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Waiting for veto Securing border with Nepal |
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Privacy invaded Electronic information needs safeguards ALL it took was just one cellphone diary to be put on the Net, and concerns about individuals' privacy came to the fore again. Paris Hilton, an American celebutante heiress has a propensity of drawing attention to herself.
The BJP’s Modi problem
Silver “smuggler”
Punjab Budget: privatise to prosper Politicians compete for legitimacy in Kyrgyzstan Delhi Durbar
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Waiting for veto Among the proposals put forth recently by United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan for reforming the world body is the expansion of the Security Council's permanent membership. The idea has special significance for India because it is one of the four countries — besides Brazil, Germany and Japan — which find mention in the report. Ostensibly, what Mr Annan, whose term is coming to an end soon, wants is aimed at ensuring that the special arm of the UN reflects today's global reality. There is, however, no unanimity of views on giving the veto power to the new permanent members. The US is leading the group lobbying for the status quo on the veto issue. This means that there is no possibility of the new members getting the veto, being enjoyed by the Big Five. The Kofi Annan report falls short of Indian expectations. What should India do in such a situation? Should it accept the new responsibility without the veto power? Or should it reject a non-veto status because it would amount to a denial of India's legitimate right? The country has to make up its mind quickly because the UN reforms, as proposed by Mr Annan, may come up for discussion during the annual General Assembly session in September. Ordinarily, India should not say "No" to a proposal without the veto power. On the other hand, acquiring the status of a permanent member will enable it to continue the drive for its acknowledged right more forcefully. This, however, would mean waiting for some more years for the veto power. The UN chief's blueprint for the much-needed reforms is based on a report submitted to him last November by a high-level group he had appointed for achieving "A more secure world: our responsibility". A major portion of his reforms is devoted to a questionable vision of collective security. The US, which has displayed considerable impatience with the UN, has its own ideas on the question of UN reforms. Other countries have their own. Mr Annan's reform package may not have a smooth passage at the UN. |
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Securing border with Nepal AT a time when “global village” is fast turning from a catchword to a reality, the Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan borders stand as shining role models. The people of these neighbouring countries can move across the borders without visas. In keeping with the centuries-old traditions, there is a virtual free movement of the populace. This is how things should be, but this facility is also seen by many as an opportunity for mischief. Maoists fomenting trouble in Nepal have been crossing the border with ease. At the same time, Pakistani intelligence men have also been using Nepal as a launching pad for anti-India activities. There have been reports of their having been involved in circulating counterfeit currency, subversion and espionage rackets in Nepal. Securing the long border has been extremely difficult because of the difficult topography and scarcity of manpower. The government decision to raise 20 more battalions of the Sashastra Seema Bal (SSB) to properly man the Indo-Nepal and Indo-Bhutan borders should help check illicit cross-border traffic. The Union Cabinet has also approved raising of two additional sectors and one frontier headquarters for the SSB. This will nearly double the strength of the SSB which at present has only 25 battalions comprising 1000 personnel each. While the added numbers will help the force keep a closer watch on the 1,751-km Indo-Nepal border and the 661-km Indo-Bhutan border, what actually matters is the mobility of the force. It will require better weaponry, a more sophisticated communication network, and, above all, better intelligence inputs. Only then can the policing be as effective as the situation demands. As the SSB rightly points out, many desirable elements manage to cross over undetected because there is no access-control mechanism. There have to be some documents of identification for border crossings. Even passports, ration cards and driving licences should suffice. There is a lobby which raises a hue and cry over this perfectly logical demand for obvious reasons, but the noises made by it have to be ignored. The situation along the border has been described as “very sensitive”. The mandatory identification will keep the mischief-makers at bay. |
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Privacy invaded ALL it took was just one cellphone diary to be put on the Net, and concerns about individuals' privacy came to the fore again. Paris Hilton, an American celebutante heiress has a propensity of drawing attention to herself. She had stored over 500 numbers of her other celebrity friends on her feature-rich mobile phone. The list, which included Christina Aguilera, Ashley Olsen, Ashlee Simpson and Vin Diesel, appeared on the Internet and many of the distinguished men and women had to change their numbers and take other evasive action. Investigations by US federal authorities are on to find out exactly how the information was obtained. The two possibilities are carelessness or a breach in network security systems. A lesson has to be learnt in either case. Feature-rich phones are like handheld computers with wireless access. They are full of information that you would like to protect. Every phone can be locked with a PIN number or a password and this simple step greatly decreases the chances of someone stealing your personal information. On the other hand, cell phone companies also have to review their practices to ensure safety of the private information of their customers. There have been no reports of a similar incident in India, but these companies cannot afford to sit smugly. While India, being a late entrant, has an advantage of having inherently better systems than those of the US, the issues of guarding the privacy of individuals are not considered as seriously here as they are abroad. This mindset has to change. Some companies "mine" data, which has private information of individuals, and sell it. The use of such data by communications, insurance and credit card industries has come to light. This must stop. As individuals and businesses combat more and more invasive technologies, there should be a clear-cut law on privacy, which is lacking at the moment. Of course, such an offence could be covered under various other sections of the law, including the IT Act and statutes concerning theft. However, that is not enough. Meanwhile, each individual should take care by protecting his or her data, and asking the service providers to ensure that the customers' data and privacy are safe. |
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The cruellest lies are often told in silence. — Robert Louis Stevenson |
The BJP’s Modi problem
Irrespective of one’s views on the propriety of the US denial of a visa to Gujarat’s Chief Minister, Mr Narendra Modi, he has become a symbol of the biggest dilemma to face the Bharatiya Janata Party in the era of its post-general election defeat. What the BJP tried to achieve through the National Democratic Alliance and just managed to maintain in its role as an opposition group is in danger of unravelling. Because the US decision has highlighted one fact: a major functionary of the party has been held accountable for what happened in Gujarat in 2002 and walks in the company of a not particularly distinguished list of men and women denied travel rights to Washington. It is also a telling blow to the largest Indian diaspora of the Sangh Parivar, which has been assiduously propagating and nurturing the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh philosophy in the United States. As one who lived in New York in the eighties, I can testify to the dedication of sections of the Indian diaspora to promoting the cause and values of what the Parivar holds dear: a one-dimensional view of India and the world harking back to a fictitious age and the superiority of Hindutva over all else. No wonder, the BJP-led government overrode American objections to appoint a second ambassador to Washington to care for the Parivar flock. But the crisis at home for the BJP is far greater because the contradictions it papered over while running a coalition government at the Centre have returned to haunt the party. In power, the BJP took shelter behind the formula that it could not implement the party’s benchmarks on Kashmir and constitutional and other issues because it was part of a coalition and the avuncular figure of Mr A.B. Vajpayee helped maintain the ruse. Admittedly, the government did succeed in planting the Parivar in key areas of government and set the stage for influencing the young through doctored textbooks and appointment of loyalists in educational institutions. After its unexpected defeat, the BJP barely managed to rein in the Parivar hotheads seeking their pound of flesh. The problem for the BJP is that Mr Modi has become a liability, as he has been for some time, but more acutely now that he has been typed internationally. Mr Vajpayee himself has publicly expressed his unhappiness over Mr Modi continuing to occupy the Chief Minister’s chair, only to be slapped down by the RSS. And even Mr L.K. Advani has been forced to concede to a foreign audience that the Gujarat pogrom was “unfortunate”. But he remains protected by the RSS, and none of the BJP leaders has the guts and power to go against the latter’s wishes, even assuming they wish to. Mr Modi’s strength was illustrated by his public reaction to the visa denial. He has evolved a formula: any anti-Modi act becomes a subject of Gujarati pride and his lashings take the familiar form of blaming everyone but himself and his party. The streak of vulgarity in his utterances he shares with other members of the Parivar. What is unique about him is his total lack of inhibitions in describing those who choose to attack or criticise him. Is he then a true specimen of the Parivar? To answer this question in the affirmative is becoming more and more difficult for the BJP, still hankering to return to power at the Centre. Perhaps the answer will come in part from the diaspora. Gujaratis are an exceptionally talented entrepreneurial community making homes and prospering in the most inhospitable of places, be in the diamond market of Tel Aviv (as I discovered), the Belgian port city of Antwerp, the freewheeling city of Hong Kong or the motels of the United States invariably owned by Gujaratis, commonly known as Patels. By the same token, Gujaratis have extended antennae to discern what is harmful to their interests. And Mr Modi is shaping up to be a commodity to be avoided in the interest of conducting a flourishing business around the world because he has become radioactive in America and the West. The BJP’s problems have multiplied because even if the leadership wanted to move him to a less exposed position, the visa denial has made it virtually impossible, despite the growing dissent in the Gujarat wing of the party. Essentially, Mr Modi represents one pole of the Parivar spectrum, but it is the basic part of its philosophy. Including all Indians in the philosophical concept of Hindutva serves little purpose because others do not accept the concept. Why the Gujarat pogrom hurts so much — as opposed to what happened to the Sikhs in Delhi in the eighties — is because the Parivar is identified with an anti-minority, particularly anti-Muslim, bent. It was, in a sense, exceptional that Mr Vajpayee was able to sail through his term in the Prime Minister’s gaddi with his motley group of coalition partners with relative ease. This was a tribute as much to Mr Vajpayee’s style of political management as it was to the attractions of office for the coalition partners. The latter were quite prepared to overlook Gujarat and Mr Modi and other awkward demonstrations of Hindutva for the privilege of wielding power in a coalition. But Mr Modi’s plight is now raising questions that will not go away. The danger of espousing a chauvinistic nationalism for the majority or dominant community was tellingly demonstrated by the tragedy of Yugoslavia, which began unravelling with Slobodan Milosevic’s decision to substitute Serb nationalism in place of the rejected communist creed as his vehicle of political power. One does not hear of it as often as one did, but the Parivar had made a point of promoting the concept of inculcating pride in Hindus for being Hindus — “Garv se kaho hum Hindu hain” (say with pride I am a Hindu) — conjuring up the fiction of Hindus being oppressed in a country in which they are the overwhelming majority — and they are not talking about Dalits. This is in line with the RSS philosophy of a militarised form of hinduism to correct what it considers a flaw in Hindu character, their perceived meekness in the face of more aggressive religions and invaders. Hence the RSS accent on military-style drills and khaki shorts, the latter unsuccessfully attempted to be changed into something smarter and more mod. These are historical aspects of the RSS movement, but Mr Modi is drawing too much flack for the good of the BJP. Despite the studied silence of the NDA constituents who are prone to declare their secularism from the housetops, the time has come to protect the party from Mr
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Silver “smuggler” Information was scanty. A woman had crossed over from Tibet carrying a heavy load of silver. She had been taken in custody and the silver confiscated by the young tehsildar. Since there was no police, the tehsildar had locked the lady in his office. Those days there was no police in the district as there was no crime. This action of young tehsildar had led to resentment amongst the tribals. Though the woman was released the silver was still at the tehsil office. Smuggling was unknown in these parts. The level of honesty amongst the tribals was unbelievable. Locals would leave their valuables in the varandah of their huts to be removed in case of fire and come back after months and find their goods untouched. It is in this background that I found the story a bit intriguing and decided to take stock of the situation. It would take four days to get to the tehsil; long walk through the rain forest and up steep mountains. On such tours we normally carried items like sugar, tea and salt to be distributed to the villagers along the route. While the party carried a small tent for me the rest normally took shelter in the villages along the way. Tent was always a source of amusement for the tribals. Heavy rains and leeches made these journeys uncomfortable. On arrival I was greeted by the tribal chief and a large crowd; in a sullen mood. The tehsildar gave his version of the incident, but I decided to get the details at first hand and consequently asked to meet the lady the following day in the presence of the tribal chief and others. It was a sort of open durbar. My knowledge of Mishmi language was inadequate and therefore, on such occasions took the help of an interpreter. She was old, frail but witty and had earthy sense of humour. She belonged to this village but when her daughter was married to someone across the border she decided to move with her along with all her silver ornaments, weighing many kilograms. While with her daughter she had added some more silver to her stock. She must have been with her daughter for a long time though no one could tell how long. There is no way these tribals could measure time. Now she was old and near her journey’s end. She wanted to come back to her village and spend the last years of her life amongst her sons and be put to rest alongside her ancestors. But why was she carrying such a large stock of silver? When she left with her daughter her sons insisted that she take her ornaments with her and now as she decided to head home, her daughter wanted her to take the lot back with her. Her daughter would not accept even one piece out of her large collection of ornaments. The tehsildar was not sensitive to customs and the way of life of these tribals. He thought in terms of passports and visas. I explained as best as I could the law regarding trans-border movement but it was outside her comprehension. I was sorry for the trouble caused to her. The bundle containing her ornaments was handed over to her. She opened the bundle, not to take stock of the contents but took out a bracelet and asked me to accept it. I thanked her for her generous gift but told her that if her own daughter would not accept any piece of silver from her then how could I do otherwise. Her face lit up and she opined that I was so much like her daughter; wise, had a ready answer and all the time laughing. On the trek back I worried for these simple people. In our efforts to draw them into the national mainstream, develop their areas etc, we will merely break their innocence and destroy their simple and honest way of life and perhaps eventually all that will lead to disenchantment and
alienation.
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Punjab Budget: privatise to prosper
STATE budgets are usually unremarkable and stingy, crafted by unenthusiastic bureaucrats who have limited cash to play with and few avenues are left for fund raising by electoral considerations. Rising salaries, pensions and debt repayments have wrecked state finances almost all over the country and most state governments are surviving on borrowings, putting the coming generations under heavy debts. Last year Punjab had a non-Budget, which perhaps led to the replacement of a low-profile Lal Singh by a domineering Surinder Singla as Finance Minister. This year’s Budget carries a Surinder Singla stamp. He is often seen brimming with ideas and voices them at every available platform. Some of his economic beliefs, planted on his maiden Budget, run contrary to the popular thinking influenced by the Left at the Centre. Here is a Finance Minister who admits his government has failed to deliver. “Government machines (read machinery) have failed. The government can’t deliver.” And yet he proceeds to raise Rs 100 crore through a cess on petrol and diesel for crop diversification, which has an unencouraging past and an uncertain future with experts divided on its merits. Will the outlay justify the outcome? The entire economy moves on oil and a costlier oil will push up costs all over. Last month the Finance Minister had raised the stamp and electricity duties to collect Rs 400 crore. Besides, he feels the people should be prepared to share the cost of building and maintaining infrastructure — 10 per cent of the cost in the rural areas and 20per cent in the urban areas. ‘“We are spending money, but it is not delivering the results that we want...”, he laments and elaborates by citing the example of education. Punjab spends 20 per cent of its Budget on education, but “the quality of education speaks volumes in terms of high dropout and low pass percentage rates”. His remedy, as reported in a financial daily, is: “private delivery of government objectives with 100% funding available from the government”. This is unbelievable. Private operators can take government money and run schools and hospitals in cities, towns and villages because “the government has tried its hands at these things and failed miserably. So why not try a different model?” This seems to mean a goodbye to the government obligation to provide affordable education and healthcare to the marginalised. In his Budget, Mr Singla assigns a pivotal role to the private sector. He calls it “a new public private partnership-encouraging Budget, which, we hope, will address the problems plaguing the system”. Mr Singla wants the private sector to build infrastructure (“with privatisation there will be less corruption”) — construct roads and run power plants (“there will be 24-hour power supply”). That with the ongoing economic reforms the role of government has to shrunk is recognised. It is none of the government’s business to be in business. The government should not do what the private sector can do better. Over the years the government as an institution has expanded hugely, become unmanageable and inefficient. It exists more for itself than for the people it is supposed to serve. Yet it is a necessity in certain sectors, specially in meeting the state’s social and economic obligations for which a profit-driven private sector cannot be trusted. Mr Singla seems to be pushing it too far. However, in his zeal he seems to have forgotten certain desirable, but unpleasant aspects of privatisation: why not first privatise or wind up loss-making public sector enterprises which have become private fiefdoms of MLAs? Why not first reduce the size of the government? Powerful lobbies of employees and vested political and bureaucratic interests will not let the political leadership tamper with the machinery as it exists. The taxpayers are forced to continue to support this monolith regardless of what they get in return. The Budget makes no attempt at downsizing despite Mr Singla admitting that “the quality of public expenditure is pathetic”. The state leadership has virtually violated the Central law on limiting the size of ministries by raising a battalion of Parliamentary Secretaries with little work to do. Work can only be expanded for them. It will be interesting to make public with what kind of work these dignitaries keep themselves busy and justify the perks they enjoy. The civil and police administration in the state is back-breakingly top heavy. The number of IAS and IPS as also of PPS officers is much more than the sanctioned strength. With militancy vanquished long back, the police districts and the practice of having gunmen around in the name of security continue. Discriminatory policies result in unwanted litigation and the government has recruited a large army of advocates to defend its controversial actions in courts. The fund-starved Finance Minister could save money by drastically cutting the unnecessary expenditure on administration. Lately, however, there is a move to prune the size of this army. Instead of burdening the people with the cess on petrol and diesel, Mr Singla should have carefully looked around for untapped revenue sources. The liquor trade, stinking of favouritism and being captured by a cartel through friendly auctions, is one. The fast-spreading entertainment business is another. The vulgar display of wealth at marriage and other social ceremonies can be discouraged partly with taxes. Incidentally, what is the logic behind giving tax relief to those who sponsor cricket matches? Unlike Mr Lal Singh, who had left almost untouched the state’s financial mess, unable perhaps to do anything about it, Mr Singla, guided by an extreme and questionable form of privatisation, has at least tried to clear it. He sums up his economic philosophy thus: re-engineer state finances, rethink government (role) and focus more on the ends than on the means”. This approach will determine one’s perception of the Budget. |
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Politicians compete for legitimacy in Kyrgyzstan Politicians
competed for legitimacy on Sunday in the aftermath of the popular uprising in Kyrgyzstan that abruptly forced longtime President Askar Akayev out of office last week. But in the handsomely carpeted corridors of power, what reigned was confusion. The Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) prepared to rush three constitutional experts to the tiny mountain republic to help it navigate the murky new political landscape. “The political crisis in this country has been improved but not resolved,” said Alois Peterle, an envoy for the OSCE, a 55-nation group that focuses on security issues. The experts were expected to arrive in two or three days, Peterle said at a news conference. At issue is who can rightfully claim authority after the departure of Akayev, who had ruled the Central Asian republic of 5 million people since 1990. Akayev fled Thursday after demonstrators overran the presidential headquarters, known as the White House. The protests were sparked by recent elections that installed a parliament dominated by Akayev’s cronies. The opposition has said the vote was manipulated. The new legislature was seated earlier this month and has continued to meet on one floor of the parliament building. The old legislature has reconvened on another floor and decreed that it would govern until April 15, the five-year anniversary of its term. The old legislature also voted to schedule a presidential election for June 26. Kurmanbek Bakiyev, an opposition politician installed as acting president, said he would run for the presidency. But a prominent rival of Bakiyev’s lodged a dramatic public dissent Sunday. Felix Kulov, a former mayor of Bishkek who was jailed by Akayev, declared that the new parliament was legitimate. “The old parliament’s term has expired,” Kulov, a former chief of the local KGB, told lawmakers. He warned opposition figures against mounting fresh demonstrations. A spasm of violent looting had ensued in Bishkek, the capital, after the uprising last week. “If you get people out, I will take measures to arrest you,” he said. Kulov withdrew the threat a few moments later, after the acting prosecutor general reminded him that he was threatening the people who had just released him from jail. “I am too tired,’’ Kulov said, offering an apology. Kulov’s outburst brought to the surface the rivalries simmering among the opposition. Kulov’s Dignity party has held back from joining the coalition of opposition groups that produced Bakiyev, a former prime minister whom Kulov supporters call a latecomer to criticism of Akayev. In the first hours after the revolution, however, the rivals appeared to be working together. Kulov agreed to take charge of security, leaving Bakiyev to assume the powers of both president and prime minister. “They’re in tandem, they could really do a good job,” said Irisbek Omurzakov, editor of the pro-reform newspaper Tribuna. Meanwhile, lawmakers conceded that they were confused by the situation. “Every day the decisions contradict the previous day’s decisions,” said Marat Sultanov, a member of the former legislature who, like numerous others, believes he was unfairly disqualified from re-election by Akayev’s election commission. The chairman of the commission resigned Sunday. “Yes, I see some dangers,” Sultanov said about the confusion. “I would characterize it as some underground games.” Then he smiled and started down a hallway of the parliament building. ``Now I have to rush off to join these games!’’ Despite the intrigues, the atmosphere remained calm. The capital awoke Sunday to a carpet of snow, with no sign of the counter-demonstration that supporters of Akayev had vowed to bring to the streets. The demonstrators reportedly blocked a highway leading to Akayev’s home town 40 miles from Bishkek, but the road was said to be open again by day’s end. — LA Times-Washington Post
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‘No one listens to guardian’ LOK Sabha Speaker Somnath Chatterjee does not mince words and is never found lacking in coming out with instant repartees to get across his message to the members of Parliament. The other day a member sought to draw the attention of the Speaker that he and his family had been under tremendous stress from the media. He sought Chatterjee’s intervention to bring about some kind of regulation for the print and audio visual media to ensure that journalists adhere to certain norms and guidelines. “Mr Speaker, sir, you are our guardian and please protect us (from the invading media)”, Pappu Yadav said after being administered the oath. The Speaker’s instant riposte was: “Nobody listens to the guardian nowadays”, sending the members into peels of laugther and a little bit of self-introspection as well. MPs put in
their place
Another one from the Presiding Officer’s table. The Lok Sabha Speaker has also ensured that the MPs speak from their designated seats. Several members have been caught unawares when they have stood up to raise a matter in the House only to find a strict Chatterjee asking them to return to their seats and raise the matter. Last week Gurdaspur MP Vinod Khanna found himself on the wrong side of the rule book when he stood up to speak during question hour. He was asked to go back to his seat — a few benches behind where he originally stood up. A visibly embarrassed Mr Khanna sought to explain he was not in his seat because of height. (The front rows allow more leg room). To which the Speaker instantly asked: “Do you mean members should not be tall?”.
Cabinet reshuffle?
With the possibility of a Cabinet reshuffle during the Parliament recess, many aspirants are meeting Congress President Sonia Gandhi and her advisers Ahmad Patel and Ambika Soni. Former Coal Minister Sibu Soren is tipped to stage a comeback in the Ministry of Coal and Capt Satish Sharma in the Ministry of Patroleum. Home Minister Shivraj Patil may have to go, says a little bird making way for Pranab Mukherjee in the crucial ministry.
Laloo’s Holi
A miffed Railway Minister Laloo Prasad Yadav was not gung-ho about celebrating Holi with his home state Bihar under President’s rule. In the previous years, RJD leaders would congregate at Laloo’s residence on Anne Marg in Patna and indulge in a riot of colours, music and bhang. Holi in Bihar had often been marred by large-scale violence and this year Governor Buta Singh had directed that stern action should be taken against the trouble-makersers. One of Laloo’s aides in the capital said: “Saheb was not in the mood of having a big splash this time.”
Finally, fire fighting systems are being installed in Ajoy Bhavan following the Delhi High Court directions. CPI General Secretary A B Bardhan, rather puzzled with the need to install the equipment in the 36-year-old building, remarked: “All these years there has been no fire in the building.” With a pause, he added that “it is better to take some preventive measures.” One heard in the corridors of the Bhavan that this is only the first sign of reaping the benefits of being in power.
CPI meet in Chandigarh
The Communist Party of India will have its 19th party congress in Chandigarh from March 29 to April 3. There will be 29 delegates from 25 countries, including China, Cuba and Russia. However, delegates from Venezuela will be missed as Hugo Chavez has emerged as the new blue-eyed boy of the Communists across the globe. Contributed by Gaurav Choudhury, Satish Misra, S Satyanarayanan and R Suryamurthy |
If I forgive then I can be holy and can pray. All this comes from a humble heart, and if we have this, we will know how to love God, to love self, and to love neighbour. — Mother Teresa Never tell a young person that something cannot be done. God may have waited centuries for someone ignorant enough of the impossible to do that very thing. — Dr J R Holmes It is because of his will that all forms come into being, develop life in them and reach the higher stages. — Guru Nanak A battle won may be lost tomorrow. A country won may be taken tomorrow. Riches won may be squandered tomorrow. Only the victory of man over himself is lasting. Now even a god can turn it into defeat. — The Buddha The strong should not be proud. Their strength has come from God and should be used for good purpose only. Misused, it will desert them in the hour of greatest need. Oppressors have died ignominious deaths because they did not realise this. — The Bhagvad Gita  |
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