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VCs as pawns Profile |
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It’s time for India to be proactive in Sri Lanka On Record Making a mockery
of cricket
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VCs as pawns
The
resignation of Punjab Agricultural University Vice-Chancellor has cast a deep shadow on the healthy relationship of an autonomous academic institution with the political governance of the state. It is not a question of who is right and who is wrong; it is the political interference in the routine management of an autonomous academic institution. Unfortunately, it is not a solitary case. Almost every university in the country has suffered this, vitiating the academic environment and prestige of the institution. This has lowered the VC’s post and put the credibility of governance at stake. After the Congress came to power in 1982, it removed the Punjabi University VC, who after approaching the court, was restored to the position. In the University of Horticulture and Forestry in Himachal Pradesh, the Congress, after coming to power, curtailed its VC’s tenure from five to three years. He went down fighting in the court with a fatal heart attack. The VC of Himachal Pradesh Agricultural University also had to go to the high court to retain his position after the BJP came to power. The VC of Baba Farid University of Health Sciences was also victimised for his refusal to oblige the powers that be. This university was established by the earlier Akali-BJP regime. After three years the government changed. The university did not get any funds for a full eight years. When the PMT paper got leaked, the VC was harassed. He ordered enquiry by a retired high court judge. Hardly any university in the country can claim no leakage of examination papers; seven hours search of his house yielded only a couple of thousands of rupees. The locker that was not operated for over five years was opened and for hours his wife was put to inconvenience while he himself was convalescing from heart attack. Ultimately, he was obliged to resign to make way for the new man. If the Punjabi University Syndicate’s last meeting is any indication, the coming unwholesome events do cast a shadow before. This disturbing trend erodes the credibility of the institutions of learning and squeezes the grace out of the chairs that manage them. Compare this situation with the position a VC held during Sardar Partap Singh Kairon’s tenure. The Punjab University VC happened to meet him while the Chief Minister was on a stroll and cursorily mentioned about fund crunch. The Chief Minister invited him to the Secretariat next day when the council of ministers was in meeting. The Chief Minister got up from his chair, received the VC at the door, made him sit in the chair by his side and expressed his happiness that the VC had honored them with his visit. When the VC told the purpose of his visit, the Chief Minister promptly acceded to the demand and told the VC that he need not come personally for such requirements and a phone call would have been more than enough. When the VC got up from the chair, all the ministers stood up and Sardar Kairon saw him off at the doors of the committee room. Where are those political bosses? Where are those VCs? And where has eloped the grace the VCs commanded? Setting aside these norms of behaviour and mutual respect has lead to the deterioration of academic environment of universities and higher seats of learning to the disadvantage of society at large. A VC’s position is such that the person who seeks this job, works for obtaining the job and manipulates and stoops low to get to this job, is patently unfit for handling this highly demanding job. University administration is not a normal administrative job of pushing the files. Here the VC has to provide an academic leadership. The academic departments that are fountainheads of knowledge, must look to him for guidance and encouragement and must acknowledge his excellence in the field of education and research. A VC must have grown enough to match the stature of this chair and shed all biases pertaining to his person and his discipline. Many persons, who happened to occupy this august position, had not grown out of their first appointment. Yet, they made the circumstances conspire to put them in such a chair. Once such a person succeeds in occupying an otherwise honourable chair through political maneuverings and manipulations, he goes weak and has no option but to yield to the wishes of the political bosses that granted him the job. It becomes impossible for such an incumbent not to play to the tunes of the powers that be. Otherwise, he would land himself into trouble. Such persons oblige their political bosses and even identify themselves with the political party in power. And they face the music when the political regime changes and these political appointments often end up in political dismissals. In the process, the institutions of learning and their faculties suffer and academic and research work gets a setback. Unfortunately, our political system and political parties are not sensitised enough to realise the incalculable harm done to society through such actions. The universities’ academic environment can be saved from getting vitiated only if their VCs are identified through special search committees consisting of highly credible academicians and are requested to shoulder the responsibility. After the search committee recommends a panel of suitable persons, the Chief Minister and the Education Minister should sit with the committee to finalise the name and recommend to the Chancellor or the Board of Management, as the case may be, for VC’s appointment. Once selected, the VC must be fully supported, financially and otherwise, to help him fulfill the institution’s mandate. With the change of guard, political parties coming to power must respect such appointments and should not encourage disgruntled elements and those with misplaced expectations from the new regime to hold the institutions to ransom. Now in case the new VC of the Punjab Agricultural University is to be appointed, it would be a test case for the new regime in the state. The academic world would be watching the new regime’s action with deep interest. n A former Vice-Chancellor of Punjabi University, Patiala, the writer was till recently the Vice-Chairman of the Punjab Planning Board
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Profile She
was sworn in as the first woman Foreign Affairs Minister of Nepal a day before Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala was to fly to New Delhi to attend the SAARC summit. The next day she landed in New Delhi as an important member of the Nepalese delegation, led by Koirala. Seventy-eight-year old Sahana Pradhan was the focus of attention at the SAARC summit as well as at the meet of the South Asian Free Media Association (SAFMA) which was addressed by all the eight Foreign Ministers of the member-nations. Talking to her was an experience. One is instantly impressed by her simplicity, power of expression and resoluteness while talking about issues relating to SAARC countries. For example, she minced no words in asserting that Nepal, being rich in hydroelectric potential, should tap this resource for the benefit of the people of South Asia. She is a revolutionary and the third top-ranking Minister in Mr Koirala’s interim government. She represents the Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist Leninist) in the Council of Ministers which is different from Maoists, much in news recently. While the CPN-UML, the second largest political party in Nepal, was founded on the ideology of Marx and Lenin, the Maoist swore by the ideology of Mao Zedong. Sahana spent her childhood in Burma and saw action during World War II there with Japanese throwing out the British troops. When Sahana returned to Nepal in 1948,she was barely 22. However, instead of settling down in life, she plunged headlong in the Communist movement and went underground as part of the nation-wide agitation against the Rana dynasty. Three-year-long underground life, as Sahana herself recounted to this writer was tough for her. She had to change places, almost every night as sympathisers of the movement, who had given shelter to her and her comrades, would warn, it was not safe to stay there tonight. She would quietly slip, along with her companions, before the police swooped down on the houses of sympathisers. She had to walk for miles, sometimes in dense jungles to escape Rana’s intelligence network. The movement spread far and wide and Rana agreed that Nepalese people should henceforth be described as “citizens” of the Himalayan Kingdom and not his subjects. Sahana, subsequently, joined the Communist Party of Nepal as a full-time member and met Pushpa Lal Sharma, founder of the CPN. A relentless fighter, Pushpa Lal, was a constant irritant to Kings of Nepal and was all the time on the run. He had to take refuge in India. He remained in exile for 18 years and died in 1978 in Delhi. Sahana’s eyes moistened when he said her husband’s ashes were not allowed to be brought to Nepal by the then King. She has two children and says with a glint in her eyes, “I am the proud grand mother of five”. When her family returned to Nepal from Burma, the World War II was ending. As there were far too less education facilities in the Himalayan Kingdom, she had to enroll herself in Patna University from where she took her bachelor’s degree. Later, she did her Masters in Economics from Tribhuvan University, Kathmandu. After banning of political parties in Nepal in 1960, by the then ruler, Sahana pursued teaching as a profession and also took part from time to time in the movement for restoration of democracy. She was imprisoned several times for her political activities. During the people’s movement in 1990, she was chairman of the United Left Front that allied with the Nepalese Congress to launch the agitation, which restored multi-party democracy. Sahana is also a social activist. A champion of women’s education and political rights in Nepal, she was the president of the Women’s Security Press Group; she founded the chair of the Inter-Party Women’s Caucus. In 1990, she became a Cabinet Minister in the interim government as also president of the United Left Front and the Nepali Congress. In the Krishna Prasad Bhattarai regime in 1991, she was given the Commerce and Industry portfolio. She visited India in that capacity. India has been her second home. |
When in the Opposition, we have our own duty to perform. Now that we are the ruling party, we have to function this way. — Punjab Chief Minister Parkash Singh Badal about his proposal to appoint 14 chief
parliamentary secretaries Movies must be timeless in appeal and universal in character. There has been a constant influx of rural folks to cities looking for work and livelihood. Movies tried to provide them with what they were missing in their new existence of loneliness, poverty and estrangement. — Noted filmmaker Adoor Gopalakrishnan A building is 10 to 15 times per cent technical knowhow and the rest commonsense... My approach is simple and eco-friendly, making housing affordable to the masses. — Laurie Baker, pioneer of low-cost houses, who passed away The 2005 Nobel Prize for Physics was awarded for my work, but I wasn’t the one to get it. Each one of the discoveries that the Nobel was given for were based on my research. — E.C.G. Sudarshan, Professor, Texas University, Austin, who received the Padma Vibhushan Earlier, it was such a big dream to become a playback singer that a small village boy like me couldn’t even share it with his family and friends for fear that they would laugh at me. I had nothing, no money, no training and just dreams. — Playback singer Udit Narayan Never argue with an idiot. First he will bring you down to his level and then beat you with his experience. — Actor John Abraham quoting his father in an interview I would love to go back to the Sixties. I feel the sense of commitment and values were much stronger then. Today we just live by a chalta hai attitude. — Singer Alisha Chinai Tailpiece: I wanted all my flaws included in the statue. Otherwise, it would be too sweet and too nice… My mum felt I would be here one day because I was very good looking and she thought that was enough criterion to be
here. — Shah Rukh Khan while unveiling his wax statue at Madame Tussauds, London |
It’s time for India to be proactive in Sri Lanka For
17 years, ever since the short-sighted decision of the V.P. Singh government to get the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF) back from Sri Lanka, India has been in a “neither here nor there” predicament. In 1990, we were nearing solution to the ethnic problem, the northern and eastern territories had been merged into one Tamil majority entity, elections had been held and a devolution package negotiated which would give the Sri Lanka Tamils everything that they wanted short of independent statehood. But LTTE supremo Prabhakaran could not see through the guiles of President Premadasa who cunningly massaged his ego even as he supplied clandestine arms to help him fight the IPKF. Stupidly, the LTTE Chief assumed that with the Indians out of the way, his position would become unassailable. Exactly the opposite has happened and with no Indians around, the Sri Lankan military and hardliners have slowly regained dominance. Merger of the northern and eastern areas has been undone. A ‘peace process’ under the aegis of Norwegian intermediaries has been ongoing for several years in which India is not involved, yet any outcome, whatever it may be, is certain to significantly impact on its own interests. In the midst of this passivity, has come the LTTE’s recent ‘air attack’ on Katunayake airport in Colombo. While it should be conceded that the raid was more sensational than catastrophic in its effect, the fact that something like this could happen is worrying. The small propeller driven aircraft did take off from an airstrip somewhere, even if only of grass, and such cleared spaces can hardly remain undetected. Further, aircraft are not consumer products which can be procured over the counter. They, and those who can fly them, are registered and licensed and their whereabouts pretty well monitored. The pilots were obviously skilled, flying at night without access to navigational aids. Clearly, there has been serious dereliction of duty. The LTTE wanted to deliver a message and have done this successfully. Much more traumatic unconventional incidents cannot be ruled out. For example, just one merchant vessel sunk at the entrance of Colombo will lead to closure of that port for several weeks causing serious damage to the island’s economy. With more than 65 per cent of all containers handled in Colombo being consigned to or from India, the effects on our economic growth can be easily imagined However, fears that important targets in southern India have now become vulnerable to attack by LTTE aircraft do not carry conviction. Prabhakaran would not want to be antagonistic to India, his only remaining lifeline. For the same reason, confrontations in the Palk Straits are unlikely. Both would erode the LTTE’s small support base in Tamil Nadu. Prabhakaran’s military power has diminished in recent years and the famed Sea Tigers have suffered severe losses at the hands of the Sri Lankan Navy. Several vessels suspected of bringing in arms for the rebels have been destroyed. He has also been weakened in the eastern areas by the defection of Karuna who is now being cleverly exploited by the government. India, on the other hand, neither wishes the LTTE to be so strong that it should be able to threaten the integrity of Sri Lanka nor so weak that the Sri Lankans begin to feel that they can resolve the problem militarily and need not focus on devolution of powers. Our interests are two pronged; one, that the Sri Lankan Tamils should get their legitimate rights and autonomy. And two, this devolution of power should be within the territorial integrity and sovereignty of the Sri Lanka state. Therefore, there is some commonality with the positions of both sides. Consequently, any process in which India does not act as the prime intermediary can never succeed. Interestingly, all parties, i.e. the LTTE, the Sri Lanka government and the Norwegians know it but it is India which is being overcautious, a case of once bitten twice shy. The Katunayake incident, as indeed other recent confrontations between the warring parties, should be seen as a warning that things are escalating and that, for India, the time for doing nothing may be running out. It is not just domestic politics that must shape India’s interface with Sri Lanka; the country is an important element in our strategic concerns. It sits astride the important east-west shipping routes and can facilitate or inhibit India’s regional power aspirations. Governments that are even partially hostile can be damaging to our interests. For example, Pakistan’s undue influence in Sri Lanka is not conducive to India’s interests. Not surprisingly, Pakistan has positioned a former Air Force officer as its High Commissioner in Colombo; his predecessor was an ISI official. Even as we fight shy of providing military hardware to Sri Lanka, Pakistan and China have no such inhibition. We must take note of these developments. It is time for India to reshape its strategies. We readily, and correctly, see security concerns in friendly neighbouring countries such as Nepal or Bangladesh but are not sufficiently conscious of developments in Sri Lanka just because a stretch of water separates us from that country, giving a false sense of security. A serious confrontation is brewing in that country. It will be optimistic to assume that the Sri Lankan military will just ignore the Katunayake raid; a fairly punitive retaliation in some form or the other can be expected; this can have spillover effects in Tamil Nadu. Should things deteriorate, India will have no option but to take sides, one way or another. Only a much more proactive and involved intermediary role will be able to ensure that such a situation is not allowed to develop. n The writer, a former Commander-in-Chief, Eastern Naval Command, has been closely associated with events in Sri Lanka since the IPKF days |
On Record Known
as a visionary, rebuilding Bihar tops Chief Minister Nitish Kumar’s
agenda. His prime focus is to change the people’s mindset and create an alert civil society which, besides government actions, can help achieve the goal of a resurgent “new Bihar”. In an exclusive interview to The Sunday Tribune at his official residence, 1 Anne Marg, Patna, Nitish confidently says that he will succeed in his
mission at the end of his tenure in 2010. Having completed 16 months in office, he says, “it is time to execute various policies and enactments so that they don’t remain on paper”. Excerpts: Q: What are the challenges for your regime? A:
The biggest challenge is to rebuild Bihar’s foundation which was in shambles. There was no proper administrative mechanism to deliver good governance. Q: What about your strategy to lay the foundation of a new Bihar? A:
We have already made improvements in health and education sectors. The primary health centres have been revamped. Doctors are now available in hospitals. Medicines too are plenty. We are recruiting 2.5 lakh teachers and many doctors on contract to streamline the two sectors. We plan to reform the condition of roads in national, state or district highways. Power sector reforms are also overdue. Q: Are you satisfied with the law and order situation? A:
Monitoring and improving law and order is a continuous process. But our people in general are law abiding. There were a few who considered themselves above the law and violated the social rules earlier. But with the creation of fast track courts and related speedy trials and conviction of law-breakers, people have started reposing faith on police. On the day I took over the reins, I said that no one was above the law. My government will neither harass nor protect anyone. There is a decline in the number of kidnappings and other criminal activities. The National Crime Records Bureau admits improved law and order situation in Bihar last year. Bihar is also the first state to come up with the Police Reforms Bill following the Supreme Court’s guidelines. Q: What about the Naxalite problem? A:
Violence is no solution to any problem. Any issue can be sorted out across the table. Naxalaim is both a law and order and socio-political problem. A proper delivery mechanism will help people get the benefits of development schemes and Maoists will get isolated from society. You just wait and watch till the road connectivity boosts economic activities. We have also formed the Land Reforms Commission. Q: How do you plan to overcome the caste stigma? A:
I believe in growth with justice. I am taking everyone with me — forward and backward classes, Dalits, Muslims and others — to create a new society. Q: What about women’s empowerment? A:
We have reserved 50 per cent seats for women at the statewide panchayat polls held last year. We will replicate this model in the urban bodies polls too. We will also tackle child marriages, female foeticide and promote girls’ education. Q: Do you see any change in the perception among prospective investors now? A:
We have received investment proposals of over Rs 27,000 crore. The sugarcane based industry is showing great interest. National Investment Commission Chairman Ratan Tata and others visited Bihar. We need to create the foundation for investments through proper roads, electricity and improved law and order. We are also focussing on agro-based industries and developing agriculture, fishing, dairy and other products to generate employment. Travel and tourism is another area of focus. Q: Why were some genuine claimants excluded in the Below Poverty Line list? A:
We inherited a faulty BPL list of 2002.We upgraded it twice to rectify some omission and commission. Each block-level panel will go door to door to check the list. I am committed to a flawless BPL list. To check blackmarket in the supply of foodgrains and kerosene, we have introduced the coupon system. The Planning Commission has appreciated it. People outside the state have started taking Bihar seriously now. The term “Bihari” is no longer a shame but a matter of pride and honour. My government means business and once the proper foundation is put in place, Bihar will overshadow the other developed states which often figure in the discussion. |
Making a mockery
of cricket India’s
display at the World Cup compounded by the coach-senior player rift and hyper television rating-cum-commercial sponsorship have made a mockery of cricket. Many of our stalwarts have begun to believe in their infallibility and (undeserved) greatness. An unsuspecting and very largely uneducated public whose only entertainment is cricket fills the coffers of our Cricket Control Board. They are fed on the staple diet of a Dhoni or a Tendulkar and how they are surely bringing the World Cup home leads to unrealistic expectations. The result is mayhem, effigy burning and worse. All those who are answerable must stand up and recognised for the mess in the West Indies. The top and middle order batsmen failed miserably one after the other. Why is it that those who have captained the team before find it difficult now to take orders from above and cooperate with their present leader? There was no rationale in a hasty abinitio selection of the team and then putting players on the flight later on, especially those who had been thoroughly rejected earlier. Our selection board can, over the years, gauge the final 15 or so who should be making it. Ultimately, the players have to play and win matches and if they under perform in tough situations, there is little that the coach can do. The organisers too must see that they are not overplaying international cricket at the cost of cricket being played at home in the Ranji and other state tournaments. They need to bring up at least four national level teams totalling around 50 players from whom the national team is selected. The national selectors including the coach must go round witnessing home cricket and the players that are reaching a consistent performance. I would prefer a foreign coach any day, much like Greg Chappel, because these gentlemen are not prone to playing politics and have no local axe to grind or internal jealousies to manifest being outsiders and not state centric. The Indian media, especially the electronic, too needs to be singled out for much of the damage. It first build up icons out of windbags and boasters, promoted quizs, TV games and viewer contests (courtesy sponsors and advertisers) and so hyped up cricket at the cost of other games like hockey. Is this the kind of viewer content that a nation like India needs? Should not the government lay down norms and set matters right? The politics played in the BCCI and State Associations too must be enquired by the Union Sports Ministry. If Mr Sharad Pawar and his team cannot mend matters, former cricket players who have donned national colours and known for administrative acumen should be put at the helm of affairs. |
It is easy to love people far away. It is easier to give a cup of rice than to relieve the loneliness and pain of someone unloved in our own home. —Mother Teresa You may pluck out my eyes, but that cannot kill me. You may chop off my nose, but that will not kill me. But blast my belief in God, and I am dead. —Mahatma Gandhi If you must have a tangible symbol of the vast immanate, look to Om. —The Upanishads Seekest thou God? Then seek Him in man! His divinity is manifestation of God. — Shri Ramakrishna You are perfect, while we are imperfect. You are profound, while we are shallow. —
Guru Nanak The bond between Man and God is established only through His praise. — Guru Nanak Whoever come to know God, becomes like Him. — Guru Nanak
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