and other laws; or local elected nazims misusing funds or harassing political rivals; or municipal organizations violating Articles of the Constitution in a most brazen fashion – the message being conveyed to the public at large is that the law can be violated if there is force to back up this violation.” There was a time when Pakistan was faced with an acute shortage of atta. That situation seems to have become a thing of the past with the agriculture sector’s performance having improved considerably. There is a substantial increase in the yield of most of the crops. Business Recorder, quoting Minister for Food, Agriculture and Livestock Sikandar Hayat Khan Bosan, says the agriculture sector “grew by around 4 per cent during the last four years”. Wheat production for 2006-07 has been estimated at 23 million tones, “an improvement against 21.7 million tonnes last year”. The wheat yield has surpassed the 22.5 million tonnes target set for last year. The government will export the surplus wheat as Pakistan’s domestic requirement is 20.5 million tonnes. The report that Pakistani wheat is about to reach India soon should be seen against this backdrop. The cotton production target has been fixed at 14.14 million bales for 2007-08 against 13 million bales the previous year. Pakistan is giving greater attention to the quality of seeds, which is playing a key role in the performance of its agriculture sector. |
When you know how much God is in love with you, then you can only live your life radiating that love. — Mother Teresa God has lodged Himself in the Guru By whose grace countless millions are delivered. — Guru Nanak It sees but appears not to see. — The Upanishads |
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