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Leave it to the court Fake encounters |
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Keep MSP intact
Washington’s odd ways
A fateful day in 1931
15 years for a report! Why? From Pakistan
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Leave it to the court The Supreme Court's order granting bail to the Kanchi Sankaracharya, Sri Jayendra Saraswathi - even as the Tamil Nadu Government moved ahead with the arrest of his junior, Shri Vijayendra Saraswathi - has given a boost to the political play over the case. For two months after his arrest, the question of the Sankaracharya's innocence or guilt in the Sankararaman murder case has been debated intensely. Inevitably, the release of the Acharya on bail has led to a variety of interpretations. Some in the public and political domain have gone so far as to see this as a vindication of his innocence, which is very different from the presumption of innocence; the latter is a legal principle, while the former is merely public perception as the case stands today. Yet, political parties are once again bracing themselves to join battle on the issue, unmindful of the legal niceties and the demands of justice. The exchanges between the Prime Minister's office and Ms Jayalalithaa reveal their own concern about how to negotiate their respective paths through the political thicket that the case has become. The BJP has made it a political contest by projecting it as an attack on not just Hindutva but the Hindu faith; and has chosen to target the Congress party and the Union Government rather than Chief Minister J. Jayalalithaa of the AIADMK. Having been an ally of the AIADMK till the general election last year and a vehement supporter of Ms Jayalalithaa as a champion of Hindutva, a BJP campaign against her would be hardly credible or convincing. So, it has conveniently picked on the Congress and the UPA. At the state level, the DMK was the loudest in demanding prosecution of the Sankaracharya, but soon after his arrest, the AIADMK's main rival has, for its own reasons, lapsed into silence. Clearly, DMK Chief M. Karunanidhi did not expect the state government to act against the Sankaracharya and when it did, the AIADMK's opponents were taken by surprise. Given the stature of the Sankaracharya, public interest in the case is bound to be high. It would be irresponsible for political parties to exploit sentiments and seek to squeeze mileage out of the unfortunate development. They should forthwith cease and desist from vitiating the case with party politics. The parties can, more constructively, engage in providing relief to the tsunami victims, leaving the courts to do their job. |
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Fake encounters It is ironical that Naxalites, who can often be blamed for killing innocent persons, are protesting against the Andhra Pradesh government whom they accuse of killing their colleagues in allegedly fake encounters but still such extra-constitutional measures are totally unacceptable if these are actually being adopted. Lawless criminals do indulge in such activities most of the time. Despite that, the state cannot repay in kind. Provocation to do so is strong when terrorists have free run of the countryside, and cannot be pinned down through regular means, but it has to be resisted strongly. State violence has never been able to curb violence. Rather, it begets more violence. The bullet-for-bullet vendetta soon spins out of control and the government easily falls into the trap laid by the merciless killers, who had been accusing it of repression in the first place. That is why state terrorism has no place in modern society; it feeds more terrorism. There is an added danger. If the police gets a free hand, it tends to target innocent persons more than the actual criminals. This phenomenon has been noticed not only among policemen but also the armymen. Lower-ranked personnel are particularly notorious for such revenge killings. That is why there is need for the government to keep a tight control on its forces because the shedding of innocent blood makes it all the more unpopular. The support of the public is important for the government and it cannot afford to annoy people through even one mistake, genuine or otherwise. In the case of Andhra Pradesh, extreme caution is necessary because peace talks are currently in progress which can get derailed through such adventurism. It is true that the Naxalites misuse the cover of talks for recruitment of cadre and indulging in extortion, but even that does not condone any fake encounter. |
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Keep MSP intact In his pre-Budget consultations on Tuesday, Finance Minister P. Chidambaram was advised to dispense with the minimum support price (MSP) for wheat and paddy. There is much against the MSP, which has tied Punjab and Haryana farmers to the wheat-paddy cycle and led to an uneconomical buildup of foodgrain surpluses, but its sudden, unplanned withdrawal will spell doom for farmers. There is also talk of FCI withdrawal from foodgrain procurements. In the absence of a viable alternative, this will also hurt farmers since the state agencies are ill-equipped to handle effectively the procurement job. The ground needs to be first levelled for better private sector participation. During the days of shortages, the Centre introduced the MSP to encourage farmers to grow more and more wheat and paddy to meet the national needs. Corruption in the Central and state procurement agencies combined with pilferage, manual and inefficient handling of foodgrains raised prices despite foodgrain surpluses. As input costs escalated, farmers agitated for higher returns and politics started dictating MSP hikes, creating price distortions. The MSP became the “maximum support price”. Domestic prices overshot the global levels, making exports unviable. The country has still not learnt how to handle farm surpluses. The same game is now sought to be played with pulses and oilseeds. The Finance Minister was advised to encourage FCI purchases of oilseeds and pulses. The working of the FCI and also state procurement agencies has not been very encouraging. Besides, price support will help only up to a point. If global prices continue to beat domestic prices, then subsidy will only add to the costs. The Centre should instead focus on raising farm productivity by arranging better seeds and technology, spending more on research to develop high-yielding varieties and limit government interventions, leaving market operations to private traders. By freezing the MSPs for wheat and paddy, it has given the right signal to farmers to diversify. The switchover from the wheat-paddy pattern to other crops should be in phases based on market requirements. |
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Here lies a civil servant. He was civil To everyone, and servant to the devil. — C. H. Sisson |
Washington’s odd ways
WHILE there has been concern voiced recently in India about the prospects of the sale of F-16 aircraft to Pakistan by the United States, the new Chief of Air Staff, Air Chief Marshal Tyagi, has indicated that the IAF can handle the situation even if new F-16s are acquired by the Pakistan Air Force. While this may be true in purely military terms, the political and diplomatic symbolism of the supply of F-16 aircraft to Pakistan cannot be underestimated, especially at a time when the Musharraf dispensation continues to use terrorism as an instrument of state policy and over 60 terrorist training camps for induction of new Jihadi elements into J&K still function freely across the LoC. Barely a day after the Army Chief, Gen Nirmal Vij, announced that the Army could consider further reduction of troop levels in J&K, terrorists of the Lashkar-e-Toiba staged a fidayeen attack on the income tax office in the heart of Srinagar. In symbolic terms, the supply of F-16s to Pakistan demonstrates American readiness to strengthen Pakistani nuclear delivery capabilities. The US would thus partner China and North Korea that have provided Pakistan with nuclear capable missile systems. Mr Kaushik Kapisthalam, a young strategic analyst in the US, has recently quantified the extent of American military assistance to the Musharraf dispensation after the terrorist attacks of 9/11. Mr Kaushik has noted that soon after 9/11, the US provided Pakistan with $ 600 million of emergency assistance to save Pakistan from defaulting in the repayment of foreign loans. This was followed by writing off $ 1.5 billion dollars of Pakistani debt, pressure on the IMF to pay over $ 1.5 billion for poverty reduction, pressure on western donors for rescheduling the bulk of Pakistan’s $ 38 billion external debt and annual economic assistance of $ 500-700 million. Pakistan received a total of over $ 1.1 billion as military and economic assistance in 2002 alone. It received $ 1.32 billion as military assistance between January 2003 and September 2004. The United States pays Pakistan $ 100 million every month for using military bases and facilities on Pakistani territory. India could not object if such assistance moderated Pakistani behaviour and included disincentives for Pakistani assistance to terrorism and its involvement in missile and nuclear proliferation. But it does seem that the US has resorted to a policy of unquestioningly providing lollipops to the Musharraf dispensation, instead of adopting a carrot and stick approach. Not too long ago skeletons started tumbling out from Pakistan’s nuclear proliferation cupboard. Pakistan was found to have transferred design and knowhow for manufacturing nuclear weapons to Libya, North Korea and Iran. This would have automatically invited mandatory sanctions against Pakistan under US law. But to prevent a “key ally” from facing such sanctions, an elaborate charade was enacted. All the proliferation that took place for over 15 years was attributed to a malevolent “Khan Network” headed by Dr. A.Q. Khan, the father of Pakistan’s “Islamic Bomb”. The fact that not a pin could leave the Kahuta Laboratories or a scientist travel abroad without the specific sanction of the Pakistan military was conveniently ignored. Also ignored was the fact that nuclear transfers from Pakistan to North Korea started only after a visit to Pyongyang by the then Army Chief, Gen Jehangir Karamat, now Pakistan’s envoy to Washington. General Karamat was ironically recently described by luminaries like Mr Strobe Talbot as a person of unquestioned “professionalism” and “integrity”! On December 31, 1999, we released three hardcore terrorists — Masood Azhar, Omar Sheikh and Mushtaq Zargar — at Kandahar airport to end the hijacking of IC 814. Masood Azhar went back to a hero’s welcome in Pakistan where he set up the Jaish-e-Mohammed, vowing to wage jihad and bring India to its knees. India has conclusive evidence of the involvement of the Jaish in the December 13 attack on Parliament. Omar Sheikh was arrested for his involvement in the murder of American journalist Daniel Pearl in Karachi. He was sentenced to death. Even though sentences of anti-terrorism courts in Pakistan are expeditiously confirmed and implemented, Sheikh’s appeal still lies pending. Eyebrows were raised when Sheikh surrendered to an ISI official, Brigadier Ejaz Shah, in Lahore and not to the police. Brigadier Shah was known to be a protégé of General Musharraf and General Aziz Khan. Brigadier Shah’s subsequent nomination as High Commissioner to Australia was rejected by the Australian government. He is now Pakistan’s Ambassador to Indonesia. Ambassadorial appointments are normally given in Pakistan to retired Generals and not low-ranking ISI Brigadiers! It has now been reported by a respected Lahore-based Pakistani journalist, Amir Mir, that during his interrogation by American and Pakistani investigators, Sheikh revealed that he had been on the payroll of the ISI and that the terrorist attacks on the Kashmir Assembly building in October 2001 and the Indian Parliament in December 2001 had the backing of the ISI. Amir Mir has also confirmed that Omar Sheikh transferred a sum of $ 100,000 that had been provided to him by the then ISI Chief, Gen Mehmood Ahmed, to Mohammad Atta, the leader of the hijackers involved in the 9/11 terrorist attacks on New York and Washington. He also alleges that the FBI believes that Omar met Atta during one of his visits to Kandahar and knew of his plans for 9/11. All this reveals an astonishing measure of American forbearance in dealing with a Pakistani terrorist involved in kidnapping American tourists in India, killing an American journalist in Karachi, the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington and the attack on the Indian Parliament. There does appear to be a conspiracy of silence on this score, because Omar is evidently a man who knows too much and can embarrass both the Musharraf dispensation and the Bush Administration. It is true that Washington has used its considerable clout to moderate General Musharraf’s enthusiasm for jihad in Kashmir. But these developments appear to confirm that one can only expect limited cooperation from the US on sharing information relating to terrorism directed against India. One can only hope that when Ms Condoleeza Rice replaces the consistently anti-Indian Colin Powell as Secretary of State, there will be a greater measure of American cooperation and understanding forthcoming on such
issues. |
A fateful day in 1931
RECENTLY I saw one of the three movies made on the martyr Bhagat Singh whose saga of rise and destined cease has remained a most moving and awesome event in the history of India’s struggle for freedom. And as I watched that Bollywood film, it, in a rush of memories, reminded me of my own agonised response to that historic moment which had become, well before that fateful day of March 23, 1931, a moment splendid, a moment etched on the national consciousness in letters of steel. And now when I sit down to recall that chain of events which led to the hanging of Bhagat Singh, and of his two revolutionary comrades, Rajguru and Sukhdev, a whole school of images rises before my mind’s eye. I rotate them before the hourglass of time, I see those scenes vividly as though they had a posthumous life scenes pluming up to clamour for recognition. Overwhelmed, I am driven back to the March day when I first heard the stunning news, returning home from school, then an 11-year-old student. My personal link with that moment had its own brief history. My father and the father of Inder Gujral (later, India’s Prime Minister) were then lodged, along with some of the top Congress leaders, in a special jail at Gujarat (now in Pakistan). These freedom-fighters included, among others, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan. All these leaders had been arrested in connection with Gandhiji’s Civil Disobedience Movement. And soon after, when the greatness of the moment dawned upon me, I exulted in the incarceration of my father. That was the year 1931, and our weekly visits to the prison from my home town of Jhelum then, became a regular feature. I remember how Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan blessed me, as I bent down to touch his feet. So, when Bhagat Singh’s hanging had become a moment of pride, of honour, and country-songs sprang up everywhere to commemorate his martyrdom. I and Inder were, even at that age, aware of the political fallout. In later life, when at college, I read books on Bhagat Singh, and I, like so many young men of that time, began to learn the Marxian lore. There is, then, a whole clutch of memories associated with that moment. But I confine my narrative to one significant fact that I learnt from my father-in-law later. A police officer on duty in the Lahore Central Jail, he had the opportunities to know Bhagat Singh from close quarters. My father-in-law secretly brought for him Marxian books which Bhagat Singh had wanted to read. And when one day, my father-in-law told him that he had received word from outside that some gallants of DAV College had prepared a plan to rescue him, and put a young man as his impersonator, he, at once, rejected the proposal, saying it was his destiny to kiss the gallows, and awaken the country to its goal of freedom. Such sacrifices had a mark of
sublimity.
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15 years for a report! Why? January 13, 1989, was a black day in Jammu when, in anti-Sikh riots, 15 innocent Sikhs were killed in a pre-planned attack on a Gurpurb procession. The provocation to the attack was provided by a group of Sikh youngmen who had joined at the end of the procession carrying placards bearing the manes and pictures of Kehar Singh and Satwant Singh, the assassins of Indira Gandhi, and shouting “Zindabad” slogans for them. The state government appointed a commission of inquiry, consisting of Justice MRA Ansari, retired Chief Justice, on January 23, 1989, to inquire into causes and circumstances leading to the riots, to determine and fix the responsibility thereof and to suggest ways and means for preventing the recurrence of such incidents. The commission submitted its report within one year. But the government refused to release it. I have been making persistent efforts for the last 15 years — through statements, articles and protest dharnas — to demand the release of the report, not only to know the truth and avoid the recurrence of such unfortunate incidents but also to uphold the sanctity of the institution of judicial commissions. Having pursued the matter with the National Human Rights Commission and the State Human Rights Commission, the latter has just succeeded in getting a copy of the report which it has forwarded to me. The report squarely puts the blame for violent incidents of January 13, 1989, on the administration and law and order agencies. The state government, according to the report, completely ignored the orders of the central government to take special precautionary measures following the execution of Kehar Singh and Satwant Singh. “Not only were no effective measures taken to deal with any provocative acts that might have been indulged in by some mischievous elements in the Sikh procession, but also with the possible reaction from Hindus following such provocative acts or to prevent stone-throwing and brickbating on the procession by the Hindus from the rooftops.” Nor were “measures taken for the protection of the processionists who were running helter skelter after the curfew and the use of tear gas against them.” The report considers “protection provided by the police to be quite insignificant compared to the attacks made on the Sikhs and the large-scale looting and destruction of their properties.” It hold that “such heavy loss of life and properties and injuries to hundreds of persons could have been prevented.” It further adds “there was no clash as such between the Sikhs in the procession and the Hindus or any other acts of violence against them so as to provoke a section of the Hindus to attack the Sikhs, who were dispersing from the procession, and loot and damage their shops and properties.” The commission, however, acknowledges that “it is to the credit of the Hindu community in general who exhibited such communal amity, and it would appear that it was only a section of the Hindus who were intolerant and resorted to violence at the slightest provocation.” It underlines “the failure of the intelligence department to obtain prior knowledge of such organised violence or to pass on such information to the law and order authorities to take adequate measures as also the failure of the administration in their duties.” The trouble started, according to the report, after “the stone-throwing and throwing of hot water on the procession from the rooftops resulting in the dispersal of the procession and the people in the procession running along lanes and bylanes and thus becoming targets of violent attacks at the bus stand and other places at the hands of hooligans.” The report considers “it was the duty of the authorities to ensure the safe conduct of the people in the procession since it was taken out with their permission.” Apart from recommending recouping the intelligence department and the police, the commission recommended that the administration should take a serious notice of the lapses on the part of officials and severe disciplinary action against them. It held the in-charge of the district administration responsible for the maintenance of law and order and the protection of life and properties of the public in their areas. In its opinion mere transfers of those guilty for the lapses served no purpose. The commission proposed that the government might consider “imposition of punitive tax on people in general or on a section of the people in any particular area where the breach of law and order got the active or passive support of the people of the area.” The commission recommended payment of Rs 1 lakh to the families of each of the persons, who were killed irrespective of their age or earning capacity. In the case of those who sustained injuries, compensation was to be paid in proportion to the nature of injuries sustained by them and the period during which they were hospitalised or otherwise incapacitated. In case of those who suffered financial loss as a result of looting, burning, destruction or damage to their properties, the commission recommended that full compensation be paid for the loss assessed by the authorities concerned. The General Administration Department has informed the State Human Rights Commission, the copy of which is forwarded to me, that “the state government has increased the ex-gratia limit to the families of the deceased from Rs 25,000 to Rs 1 lakh and has provided employment to one of the dependents of the deceased family.” But no disciplinary action against the guilty officers is known to have been taken. The Ansari Commission has confirmed a non-official report that was prepared by the team of Madhu Kishwari and Smithu Kothari, who, along with other eminent citizens of Delhi, had organised a Citizens Unity Forum to Delhi, which was active during the 1984 anti-Sikh riots to repair relations between the two communities. They, in particular, were impressed and surprised to find that despite the obvious character of the killings and arson, the city’s population retained a degree of inter-communal respect — unusual for a city which had witnessed a major communal massacre. Contrasting Jammu’s situation with Delhi and Meerut, which had witnessed communal riots in 1984 and 1987, they noted that “despite repercussions of terrorism in the neighbouring Punjab and events in Kashmir and the near total collapse of any political leadership committed to help defuse the crisis, even a single determined individual like Balraj Puri was able to begin building bridges because representatives of the two communities were relatively willing to come together for a dialogue.” It is in this context that the suppression of the Ansari Commission report becomes all the more inexcusable. For its release would have gone a long way in removing a blot on the common citizens of Jammu and exposed the role of a handful of miscreants as also the collapse of the administrative and political leadership. It is, therefore, regretted that the government has yet not officially released the report and presented it, along with the Action Taken Report, in the Assembly as required by the law and practice elsewhere in the country. A discussion on the report in the Assembly and in public will raise the self-confidence of the peace-loving people of Jammu. The government will also learn to improve efficiency of its administration. |
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From
Pakistan KARACHI: Fishermen have declared 2005 as the year of struggle for the solution of the livelihood problems of fishermen communities in Pakistan and special committees have been formed in this respect to initiate struggle against the contract system of fishing in the inland waters owing to a ban on harmful nets and exploitation of fishermen at Karachi fish harbour. This was decided at a two-day general council meeting of the Pakistan Fisherfolk Forum (PFF) held here at Ibrahim Hyderi Karachi. The meeting discussed in detail various issues related to fisherfolk communities in Pakistan. The meeting expressed satisfaction over the successful struggle of the fishermen community against the occupation of fishing grounds of coastal Badin by the Rangers and termed it as a historic struggle. — The Nation Plan for civil
disobedience
LAHORE: Central Secretary-General of the Alliance for Restoration of Democracy Zafar Iqbal Jhagra has said the combined opposition may go in for civil disobedience when it feels it necessary for the cause of democracy. The ARD parties have agreed that a joint struggle of the Muttahida Majlis-e-Amal and the ARD was the need of the hour to put the country on the “right track”, and for restoring the rule of law and supremacy of the Constitution, he said. Jhagra was talking to The News on Tuesday at a local hotel. He said the ARD had a one-point agenda aimed at the restoration of the 1973 Constitution. The alliance has agreed for a joint anti-Musharraf movement with the MMA, he said. The ARD leaders would also express their reservations about their expected ‘marriage of convenience’ with the MMA, Jhagra said. —
The News
No shortage of water
KUKKUR: Federal Minister for Water and Power Liaquat Ali Jatoi has said timely rains in the country and melting of snow in the glaciers have resulted in the availability of sufficient water in the rivers. Therefore, there is no water shortage these days. Talking to newsmen after receiving a briefing on the Sukkur Barrage repair here on Tuesday, Jatoi said: “There is no shortage of water in the country these days, which would result in bumper crops.” Jatoi said construction of big dams, including the Kalabagh Dam, was the need of the hour because
“new dams would increase our agriculture production”. However, he made it clear that “The government would not take any decision in haste. Instead, we seek consensus on the issue.” — The News
Edhi’s concern
for animals
KARACHI: Noted social worker Maulana Abdus Sattar Edhi, besides providing various social welfare services for the ailing humanity, is also working for shelterless and sick animals. Over 260 animals and birds were brought to the Edhi Foundation’s Animal Hospital and shelter home since 2003. According to the breakup, 88 dogs, 154 cats, 16 donkeys, one horse and two falcons were admitted by the foundation. Responding to Dawn’s queries, Rizwan Edhi said that 135 animals — 60 cats, 62 dogs and 13 donkeys — either died at the animal hospital or their carcasses were brought in from various places of the city and buried in the hospital compound. —
The Dawn |
God I remember and remember time and again for bliss, by quelling all my inner strife and pain. Him I’ll remember, since He feeds the universe. And His name the creatures numberless rehearse. The top and crown of purest names is such a name. — Guru Nanak The passage of life is not always smooth. Sometime everything works out well. At others, everything appears to go wrong. He who can face both with indifference is the self-realised one. He does not allow the one to fill him with joy and the other with misery. — The Bhagvad Gita  |
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