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On Record Gandhism revisited |
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RTI: Tripura shows the way
Deaths from rabies
Profile
Diversities — Delhi Letter
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On Record
The Union Government’s policy on Special Economic Zones (SEZs), conceptualised by the previous NDA government, has generated much controversy. In an exclusive interview to The Sunday Tribune, Union Minister of Commerce and Industry Kamal Nath, who is pushing the scheme as a major strategy to make India a global manufacturing export hub and an engine of future growth, asserts that the government is determined to check the misuse of the scheme by builders or diversion of the present industrial units to these tax havens. Excerpts: Q: How will the government ensure that the SEZ does not become an easy route for builders to mint money or diversion of present industrial units to these tax havens? A: The SEZ concept is for developing self-sustaining industrial townships so that the increased economic activity does not create pressure on the existing infrastructure. The developer would be responsible for all civic amenities and infrastructure including roads, sewerage systems, open, green spaces, educational facilities, power, water supply and housing etc. Guidelines have been laid down for building of infrastructure in the SEZs. A list of authorised operations in the SEZs has been drawn up after wide consultations and is being notified. The Board of Approval will authorise only those approved out of this list to be carried out in a zone. As far as building of houses is concerned, in Phase I, it is proposed to allow only a maximum of 25 per cent of the approved housing while the other approved infrastructure may be created as per the developers’ plans. Q: How will the SEZ policy help the state and national economy? A: The SEZ policy was announced in April 2000. Subsequently, the SEZ Act was enacted in 2005 to provide stable fiscal and administrative regime for the SEZs. The Centre has given formal approval to 236 SEZs and in-principle approval to 159 SEZs. Besides bringing fresh investments, the SEZs will give a boost to exports. An investment of Rs 100,000 crore including foreign direct investment of $ 5-6 billion is expected by 2007 end in SEZs’ infrastructure growth and setting up of units therein. During the last three years, the exports from the SEZs has increased from Rs 13,854 crore to Rs 22,510.83 crore, an increase of about 63 per cent. These special zones are likely to create large-scale direct and indirect employment. Presently, they are providing employment to about 1.23 lakh people. An additional employment of five lakh people inside the SEZs and 10 lakh people indirectly outside the zones is expected by December 2007. Q: What about charges of purchase of land for the SEZs by developers in connivance with leaders and officials? A: No such evidences have been brought to (my) knowledge. Q: What is your reaction to the Finance Ministry, Reserve Bank of India and International Monetary Fund Chief Economist Raghuram Rajan’s assertion that the SEZ policy would result in heavy revenue losses for the state exchequer and shifting of present industrial units? A: The Finance Ministry has projected a revenue loss of Rs 175,847 crore, which includes direct tax loss of Rs 57,531 crore and indirect tax loss of Rs 40,164 crore on development and Rs 77,792 crore on raw materials for export goods. Since the raw material duty remission is provided for all exports that loss cannot be attributed to the SEZ policy. Tax exemptions are available for projects outside the SEZs also. The direct tax exemption is applicable to export oriented units (EOUs) and software technology parks (STP) units also till 2009. As such, the direct tax exemption relevant to the SEZ would be Rs 22,913 crore. If the Finance Ministry estimates on exports turnover are correct, then the benefits derived from multiplier effect of the investments and additional economic activity in the SEZs and the employment generated will far outweigh the tax exemptions. To obviate shifting (present industrial units), certain amendments have been made to the SEZ rules making it clear that tax benefits shall be available only to those units, which is not formed by the splitting up of or reconstruction of a business already in existence. It should not be formed by transfer of machinery to a new business, or plant previously used for any purpose though second hand machinery imported into India will be treated as new machinery. Q: Will you issue issue fresh guidelines to the states to review acquisition of prime farm land for the SEZs? A: Suitable directives have been sent to all the state governments to ensure that the land acquired for the purposes of SEZs is primarily waste or barren land; agricultural land may be acquired only if necessary to meet the minimum area requirements. The states should ensure that the developers provide for adequate relief and rehabilitation package for the affected and organise training programmes for the affected families for their employment in the SEZs. Q: What will be the role of the SEZs in the national economy? How much exports and jobs are likely to be generated over the next 5-7 years? A: The SEZ scheme has generated tremendous response amongst the investors both in India and abroad, which is evident from the investments and employment generated by some prominent SEZs that have recently come up. For instance, with an investment of $ 100 million, Nokia SEZ in Tamil Nadu is providing direct employment to 2800 people, and indirect employment to around 10,000 people. The company is envisaging additional investment of $ 150 million by 2007 end. Apache footwear SEZ, Adidas Group (with $ 50 million investment) is providing employment to 25,000 people. Motorola and Foxconn are setting up electronic hardware manufacturing units in SIPCOT SEZ with an investment of over $ 200 million. In Punjab, Quark SEZ is expected to have FDI of around $ 0.5 billion providing employment to 35,000 people. |
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Gandhism revisited Gandhi is one thing, Gandhism is another and Gandhi-ites are a third thing”, wrote Mahatma Gandhi in a letter of July 16, 1945 to a Communist. The “pseudo revival” of Gandhi’s philosophy witnessed recently is, in fact, a continuation of his charisma which, since long, has intrigued not only a common man but academics, scholars, politicians, peace leaders, community organisers and policy makers across the world. Gandhi’s principles and methods of organising continue to be studied through a variety of lenses in various disciplines like social work, peace studies, and conflict management. Gandhi’s philosophy is valued as much for its innovative appeal as it is for the extent to which it was successful in organising people for the greatest sacrifice for their country. Gandhi’s campaigns and strategies like Swadeshi (self-sufficiency), Swaraj (self-rule), Ahimsa (non-violence), Sarvodya (selfless service) and Satyagraha (militant non-violence) have reached epic dimensions in popularity. Indeed, these have valuable implications for achieving a just and equitable society, presently plagued with the consequences of globalisation and industrialisation — the significant one being the ever widening gap between the rich and the poor. However, like with any guiding thought or principle, Gandhi’s philosophy needs to be viewed through a critical lens as against regarding it as a solution to all kinds of issues and problems prevailing in different societies. At the outset, it is fundamental to truly understand the depth and significance of Gandhi’s views. A growing trend to blindly follow Gandhi’s non-violent organising for social change makes one wonder if his ideology is understood in its true essence. Though it is essential to guard against making Gandhi’s philosophy too complicated to be understood by a common man, it is equally important to protect it from being trivialised to the extent to which its true meaning is lost. A lack of a clear understanding and training to practice Gandhi’s beliefs is not only unhelpful in the long run but can also prove to be dangerous, if interpreted or applied carelessly. For instance, discipline is the founding factor for any non-violent movement to be successful. However, satyagrahis in India’s fight for freedom struggled to fully understand or practice discipline thus resulting in the biggest non-violent organising for India’s independence led by the founder of satyagraha — Gandhi — ending in severe violence with Gandhi himself being a victim of such violence. In fact, Gandhi conceded that one of his serious mistakes was that he has taught civil disobedience to those who had still not learned to be disciplined. A clear grasp on Gandhian ideology and a critical thought must precede its blatant applicability, as many followers have become disillusioned or have lost faith over a period of time particularly evident in the violence demonstrations, which forced Gandhi to withdraw satyagraha on a few occasions. Satyagraha demands a great degree of self-control and seldom yields instant desired outcome. During the course of the freedom movement, Gandhi’s non-violent struggle degenerated into mass violence primarily due to a lack of understanding and commitment to the principle of non-violence in the face of adversaries and provocative situations. Additionally, a mass mentality to believe in the universality of Gandhi’s teachings should not overlook a critical analysis of what is relevant, viable and helpful in today’s context. Gandhi’s wisdom has to be retrieved cautiously and with an appreciation of the complexities of the present times and issues, all of which might not necessarily find favour with the intricacies of some of his views. Gandhi’s thoughts on sex, marriage and education are debatable in terms of their practicality and usefulness keeping in view the present economy and societal structures. Similarly, the universal applicability of the doctrine of satyagraha is arguable. Distinction between satyagraha and duragraha is a matter of moral and political judgement. These judgements are not easy to make; even more difficult is to reduce them to a simple formula of right or wrong. An act that may appear wrong in one situation might be right and timely in other. Thus, there are dangers and practical difficulties in unchecked applications of these ideas, which must be revisited with a focus on the present facts and a vision of the future. Gandhi’s social philosophy indeed has valuable implications for achieving welfare of the masses. However, concepts like self suffering should be interpreted and followed without losing perspective of the present societal set up and a structural analysis of the larger global forces. For instance, Gandhi advocated for simple needs and embracing poverty, and lived in poverty as an example. However, to be poor and to live like a poor are two different things. As Sarojini Naidu once remarked, “It costs a great deal of money to keep Gandhiji living in poverty”. To learn to live with modest needs and wants could undeniably be a path to salvation. But then, this needs to be constantly guarded against becoming an excuse to not advocate for uplifting the poor and the downtrodden, and to reduce the economic imbalance between the haves and the have-nots. Despite the criticisms and limitations in universality and applicability, there is no denying that there is much to learn and practice from Gandhi’s values relevant till today. While avoiding the unnecessary complications in interpreting Gandhi’s philosophy, its meaning, seriousness, depth and purpose should be preserved. A society that chooses to practice Gandhian ideology must do so after a careful consideration of the issue in focus and must choose its own mode of practicing Gandhian principles in keeping with its unique past, culture and experiences. The writer is a Policy Analyst with
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RTI: Tripura shows
the way In a landmark decision, the Tripura State Information Commission has ended the regime of secrecy surrounding the appraisal and the promotion process in government. The two Commissioners agreed that Annual Confidential Reports
(ACRs) and the recommendations of the Departmental Promotions Committee (DPC) may be disclosed to the officer concerned upon request. The secrecy regime governing access to ACRs and DPC meeting minutes was a creation of the British much like the modern bureaucracy. Many bureaucrats baulk at the thought of divulging their evaluatory remarks as they are fearful of reprisals from their aggrieved juniors. Transparency, they argue, would discourage senior officers from expressing their frank opinion freely which, in turn, would adversely affect cordial relations between senior and junior officers thereby ruining the cohesiveness of the administration. With the passing of the RTI Act, ACRs and DPC minutes suddenly became “personal and private” information as the government wanted the legitimacy of an exemption under this law for withholding their disclosure. The Central Information Commission
(CIC) upheld this practice when it ruled in several cases that the remarks of the authority superior in rank to the officer being evaluated ought not to be disclosed. The Tripura Information Commission has now set a high standard for access to these “confidential” documents something from which the CIC shied away. It all began in Tripura with an IAS officer applying for copies of all ACRs pertaining to his own performance and inspection of the DPC recommendations relating to all IAS and
non-IAS officers of his batch. The Public Information Officer (PIO) concerned did not bother to pass any order on his information request — a typical administrative reaction that many a citizen is familiar with. Thereafter, the officer filed an appeal in the same department against the PIO’s inaction. The Appellate Authority rejected the appeal on the grounds that ACRs and DPC meeting minutes are of personal nature and a “larger public interest does not justify their disclosure in this case.” The legal opinion quoted in support of this position was provided by the Union Ministry of Law and Justice which basically reiterated, earlier in February that such information is covered by the exemption provided for personal information under section 8(1)(j) of the RTI Act. The Tripura Commissioners have recognised that the very nature of ACRs and DPC recommendations requires them to be made public. They have argued that the service records of a public servant are maintained for his/her services for the public administration, in public interest, and therefore cannot be described as personal information. The Tripura Information Commission’s decision is a major step in the direction of ending secrecy in the government. The writer is with the Commonwealth Human Rights Initiative, New Delhi |
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Deaths from rabies Amritsar’s Guru Nanak Dev Hospital reported six deaths from rabies in the first three months this year. Four deaths were reported in 2005 and one in 2004. In Verka (Amritsar district), five children died of dog bite in 2004. Human rabies (hydrophobia) is not a reportable disease in the country. Thus, no credible information on its yearly incidence is available. Rabies patients suffer from an acute viral inflammation of the brain, but their relatives often get the patients discharged from the hospital opting for homecare and in a few days they die. Consequently, in hospital returns, deaths on account of rabies are grossly underreported. Rabies is a neglected disease in the country. Punjab is one of the four worst hit states. The other three are Orissa, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh. Over the years, the media has been highlighting deaths and other related sufferings caused by stray dog bites. As we rolled into 21st century, New Delhi’s 2.5 lakh stray dogs were biting about 35,000 citizens each year. The Statesman reported 241 deaths from rabies in 1999-2000 and 219 and 172 in the two subsequent years. Over the last 10 years, countrywide deaths reported each year were between 25,000 and 30,000. There is need for a close scrutiny of rabies control in Punjab and elsewhere. As stray dogs are the principal reservoir of infection, primary prevention is by managing their population and to keep them immunised against rabies by vaccination every year. If this fails, secondary prevention is needed by ensuring that every dog-bite case is evaluated at the nearest available public or private medical facility and put on safe and effective immunisation regime. We as a nation have failed on both these counts. This explains the tag: three out of five who die of rabies in the world are Indians. For containing stray dog population, the media had highlighted the ‘shoot-them-kill-them’ mood of the public. Sometimes humane culling of stray dogs by engaging trained shooters has also been suggested. In April 2002, it was reported from Fazilka (Punjab) how scores of dogs were killed in urban areas and surrounding villages following some dogs biting children and elderly persons. The local district health and veterinary officers provided operational support to the villagers in getting rid of ownerless dogs. There is a need to evaluate ‘the catch-sterilise-release’ and ‘catch-immunise-release’ strategies. According to Soshil Rattan, Amritsar-based animal production specialist, “The strict ban on dog killing, the ever-increasing dog population and unproven approach to controlling its population have created a condition detrimental to public good. Animal welfare groups have failed to find ways and means to save us from stray dogs. The Animal Welfare Board of India (AWBI) is callously innocent of the priorities needed for the effective implementation of Animal Birth Control Programme (ABC). This programme has been entrusted to the local animal welfare organisations, especially the Societies for the Prevention of Cruelty to Animals (SPCAs), which are known to be sustaining on paltry funds. These bodies are in no way proficient and equipped to take up this elaborate and gigantic programme. (The Tribune, Aug 4, 2000) “The equation between dog sterilisation and dog population and explosion can never get balanced. Sterilising a few thousand dogs in a country like India is ostentatious and meaningless as a dog matures at the age of 10 months and an un-sterilised female rears successfully four puppies a year”. In early April this year, at an informal meeting organised by this writer, public health professionals and veterinarians endorsed Soshil Rattan’s views. They favoured a judicious mix of strategies in practice in industrialised countries. According to the American Public Health Association, “In urban areas of industrialised countries, strict enforcement of regulations requiring collection, detention and killing of ownerless and stray dogs, and of non-immunised dogs found off owners’ premises; control of the dog population by castration, spaying or drugs have been effective in breaking transmission cycles” (Control of Communicable Diseases Manual, 18th edition, 2004, p. 445). Technology for killing stray dogs in a humane way under anaesthesia is available. The whole process of operation catch, anaesthesia, killing and burial could be made in a silent overnight operation. Given the shared concern among the health, animal husbandry and municipal corporation officials, Amritsar district can take the lead in mobilising public opinion in this regard. Panchayats and political leaders should also be involved in evolving locally acceptable and judicious use of methods for primary prevention. The incubation period of rabies is usually 3-8 weeks, rarely as short as nine days or as long as seven years depending on various factors. Thus, post-exposure (to dog bite) immunisation is a very potent tool with us. However, to get 100 per cent protection, early wound cleansing and vaccination with modern cell-culture vaccine administered immediately according to WHO recommendations is a must. Gone are the days of crude nerve tissue vaccines with serious side-effects among some patients. Produced from sheep or mouse brains and delivered by injection in the abdominal wall of the patient, these were nine to 12 in number and were very painful. The imported cell-culture vaccines are expensive. The prices were brought down two years back when Indian manufacturers entered the market. Recently, the Union Ministry of Health and Family Welfare decided in favour of using such modern vaccines intra-cutaneously (instead of intramuscular route as earlier). This policy change would lower the dosage required and also reduce the cost considerably. As there is slow development of public health services in the country, ensuring timely quality post-bite care for every citizen will take some time. There is need for inter-sectoral coordination between Health and Animal Husbandry departments, active involvement of local governing bodies (urban and rural). We must contend with the powerful animal welfare lobby. The developed world has demonstrated that the available appropriate technology delivers results. Perhaps we could start with making rabies a reportable disease, keep track of the dog-bite cases attended to at medical facilities (public and private) and economic costs to society. This valuable data will help our mission successful. There is need for a policy change in favour of right to life without the fear of dog (man’s best friend). The writer is a former Director, Development of Comprehensive Health Services, WHO, South-East Asia Regional Office, New Delhi
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Profile True, the scenes depicting heroes lighting a cigarette, inhaling the tobacco-filled smoke and releasing it in circles will in no way discourage pubic smoking. Nor the statutory warning on cigarette packets — ‘Smoking is injurious to health’ — bring down the number of addicts. Remember the famous pipe in Sherlock Holmes films. Sherlock will remain an incomplete hero if the pipe is removed from his lips. Ambareesh has indeed a point. The Health Ministry’s proposal notwithstanding, it is Ambareesh’s ministry which would decide whether to ban smoking in films or not. Ambareesh has himself acquired the epithet of a super-hero in Karnataka’s film industry and may have been seen in movies puffing a cigarette to drown the tense moments. His role in films is that of a ‘Rebel Star’ portrayed as an insurgent against the system. His depiction as a roadside Romeo, Chief Minister and uncompromising cop in Kannada films made him a popular figure. His box-office hits include Ranganayaki, Antha, Tony, Rani Maharani and Mannina Doni. His latest movie —Pandavaaru — is all set for release. Of late, he started to play character roles in Kannada films. Ambareesh’s grandfather, the late Vidwan T. Chowdiah, too was an artist, played the seven-string violin. It is said that Ambareesh used his popular figure as film star to enter the hurly-burly of politics and emerge as a force to reckon with, having been elected to Lok Sabha thrice from the Mandya constituency. Those who have watched him in Parliament from the Press Gallery say that he is an active member having participated in the debates. He is also among the members who have put the largest number of questions and follow up supplementary. Almost every day the question paper lists his name against starred and un-starred questions. The credit for bringing Ambareesh to politics, giving up a lucrative film career, goes to the erstwhile Janata Dal leaders. His first experience in the weird world of politics was that of disappointment. The Janata Dal fielded him in the by-election to Ramanagara Assembly constituency vacated by Mr H.D. Deve Gowda as he was chosen for the high office of Prime Minister by the party. Ambareesh was defeated but he had, as the saying goes, tasted the blood. There was no looking back for him as defeat gave him more resoluteness. With the Janata Dal splitting, he joined the Congress. Success smiled on him for the first time as he romped home in the 1998 Lok Sabha elections by a handsome margin. With general elections repeating in 1999, he maintained his victory margin, and won for the third time in 2004. Ambareesh’s political career touched a new high as he was sworn in as a Union Minister of State. “My induction in the Union Government is a case of better late than never”, he reportedly said. Belonging to the dominant Vokkaliga community in Karnataka, Ambareesh’s induction in the Union Government is expected to give a boost to the Congress in the Lok Sabha and State Assembly elections. Immediately, the Congress’ chances are expected to improve in the prestigious by-election to Chamundeshwari Assembly constituency in Mysore district. In the long-run, Ambareesh’s charismatic personality and crowd-pulling power may be used to counter the influence of the Present Chief Minister H.D. Kumaraswamy. Born on November 30, 1951 at Malavali in Karnataka’s Madaya district, Ambareesh completed his pre-university course from Sharada Vilas College in Mysore and chose films as his career. In politics, he is the first film personality from Karnataka to make it to the Union Ministry. He joins the select band of stars like the late Sunil Dutt and Shatrughan Sinha to become Union Minister. Though little late, he was happily married to Sumalatha in December 1992. They have a son,
Abhishek. |
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Diversities — Delhi Letter It’s absolutely essential that we expose ourselves to the richness of the bygones. There is so much to this City which now seems eclipsed by the maddening fury of sheer survival on a daily basis amid fears ranging from men to
mosquitoes! Anyway, the present seems rather too rushed and superficial so much so that most don’t even realise the very basics to the city except the ongoing struggle to stay alive. In this context, I must mention there are some forthcoming lectures on the bygones of Delhi focusing on the bygone mushiara sessions, the very trees planted along its avenues, the spoken zabaan together with the changes that have crept in from the time of Amir Khusrau to the present Radio Mirchi days, the birds that visit the city. In this series on the Capital City, the highlight could be writer William Dalrymple’s talk on the last Mughal emperor. But before that the launch of his latest book, The Last Mughal — The Fall of A Dynasty, Delhi, 1857 (Penguin) is scheduled to take off on October 31 at the British Council. In keeping with the present-day take-offs, it will be accompanied by a full-fledged session that will take you right into that mood. There will be ghazals and poetry from the court of Bahadur Shah Zafar 11 with performances by Radhika Chopra, Mahmood Farooqui and Dalrymple himself. Little need to elaborate. Such are the changing patterns. Partition and
aftermath
Along the same strain, let me add that there seems to be a tremendous need to know greater details of what the Partition and its aftermath did to this City and its citizens. One gets to read and hear mere hazy glimpses of it but nothing really substantial. Last week, as I was reading Kuldip Nayar’s Scoop! (Harper Collins), his early days of struggle in Delhi make interesting reading…as he had crossed the border from Sialkot to Amritsar and then reached Delhi in search of a job, his struggle had begun. Together with that the very take off of his journalistic career. For reasons of space, I will quote only a few sentences from his book, but they do possess the strength to transport you into another era: “Fortunately for me, another evening newspaper, Wahadat, in the same area of Billimaran, agreed to hire me for the same salary at Rs 100 a month. The work area comprised a large enclosed space, like a hall, in the corner of which a man lay on a cot, coughing endlessly. I asked one of my colleagues who the man was. He seemed surprised at my question because so he thought, everyone knew the man on the cot was the poet and freedom fighter, Maulana Hasrat Mohani…I was very fond of Mohani’s poetry and in time he started to treat me as a member of his family. It was he who told me to resign from the newspaper and switch over from Urdu to English because Urdu had no future in India...” There is some more news along the same strain — of taking you towards the traditional. As the Jamia Millia Islamia’s Founder’s Day celebrations take off (beginning Oct 29), it’s media coordinator Rakhshanda Jaleel focused that during the week-long celebrations traditional that will also be on the fore — the Talimi mela (educational fair), katha-sumo kahani (story-rendering session) and so on. The highlight will be the opening lecture by former Chief Election Commissioner J.M. Lyngdoh on “Whom is our democracy for?”. After his retirement, he is one of those who declined any post-retirement job and has settled down in the outskirts of Hyderabad. Occasionally, he travels down to New Delhi. Lyngdoh is one of those rare bureaucrats who is known to have spoken fearlessly even whilst in
office.
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Beware, O man! Lest, engrossed in worldly comforts, pleasures and splendours, you should forget the Beneficent God and His name is effaced from your mind. Every work of love, done with a full heart, always brings people closer to God. Civil disobedience means capacity for unlimited suffering without the intoxicating excitement of killing.
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Karnataka’s actor-turned politician Malavallii Hutche Gowda Ambareesh, sworn in as Union Minister of State for Information and Broadcasting, is a film star first and politician later. His first pronouncement as he stepped into the I&B Ministry was voicing opposition to ban smoking in films as proposed by the Union Health Ministry. Evidently, some of the poignant scenes in the films revolve round the hero puffing cigarettes in desperation — be it failure in love or in a thrilling scene or soldiers in the thick of a battle. His question is simple: will people stop smoking if their heroes give up the habit?