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Fresh threats from Taliban What’s in a name? Air passengers’ ordeal |
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“The other Kargil war”
A dangerous development
The right choice
DOCUMENT Road to Moscow: Russia’s highway of contrasts Chatterati
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Fresh threats from Taliban The Taliban has again emerged as a major threat to peace and stability in the region. It has never been as effective in Afghanistan as it is today after the overthrow of the Taliban regime in 2001 by the US-led international anti-terrorism coalition. For about a year Taliban remnants have been causing considerable losses to the NATO forces stationed in the war-torn country. A few days back Pakistan’s Geo television network showed a Taliban commander well known for his ruthlessness, Mullah Dadullah, beheading eight kidnapped persons suspected of spying for the US and British forces. The apparent aim was to terrify ordinary Afghans so that they never dare to cooperate with the western coalition forces assigned the task of eliminating terrorism in Afghanistan. There are mainly two factors behind the re-emergence of the Taliban. The first is Pakistan’s clandestine support to the outfit as part of its game-plan in Afghanistan. The second factor is the failure of the anti-terrorism international coalition to undertake the task of reconstruction with utmost sincerity. The British commander of the NATO forces in Afghanistan, Gen David Richards, admitted on October 17 that the efforts for rebuilding the infrastructure destroyed in the war could not meet the expectations of the Afghans. They have been getting more and more frustrated and the “Taliban exploited … this sense of frustration among the people”. Now a plan has been finalised to correct the past omissions by undertaking road building and other infrastructure projects more vigorously to wean the people away from the Taliban. However, nobody can be certain about the effectiveness of the plan at this stage as the situation in the Taliban-dominated areas has become too complicated. Any success achieved by the Taliban is bound to boost the morale of Al-Qaida. This is, however, not the only encouraging factor for Al-Qaida. It seems the Iraqi mess created by the policies of the Bush administration is proving to be the best source of sustenance for Al-Qaida not only in West Asia and other Asian regions, but also in Western Europe, particularly the UK. Reports from London say that Al-Qaida finds in Britain a “massive opportunity” to launch a terrorist strike of a “spectacular” type or as horrible as the world witnessed on September 11, 2001. The fresh threats from Al-Qaida and the Taliban must be given a serious thought before they are able to give another devastating jolt to the already traumatised world. |
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What’s in a name? CHANGING names of places, roads and buildings has become such a pastime of politicians that it no longer makes news. The Uttaranchal Assembly has gone through the motion of changing the name of the hill state to Uttarakhand. That the N.D. Tiwari government resorted to the name-changing almost at the fag end of its tenure shows even it did not attach much importance to the re-christening. Obviously, it thinks that the new name will be populist and the Congress can garner some more votes on this ground. To be fair to the government, the agitation that resulted in the vivisection of the hill region of Uttar Pradesh to form Uttaranchal was spearheaded under the banner of Uttarakhand. It was the BJP government at the Centre which converted Uttarakhand into Uttaranchal. While it succeeded in Dehra Dun, it failed in Ranchi because there were no takers for the BJP-sponsored Vananchal while everyone else was for Jharkhand. In a way, the Uttaranchal Assembly is only correcting a distortion as is underscored by the fact that the Bill concerned had all-party support. Even the BJP did not hesitate in supporting the change of name. Be that as it may, will the change make any difference to the people of the state or to its development, except adding to the cost of changing government stationery, billboards and signboards? Bombay was changed to Mumbai, Calcutta to Kolkata and Madras to Chennai but outside the states concerned the old names continue in popular parlance. Nearer home, Ropar was changed to Roopnagar but nobody uses the new name. Yet, in Karnataka, the government is thinking of changing the name of Bangalore to Bangalaru in the mistaken belief that it will find favour with the people. Change of names creates problems for many people. For instance, today Bangalore is known all over the world as the hub of Information Technology. In fact, the word “Bangalored” has entered the lexicon to denote outsourcing. There may not a single Kannadiga, who cannot pronounce “Bangalore” or write it but can do so if it is “Bangalaru”. It is nothing but pandering to linguistic chauvinism when the world over attempts are on to simplifying words and languages so that they appeal to the common denominator. But here when politicians run short of ideas, they think of renaming towns, villages, roads and buildings. |
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Air passengers’ ordeal For 338 passengers of the New York to New Delhi flight via London it was an ordeal that Air-India could have minimised even if it had no control over the bird-hit which grounded the unfortunate plane at Heathrow airport. First, for quite a few hours the passengers were not told what had held up the flight. Many of them complained on arrival in Delhi that Air-India did not take care of them and they were put up in substandard hotels in London. This is not an isolated incident of passenger harassment. Last month twice passengers with valid tickets were not able to board Air-India flights and were left stranded at Amritsar. The incidents of bird-hit are becoming all too common, endangering the safety of air passengers. Indian Airlines had 85 hits in 2005 — the maximum 17 being in Delhi followed by 12 in Mumbai. Apart from the threat to passengers’ lives and subsequent inconvenience, the airlines suffer recurrent heavy losses in making alternative arrangements. There is obviously not sufficient inspection of the runways for bird activities. The grass in the area has to be trimmed regularly to avoid insects that attract birds apart from ensuring the timely clearing of garbage and dead animals. Given the fast-track work of airlines’ expansion and upgradation of Indian airports, safety precautions also need to be strictly adhered to and regularly reviewed. It was quite a miracle recently when a Jet Airways Boeing escaped a mid-air collision with a formation of Indian Air Force jets over Rajkot airport. With stiff competition in aviation, passengers now have many options to choose. An airline that does not come up to passengers’ expectations in safety and service may soon lose out to its rivals. The government carriers will have to shed their pre-reform image and improve their services to stay in business. |
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Of two close friends, one is always the slave of the other. — Michail Lermontov
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“The other Kargil war” A
dangerous development
The Kargil war” is a household phrase. “The other Kargil war” is not. But it deserves to be, now that the Air Chief of the day, no less, has told us how bad it was, and commonsense tells us how dangerous it can be. A journal which specialises in military affairs, Force, carries in its latest issue a disturbing “exclusive” article by Air Chief Marshal Tipnis. He has since retired, but he was not only the head of the Air Force at that time but was also for a time the senior most military official concerned with this “other Kargil war.” He gives you a ringside seat on scenes which show how much we have allowed personality rifts and turf considerations to come in the way of principles and understandings, and how this created delays and clashes. First, regarding the delays. It had been suspected since early in May, 1999, that Pakistan would be up to mischief in the Kargil sector, but by May 9 or so the Air Chief had leant that the Indian army “might be in some difficulty” there. Within a couple of days he had concluded that “the situation was desperate.” Yet it was May 14 before ideas began to take shape about whether the Army would need some help, and of what kind and how soon, and whether the Air Force would give it, and if so how or how soon. The article makes it clear that one reason for the delay was that the Army Chief, Gen V.P. Malik, was away “on a foreign tour”, a fact to which there are some oblique references between the lines of the article, but a more immediate reason, as the article confirms, was that there was a perceptible lack of mutual confidence between the Air Chief and the acting Army Chief, Lt-Gen Chandrashekhar. The Army’s request for help was read as meaning that help would be appreciated but was not indispensable, and the form of help that was sought — local fire-support for the Army by Mi-17 helicopters to evict a few ‘’intruders’’ — was seen to be inconsistent with the “prerogative (of the Air Force) to give the fire support in the manner it considered most suitable”. The reason given by the Air Chief was that “ in the conditions obtaining in the problem area helicopters would be sitting ducks”, and the terrain was “ beyond the operating envelop of the gunships”. Yet, once the decision to use them was taken, it was the same helicopters which in the same terrain gave a striking account of themselves, as the Air Chief confirms. The Air Chief also informed Lt-Gen Chandrashekhar that “ to enable the Air Force to provide fire-support, we needed political clearance.” But “I was not successful in persuading Lt-Gen Chandrashekhar to accept the essentiality of government clearance …” says the Air Chief, and he quotes the acting Army Chief as insisting that “political go ahead was needed only in case fire-support was being provided by fighters” while such support by helicopters was an “in-house services headquarters decision.” The Air Chief proposed their jointly going to the government but, he says, the General left “without I having a clear indication whether he intended to approach the government.” He adds this was “possibly because ( the Army ) was embarrassed to have allowed the present situation to develop” and did not wish to “reveal the full gravity of the situation to MoD”, ( the Ministry of Defence.) That much for the appreciation each of the two headquarters had of the difficulties of the other, and it does not stop there. The Air Chief writes that he wanted to know what was the understanding of the Army regarding “the enemy’s intentions” or ‘the nature of the intrusions or the identity of the intruders”, but, he adds, “ It was apparent that the Army had not applied its mind to the this aspect.” According to the Air Chief, one reason for this lacuna was the “possibly indifferent involvement from the command headquarters”, which is probably another oblique reference to the state of army headquarters because of the absence of General Malik. It is also a further confirmation of the confidence deficit between the Air Chief and the acting Army Chief. But the Air Chief also confirms it more directly when he says: “ To be honest, I did not think I had succeeded in generating any confidence in him” (that is Lt-Gen Chandrashekhar.) But matters did not improve in this respect when General Malik did come back. The Air Chief’s article tells us three more things apart from others: one, the first anxiety General Malik expressed at a meeting of the three services chiefs was that they “needed to present a united front to the Cabinet Committee on Security”. Two, he agreed with the Air Chief’s reservations regarding the use of helicopters. Three, but when these reservations were repeated by the Air Chief, General Malik “stormed out of the meeting”, saying to the Air Chief, “ If that’s the way you want it, I will go it alone.” Thus, from the time the Army side expressed its anxiety, its disappointment over the air side declining the fire support the Army had requested, and the Air Chief describing the situation as “desperate”, it took almost two weeks to get a politically endorsed decision regarding an action which could have been authorised (or barred ) much earlier on the basis of principles and practices which should have been put in place years earlier in the light of India’s unfortunately long experience of wars with and by the neighbours, 1947,1962, and 1971-72.The decision, as recorded in the article, was against any use of air power but no distinction was recorded, for timely guidance in future, between use of the fire-power of helicopters on the one hand and use of fighters on the other. But as far as one understands the article, another ambiguity, of great relevance to future actions, was also left hanging in the air. The Air Chief says that after a meeting of the Cabinet Committee on Security he “shot out” the following direction ( among others ): “Air Defence aircraft escorting strike aircraft or ‘free patrolling’ parallel to the LoC, if engaged in aerial combat with enemy aircraft, may cross in ‘hot pursuit’. But he also adds in parenthesis “( At the CCS meeting I had not specifically got this contingency authorised, it was not the right moment to do so. But I considered the ‘liberty’ an essential element for the success of the aerial defence measures. In view of the PM’s earlier ‘nod’ to the ground forces’ hot pursuit my conscience was not unduly burdened).” This writer at any rate is left wondering, firstly, whether the whole controversy over the Army’s request for support by helicopter fire could not have been got over with the same attitudinal flexibility, and, secondly, what would happen if the same flexibility were to become habitual on both sides of the
LoC.
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The right choice
Death is now a constant reality in my life. Notices of death and funeral ceremonies no longer pertain to elderly uncles and aunts but to colleagues and friends. I can look upon death now with a reasonable measure of equanimity. I received notice of a friend’s death, a close friend, but one I had not met for 15 years. I remembered him as a quiet serene man, a brilliant surgeon who could have had the world at his feet but chose to bury himself in a small, general practice in the moffussil town of Adampur. Busy with running a prestigious school, climbing the social ladder, and consolidating my position, I could not help being patronising to my friend who had chosen to bury himself in the backwoods, away from both professional and financial success, away from being noticed. He had,indeed, made a disastrous choice. I expected the funeral to be a small, lackluster affair, where a few close associates would attempt to eulogise my friend’s non-existent achievements. It was a long drive and I reached three quarters of an hour late. There was no parking available anywhere near the gurdwara and I had to park almost two kilometres down the road. The gurdwara was jam-packed;the large gurdwara courtyard was jam-packed, I had difficulty finding a place. The eulogies were few and short and all made by eminent men — a young minister known for his honesty and uprightness, a well-known farmer of the district who had been awarded a Padma Shree for his pioneering work in agriculture, and a religious and spiritual leader whose picture was now everywhere in Punjab. They all spoke with utmost sincerity, of my friend’s “sewa” — selfless service for others, and drew on their own personal interaction with him to illustrate their points. When the ceremony had ended I stood in a long queue to say goodbye to his son, who waited with folded hands at the gate of the gurdwara. I overheard what others had to say about my friend. “Your father saved me when I had a severe spinal disorder.” “Your father would spend hours at my mother’s bedside, when she was fighting against cancer.” “Your father bailed me out when I was in dire financial trouble — I can never forget what he did for me.” “He was always so generous with his time, his money, his sincere and valuable advice. He was an excellent surgeon, but more than that he was an excellent human being.” It was obvious that I had not known my friend at all. He had not, as I had thought, thrown everything away and buried himself in the backwoods. He had deliberately chosen to be where he could make the maximum difference. I had been mistaken in looking down upon him, when what he had deserved was unadulterated admiration. I realised now that he had made a right choice and it was I who had, perhaps, been in the wrong all these
years.
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DOCUMENT FDI inflows into South, East and South-East Asia reached $165
billion in 2005, corresponding to 18 per cent of world inflows. About
two thirds went to two economies: China ($72 billion) and Hong Kong,
China ($36 billion). The South-East Asian sub-region received $37
billion, led by Singapore ($20 billion) and followed by Indonesia ($5
billion), Malaysia and Thailand ($4 billion each). Inflows to South
Asia were much lower ($10 billion), though they grew significantly in
several countries, with the highest level ever for India of $7
billion. Manufacturing FDI has been increasingly attracted to South,
East and South-East Asia, although specific locations have changed as
countries have moved up the value chain. The sector continues to
attract large inflows, especially in the automotive, electronics,
steel and petrochemical industries. Viet Nam has become a new
location of choice, attracting new investment by companies such as
Intel, which is investing $300 million in the first semiconductor
assembly plant in that country. In China, investment in manufacturing
is moving into more advanced technologies; for example, Airbus plans
to set up an assembly operation for its A320 aircraft. There is,
however, a shift towards services in the region, in particular
banking, telecommunications and real estate. Countries in the region
continue to open up their economies to inward FDI. Significant steps
in this direction were taken in 2005, particularly in services. For
example, India is now allowing single-brand retail FDI as well as
investment in construction, and China has lifted geographic
restrictions on operations of foreign banks and travel agencies. A few
measures were also introduced to address concerns over crossborder ‘Mergers
and Acquisitions’ (M&As) in countries such as the Republic of
Korea. As a growth pole in the world economy,
the region is becoming increasingly attractive to market-seeking FDI.
In particular, TNCs’ investments in financial services and hightech
industries are growing rapidly. FDI outflows from the region as a
whole declined to $68 billion in 2005, as outward investment from some
Asian newly industrializing economies (NIEs) fell. However, outflows
from China rose sharply, helping to reshape the pattern of outward FDI
from the region. FDI inflows to South, East and South-East Asia, and
Oceania maintained their upward trend in 2005, rising by about 19 per
cent, but their share of global inflows declined from 20 per cent in
2004 to 18 per cent in 2005. FDI outflows from the region dropped by
11 per cent, to $68 billion, after tripling in 2004. China, Hong Kong
(China) and Singapore retained their positions as the largest
recipients of FDI in the region, while China emerged as a major
outward investor. Rapid economic growth in South, East and South-East
Asia has contributed to the continued increase in FDI inflows. The
importance of the region in the world economy and its high growth rate
have made it more attractive to market-seeking FDI. The 2006 Global
CEO Survey (PricewaterhouseCoopers 2006) confirmed that reaching
new customers is a more important motive than reducing costs for FDI
in emerging markets in general, and in large Asian economies (such as
China and India) in particular. At the subregional level, the shift
is slightly in favour of the south, with a sustained increase in flows
to South and South-East Asia and slower growth in flows to East Asia.
In 2005, East Asia, South-East Asia and South Asia accounted for 71
per cent, 22 per cent and 6 per cent of the total FDI inflows to the
region respectively. East Asia nevertheless remained the most
important subregion for inward FDI, despite a slowdown in the growth
of inflows in 2005. Major economies in this subregion showed divergent
performance. FDI inflows into China and Hong Kong (China) continued to
rise while flows to the Republic of Korea and Taiwan Province of China
declined. The increase recorded for China (of 13 per cent, to reach
$72 billion) is partly related to changes in the methodology
underlying Chinese FDI statistics – for the first time data
on Chinese inward FDI include inflows to financial industries. In
2005, non-financial FDI alone was $60 billion, and it registered a
slight decline after five years of increase. FDI into financial
services surged to $12 billion, driven by large-scale investments in
China’s largest Stateowned banks. However, a significant share of
China’s inward FDI from Hong Kong (China) might be the result of
round-tripping. The drop in flows to the Republic of Korea (by 7 per
cent to $7.2 billion) after a doubling in 2004, and a similar decline
in Taiwan Province of China (by 14 per cent) are partly explained by a
slowdown of economic growth in those two economies. In the Republic of
Korea, policy changes related to FDI, in particular tightened tax
rules (section c), are also a major reason for the decline, especially
in M&As. Most major economies in South Asia experienced
significant increases in FDI inflows: flows to Bangladesh, India,
Pakistan and Sri Lanka rose by 50 per cent, 21 per cent, 95 per cent
and 17 per cent respectively. Improved economic and policy conditions,
especially in India, where the GDP growth rate exceeded 8 per cent and
the stock market grew by 36 per cent in 2005, have led to growing
investor confidence in the subregion. Increased FDI inflows were
partly driven by large M&As, such as the acquisition of Gujarat
Ambuja (India) by Holcim (Switzerland) for $607 million. Considering
the high performance of the Indian economy since 2003 and the
improving policy environment, the growth of FDI does not yet reflect
India’s potential for attracting FDI. In 2005, 315 new FDI projects
in R&D were recorded in South, East and South-East Asia, four
fifths of them located in China and India. The number of
foreign-invested R&D centres had risen to 750 in China by the end
of 2005. In the automotive industry, for instance, Shanghai GM and
Shanghai Volkswagen are expanding their existing R&D centres, and
Nissan Motor, DaimlerChrysler, Honda Motor and Hyundai Motor, together
with their respective local joint-venture partners, are establishing
new R&D centres. The above is excerpted from the UN’s
World Investment Report 2006
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Road to Moscow: Russia’s highway of contrasts MOSCOW – Tired travelers heading downtown after arriving at Sheremetyevo 1 airport probably don’t pay much attention to the village-style wooden houses, set behind picket fences and painted in fading shades of green and blue, that line the busy highway. One home on this down-at-the-heels stretch of road is where Viktor Zhivin, a 71-year-old retired road worker, was born and grew up. The roof has collapsed over one corner of the house, making half of it uninhabitable. There is no running water, no plumbing, no central heating or piped-in gas, and in winter Zhivin’s family burns coal in a stove to fight the bitter cold. “It’s like we’re lost in Siberia,” he said. “The only advantage is, shops are close. But you need money to go to shops.” Capitalism has transformed Moscow over the past decade, but Zhivin and many others feel they have been left breathing exhaust fumes. To make the bumper-to-bumper drive from the countryside around this airport to the city center is to take a 21-mile tour of haves and have-nots, a highway as microcosm of the nation. The route starts out past open fields and birch forests, passes poor rural homes more fitting to a dying mountain village than Europe’s largest city, and ends with some of the most expensive shops in the world just a few hundred feet from the Kremlin. “The road from Sheremetyevo into Moscow is like a symbol of all processes under way in Russia,” said Igor Korolkov, a commentator with Novaya Gazeta newspaper. “As you drive along this road into town, you can read it like a book with very vivid and distinct pictures – pictures of abject poverty and excessive wealth, the appalling stratification of society which is getting deeper and deeper.” Zhivin and his wife’s pensions total $290 a month, and like millions of other Russians left out of the new prosperity, they are bitter to be so poor amid so much ostentatious consumption. Despite the frenetic new development and refurbishing of old buildings that has engulfed much of the Russian capital, this patch of rural poverty hasn’t been bulldozed because long-term plans for building something else here have never gotten off the ground. Decades ago, Communist authorities “wouldn’t allow us to build better houses — not even better outhouses,” Zhivin said. “They kept telling us our village was going to be torn down.” Two miles toward downtown from the decrepit Zhivin home stand two landmarks: a memorial marking the spot where the Nazis were stopped in their 1941 assault on Moscow, and right behind it, a huge shopping complex that’s a free-market Mecca to the city’s emerging middle class. This Mega Mall boasts a year-round ice-skating rink, a 12-screen theater complex, more than 200 small- to medium-sized shops and five large stores, including an Ikea and an outpost of the French supermarket chain Auchan so big it has lines for 90 cashiers. Continuing toward downtown from the anti-Nazi memorial, the highway is home to a string of foreign automobile dealerships. In this area the road is known as the Leningrad Highway because in the opposite direction it leads from Moscow to that city, once again called by its Czarist-era name, St. Petersburg. From the airport into Moscow, the highway is eight or 10 lanes for much of its length, but traffic moves slowly, partly because there are many crossroads and stoplights. Moving toward downtown, the wealth level escalates with the passing miles. Mercedes-Benz, for example, is closer to the center than the other dealerships. The gap between rich and poor recalls Czarist times. More than two centuries ago, in his book “Journey from St. Petersburg to Moscow,” Alexander Radishchev used this same highway as the backdrop for a famous attack on the ills of the imperial era. He fiercely criticized the privileges of the wealthy, serfdom, censorship and lack of democracy. “The closer to the Kremlin, the more the city looks like the capital of the filthy rich,” said Korolkov, the newspaper commentator. “There are signs of embezzlement and corruption everywhere. ... Lavish cars are parked all day long near government offices. They are not even hiding their excesses.” — By arrangement with
LA-Times–Washington Post |
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Chatterati Thank God Diwali celebrations for politicians are not such a balancing act and a game of diplomacy, as are Iftar parties. Congress president Sonia Gandhi and former Prime Minister V. P. Singh were present at Ram Vilas Paswan’s iftar party. The Prime Minister, on return from his Europe trip last Sunday, went straight there. But it was Lalu as usual who stole the limelight. He responded to people loudly and firmly on the demand for his resignation in the wake of the Gujarat High Court slamming the setting-up of the U.C. Banerjee Committee on the Godhra train carnage, soon after he took over the railway ministry in 2004. He said he will file an appeal in the Supreme Court against the verdict. But he added that he was ready to put in his papers only if Gujarat chief minister Narendra Modi did so first. Congress’ iftar dilemma The Congress Party is confused about hosting an Iftar, an earlier tradition that has not been followed since 2003. From tsunamis to earthquakes, the Congress has been invoking credible reasons for not hosting the Iftar at 24, Akbar Road, the party headquarters. This year, however, the party seems to have run out of excuses and a political debate is on in AICC corridors. The party is wondering how the majority community will react to senior party leaders appearing with minority community leaders in the same photograph. According to some second line leaders occupying rooms at 24, Akbar Road, times have changed, and the Congress should not be seen as still stuck in the past. The party should appear to be progressive and stay away from all visible displays of affinity to any religion, some feel. Dilli daud Dilli daudi, phir se. And the sporting spirit rang out loud and clear in the Delhi Half Marathon. There were participants from as far as Punjab and Bihar. Close to 20000 participants turned up for the mega event. This time, cheering the crowds along, were Delhi chief minister Sheila Dikshit, Arvinder Singh Lovely and Suresh Kalmadi. Glamour from Bollywood, sports and Delhi’s Page-3 circuit was present in full strength. From Juhi Chawla, Rahul Bose and ‘bad man’ Gulshan Grover to famous tennis star Vijay Amritraj with Milkha Singh and K M Beenamol, they were all there. And wielding the magic of her brush, artist Anjolie Ela Menon presented a painting of a ‘running girl’ to the organisers to be auctioned for raising funds. While the rest of Delhi ran, walked, trotted or simply sauntered along, scores of wheelchair bound athletes crowded the start line early on the day, raring to have a go. But for many, it was the sheer joy of participating and the roar of approval they received from the crowd. For many 82-year-olds and 90-year-olds, the marathon was just another way of walking the daily quota of 4 km. Many areas were represented by the senior citizens’ whose excitement was infectious and it took great effort to not walk along, listening to their tales of yore.
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Look ahead with foresight. We should strive to make our lives, as even keeled as possible. We should avoid gross pleasures and enjoyments and live our lives in moderation. Civil disobedience is the assertion of a right which law should give but which it denies. The far-sighted gains peace and his mind develops patience through the Guru’s Word.
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