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Sage advice
Kalam's plea on voting is apt and timely
T
HE President of the nation is an elder statesman who is way above the influence of any narrow considerations or politics. He is not only supposed to but also expected to render sage advice in the interest of the country. 

Alarming spread
India is yet to wake up to AIDS threat
I
NDIA is now widely perceived as next only to South Africa as far as the number of AIDS-infected is concerned. According to a report in The Economist, 600,000 Indians already have the disease and 4.58 million are infected with HIV, the virus that causes it. 


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In killing mode
Peace does not seem to be Israel's target
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SRAEL has eliminated the second most important Hamas leader, Abdul Aziz Rantisi, in less than a month after the killing of the Palestinian extremist movement's spiritual head, Sheikh Ahmed Yasin.

ARTICLE

NSC — another Cabinet
Pak generals’ unending lust for power
M.B. Naqvi writes from Karachi
T
HE National Security Council (NSC) Bill became an Act on April 14. It is certainly a controversial measure. The Opposition has attacked it as something that will permanently subjugate the political system to the armed forces; it is seen as a subversion of democracy.

OPED

Maoists’ insurgency in Nepal spreads
Attacks on Indian interests have dangerous portents
by Rajeev Sharma
T
HE million-dollar question that is engaging India’s Nepal policy-makers is: what if the Maoists gain control in Nepal? It is a nightmarish scenario that New Delhi does not rule out.

Delhi Durbar
Importance of rebels
T
HE most serious threat every political party faces everywhere is from within. “Aaj ke baaghi neta” (Today’s rebel leaders) seems to be a perfect title for a political potboiler. Even a small state like Himachal Pradesh is not immune to this problem. The Congress, when faced with this malady, sought to mollycoddle the rebels or potential rebels by “adjusting” them somehow.

 REFLECTIONS

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Sage advice
Kalam's plea on voting is apt and timely

THE President of the nation is an elder statesman who is way above the influence of any narrow considerations or politics. He is not only supposed to but also expected to render sage advice in the interest of the country. President APJ Abdul Kalam's appeal to the voters to cast their franchise positively is in itself significant because this is the first time any President has made such a plea. Apparently, he is concerned that any mistake on the part of the voters may cost the nation dear. Voters can sometimes exercise their franchise without thinking about the consequences and thereby saddling the nation with leaders who are an embarrassment. Whether it is corruption or inefficiency, the attributes of today's leaders are unflattering. The public too has to accept responsibility for this. There are some who protest a lot but do not even bother to go to the polling booth. Then there are others who cast their vote for petty considerations. That is why politicians concentrate more on creating vote banks than on meeting the genuine needs of the common people. The President has tried to awaken all such people from their slumber.

By reminding the voters about the need to treat voting as a sacred duty, the President has told them that by doing so, they will be fulfilling the aspirations of the youth and creating a powerful system that will make their dreams a reality. Implicit in this exhortation is the reminder that if they fail to fulfil their duty, the country will have to suffer not only in the present but also in the future.

Readers would recall that The Tribune had made a similar plea through a front page editorial some time back. It was mentioned that the ball was in the people's court and they would be held responsible if they exercised their right flippantly. The nation — placed as it is at a critical juncture — will have to pay a heavy price if the voters cast their vote without much thought. The President may have used different words but has expressed exactly the same notion.

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Alarming spread
India is yet to wake up to AIDS threat 

INDIA is now widely perceived as next only to South Africa as far as the number of AIDS-infected is concerned. According to a report in The Economist, 600,000 Indians already have the disease and 4.58 million are infected with HIV, the virus that causes it. It is difficult to collect an exact figure as not many patients come out in the open due to the social stigma attached to it. Also, the expensive treatment and lack of any incentive or motivation and even awareness for voluntary tests also make people stay away from hospitals, many of which are ill-equipped to handle AIDS cases and located in cities. Poor rural patients cannot afford costly treatment. As a result, the disease spreads fast.

Despite the massive spread of the disease, India spends shockingly very little on health in general and AIDS prevention in particular. India's priorities are evident from the fact that it earmarks more funds for defence than for health. It is one of the eight countries whose health budget is less than 1 per cent of the GDP. Consider The Economist figures: Thailand spends 55 cents per person on AIDS prevention and treatment, Uganda $1.85 and India only about 17 cents. However, funds as such are not a problem. These are available from international agencies, though not without strings attached. But political commitment is missing. Health has seldom been put on the political agenda of the country.

There is no need to lose hope. Thailand and Brazil have shown that it is possible to contain, if not cure, the disease. India is following in the footsteps of Thailand, though very slowly. Also, thanks to cheaper drugs made available by Indian companies, the cost of treatment has come down. To limit the devastation caused by AIDS, timely detection of the disease is of utmost importance. Sports and screen stars can lead campaigns in this regard. Besides, there is need to coordinate efforts made at various levels to fight AIDS. Collective initiatives to pool resources are required to undertake research to contain this menace.

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In killing mode
Peace does not seem to be Israel's target

ISRAEL has eliminated the second most important Hamas leader, Abdul Aziz Rantisi, in less than a month after the killing of the Palestinian extremist movement's spiritual head, Sheikh Ahmed Yasin. These assassinations are a result of Prime Minister Ariel Sharon's policy of "targeted killings" to clear the way for peace. He believes that a leaderless Hamas will mean an end to suicide bombings, leading to a smooth implementation of his own peace plan. He is least bothered about the road-map for peace backed by the US, Russia, the European Union and the UN, which promised a Palestinian homeland by 2005.

Mr Sharon is in an advantageous position because of three factors. One, the US has little time to spare for the Palestinian-Israeli crisis after being badly caught in the Iraqi mess. Two, President George W. Bush cannot afford to annoy the powerful Jewish lobby in the US in an election year, that too when his support base has shrunk because of the failure to justify the Iraq war. Three, the US declaration of Hamas — as also the Islamic Jihad — as a terrorist movement has emboldened Mr Sharon to deal with it the way he wants to. In fact, the Israeli leader treats almost all Palestinian organisations as terrorist outfits.

The Israeli leader has begun implementing his unilateral peace move with increased vigour after his recent meeting with President Bush in Washington. Mr Sharon has not only got the US support for his controversial plan but also for continuing with his policy of "targeted killings". Whatever the compulsions, the abandonment by the US of its impartial role in settling the problem may add to the unrest in the entire West Asian region. It will be difficult for the pro-US Arab rulers to assuage the hurt feelings of the Arab masses when they come to know that the Sharon plan not only includes unilateral drawing of boundaries, but also the denial of the UN-recognised right of the Palestinian refugees to return to their homes in Israel. This is no way to establish peace.

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Thought for the day

Ultimately a hero is a man who would argue with the Gods, and so awakens devils to contest his vision.

— Norman Mailer

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NSC — another Cabinet
Pak generals’ unending lust for power
M.B. Naqvi writes from Karachi

THE National Security Council (NSC) Bill became an Act on April 14. It is certainly a controversial measure. The Opposition has attacked it as something that will permanently subjugate the political system to the armed forces; it is seen as a subversion of democracy. Few on the opposition side are convinced that an NSC of this kind was needed. Responding to the President and his friends, they admit that on national security matters an input from the armed forces may be desirable. But they immediately supplement it with the observation that traditionally under the Cabinet there is a Security Committee that invites on all suitable occasions the heads of the armed forces to benefit from their assessments. Nothing more is needed.

President Pervez Musharraf firmly believes that the NSC is necessary to prevent the armed forces from taking over the government again; that this is a better way to promote democracy by providing for a suitable forum where the armed forces can give their reading of a situation. A majority of the National Assembly (Parliament) members support the President today. The successful enactment of the NSC proves it. The majority perceives itself to be in power and seems to think like President Musharraf. They hope the kind of the NSC being set up will strengthen their rule and the democracy they are running.

It all sounds strange. One opposition argument makes sense: no democratic government would be so foolish as not to consult senior generals over security matters. Why is then an elaborate NSC being formed, the membership of which makes it appear like an alternative Cabinet? Gen Zia-ul-Haq thought, and President Musharraf concurs, the best way to keep the generals away from taking over the government is to give them a constitutional role — a partner-in-power role. Which is what General Musharraf originally wanted but has settled for the present structure as a matter of political concession to civilians.

Generals in power have believed that a constitutional role that elevates the forces’ opinion to an equal status with, if not to supercede, the federal Cabinet’s view is best. Though most generals concede in theory that the right to rule belongs to the people’s representatives, but somehow find it necessary to raise the importance of the forces’ opinion vis-à-vis the federal Cabinet. This mentality actually regards the forces superior to the government.

One point is clear: the NSC is not merely an advisory body. Its Article 3 reads: “There shall be established a National Security Council to serve as a forum for consultation (emphasis added) on matters of national security, including sovereignty, integrity, defence, security of the state and crisis management ….” Its uniformed members are there not simply to give advice but to be consulted. All civilian members have other recognised constitutional forums to discuss and decide these matters. But before taking a decision on sensitive matters they will now have to consult the generals. Let us take a concrete example.

A Sindhi nationalist leader, Mr Mumtaz Bhutto, has opined that it is appropriate for Sindh, Balochistan and Frontier to secede from Pakistan. Now the President, the Prime Minister, the Leader of the Opposition, heads of the two National Assembly Houses and four provincial Chief Ministers have their own Cabinets, the two Houses and four sets of provincial assemblies to discuss and decide on this subject. At what stage will the cited subject be brought to the NSC, for it falls within the scope of the Act? There is no point in bringing it before the NSC after a decision had been taken by the Sindh or the Federal Cabinet. But if it is taken up by the NSC before a decision is finalised, it makes the NSC the real decision-making body, superseding the assemblies and the Cabinets. If the NSC “consultation” is necessary, a few conclusions follow.

The NSC also becomes an overriding body by virtue of five generals’ presence. The numerical strength of civilians becomes a meaningless detail. These civilians had constitutional prerogatives and forums to discuss and decide. If they have to come and consult five service chiefs, all their constitutional powers and privileges go for naught. The five generals become the overriding authority over all the civilians in the NSC. Even otherwise, the membership of the NSC makes the generals equal to the Prime Minister who will be, like them, an ordinary member. Indeed, the NSC renders all Cabinets redundant.

One wishes to hang on to the theoretical position of the successive Army chiefs that the armed forces ought not to interfere in the running of the country; that should be left to the representative government. It is their starting point, to reassure the civilians. But immediately from here they jump to the proposition that generals take over because the civilians tend to make a mess of things. What is implied is that the civilian politicians are necessarily corrupt, inept and generally inefficient, if not ignorant. This is balderdash. The generals have ruled this country over extended periods. Each left Pakistan in worse conditions than he found it. Details are known. Each was motivated by the lust for power and was a bumbler. Take Ayub Khan; he laid the groundwork for the East Pakistan crisis and created a bogus democracy that survived not a day after him. Take Yahya Khan. He presided over the dismemberment of Pakistan but still planned to go on ruling indefinitely. The whole country is living through the sad legacy of that soldier of Islam, Gen Zia-ul-Haq. What the Pakistan Army encountered in its botched Wana Operation was his legacy of modern arms in civilian hands.

Anyway, what is implied by the constitutional role of generals? For, it is a quest for what has led to this enactment. One way or another, Turkey’s example is brought in. Turkey’s case does not apply. The Turkish state was the construct of the so-called Young Turks (Army) after World War I; the whole state bears their imprimatur. Turkish generals are the creators of what democracy there is; and the stability of Turkish democracy remains controversial for Europeans.

A statement can safely be made: Pakistan probably needs an NSC like the one in the US or India. Make it as elaborate and efficient as you can. But do not make four, indeed five, generals co-equal with the members of the Cabinet. Let it be an advisory body to the Cabinet. The generals have no business to discuss everything under the sun. They must concentrate only on military defence matters; the larger range of national security does not concern them except insofar as they ought to be knowledgeable about the many non-military aspects of national security. Let them labour and produce competent assessments of military and quasi-military situations. But the realm of higher national security matters is not theirs. They are required to deal with the military defence of the country, nothing more.

If the National Assembly thinks fit to have an elaborate NSC, envisaged in the new Act, it can be better advised to amend the Constitution and assign all functions of governance to the NSC. Let it replace the federal Cabinet, if the association of the generals is really necessary. That would be appropriate for those who believe that the generals must be associated with the running of the country. It will probably be, in a narrow sense, a more efficient Cabinet than the one Pakistan has today. At any rate, it will be closer to the reality of power.

Moreover, what was the utility of giving a constitutional or political role to the generals that earlier generals — Zia and Jehangir Karamat — and General Musharraf wanted? None of these worthies, except General Karamat, cared two hoots for democracy who came to power by overthrowing it.

While General Karamat simply wanted to be on the high table, the motive of others was to preserve their own power by keeping senior generals closely associated — to prevent them from dreaming. Remember Ayub Khan, Yahya Khan or, may be, even Zia; each had to go when other generals thought his time was up, the NSC or no NSC.

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Maoists’ insurgency in Nepal spreads
Attacks on Indian interests have dangerous portents
by Rajeev Sharma

THE million-dollar question that is engaging India’s Nepal policy-makers is: what if the Maoists gain control in Nepal? It is a nightmarish scenario that New Delhi does not rule out.

Jane’s Intelligence Review reported in its October 2002 issue that time was coming for the Maoists for waging a “do-or-die” battle. It said: “In orthodox Maoism, there are three phases of protracted war: the strategic defensive, the strategic stalemate and the strategic offensive. According to this model, the Communist Party of Nepal- Maoist [CPN-M] has, in its battle with the government, reached a strategic stalemate: it is not as powerful as the government in terms of troop strength and military equipment, but is almost equal in terms of actions, initiatives and control of the countryside... The Maoists appear to have decided that the time is ripe for their do-or-die moment, says Pushkar Gautam, a Nepalese newspaper columnist and himself a former Maoist commander.

The ever-increasing activities of Nepal’s Maoists did not go unnoticed by the United States and the US government branded them “terrorists”. The annual US report “Patterns of Global Terrorism-2002” released on April 30, 2003, included the Nepalese Maoists in the list of 38 “foreign terrorist organisations”.

The Maoists have links with Indian extreme Left groups like the Communist Party Marxist-Leninist (People’s War) [CPML-PW] and the Maoist Communist Centre (MCC). These groups aim to establish a Compact Revolutionary Zone (CRZ) stretching from Nepal to Bihar, Jharkhand, Chhatisgarh, Dandakarnya and Telangana regions in Orissa and Andhra Pradesh respectively. There has been consolidation of Naxalite influence in areas contiguous to the CRZ in eastern Uttar Pradesh, north Orissa and West Bengal, thereby leading to a Naxalite buffer zone around the CRZ that may ultimately facilitate its lateral expansion. The Nepalese Maoist also played a role in setting up of the Coordination Committee of Maoist Parties and Organisations of South Asia (CCOMPOSA), which aims to spread radical leftist views in the region and comprises 10 ultra leftist parties of India, Bangladesh, Nepal and Sri Lanka. Besides, `Porattam’, a confederation of Maoist forces in Kerala, has also expressed solidarity with the Nepalese Maoists.

Inputs received in the past indicate that the Maoists have been receiving arms and ammunition from the MCC and the PWG. These groups are learnt to have provided training, logistics and shelter to the Maoist cadres who infiltrate through the porous border between Nepal and India.

The WPRM, on September 12, 2003 called for the release of Maoist politburo member C P Gajurel at Gaurav, who is under detention in India since August 20 last. The RIM has also called for Gajurel’s release. The WPRM UK Chapter organised a meeting in London on November 2 last, which was attended by Communists from various countries, including Nepal. Nearly 120 activists participated in the meeting titled “End the Occupation of Iraq, Hands off Nepal”. In his address, the WPRM Convener observed that since its inception last year, the WPRM had been active in South Asia with Nepal at the forefront and that it had opened its latest branch in Canada. It was alleged that the US, in collaboration with India and China, was suppressing the Maoists in Nepal.

Meanwhile, New Delhi is well aware of the fact that the unprecedented attack on Indian interests in Nepal recently is fraught with dangerous portents. New Delhi’s assessment is that it has reasons to believe that if such outrageous acts were to be repeated in future, it would harm the interests of the people of Nepal only — an anathema to any insurgent group which thrives essentially on grassroot support.

An important difference that has come about in the Maoists’ insurgency in Nepal is that while earlier it was restricted to mid-hill areas of the country it is now spread to the Terai region, the economic heartland of the country. Nepal is greatly dependent on India for virtually everything from trade and commerce to the now increasingly-felt needs in the security and defence sectors. India has been giving Rs 100 crore assistance to Nepal for the last several years.

The Indian strategy to deal with the Maoists is to address the root causes of the problem— poverty and unemployment. So, New Delhi has begun to flash the economic card to wean the common man away from the Maoists. For this purpose, a conscious effort is being made to integrate the Indian and Nepalese economies.

The last couple of years have brought a revolutionary change in mode and pattern of Indian assistance to Nepal. Earlier, New Delhi used to focus on implementing big projects in Nepal, but now it has shifted the focus to small projects which get completed fast. India is currently executing more than one hundred small developmental projects in Nepal, ranging from boring tubewells to laying of railway lines to construction of roads and highways. The Government of India is actively considering to multiply its assistance to Nepal manifold from the present Rs 100 crore per annum and take it to Rs 500 crore per annum at least for speedy development of the mountain kingdom. (Concluded)

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Delhi Durbar
Importance of rebels

THE most serious threat every political party faces everywhere is from within. “Aaj ke baaghi neta” (Today’s rebel leaders) seems to be a perfect title for a political potboiler. Even a small state like Himachal Pradesh is not immune to this problem. The Congress, when faced with this malady, sought to mollycoddle the rebels or potential rebels by “adjusting” them somehow. Consider the example of Ramnath Sharma, a former Deputy Speaker of Himachal Pradesh and senior Congress leader in the state. Sharma was an aspirant for the Hamirpur Lok Sabha seat, but he was not given the ticket. So now he has been made in charge of the party’s election in Haryana.

Sharma’s latest responsibility is definitely a recognition of his importance to the party as in last year’s Delhi assembly elections, the Congress had appointed him election in-charge of Mehrauli. From being the election in-charge of a small assembly segment to a whole state like Haryana, which sends 10 members to the Lok Sabha, is indeed some positive progress for Sharma. And since political pundits feel it is Advantage Congress in Haryana, Sharma’s new appointment may be a blessing in disguise for him.

Advantage Tulsi

It appears to be Advantage Tulsi in Chandni Chowk. Smriti Malhotra Irani, the famous “bahu” named Tulsi of popular teleserial “Kyonki Saas Bhi Kabhi Bahu Thi”, is pitted against Congress big gun Kapil Sibal from Chandni Chowk. This is the only constituency in Delhi where the Muslim vote has a decisive influence and the victory margin is very narrow.

Despite the fact that Sibal is a seasoned lawyer-politician and Smriti is a greenhorn, the heroine of the small screen has two distinct advantages which can tilt the poll scales in her favour. One, she was born in a Hindu family of Chandni Chowk and is married to a Parsi. Two, the high-profile Muslim candidate Shoaib Iqbal is contesting on the JD (S) ticket from this constituency who would obviously eat into Sibal’s vote bank. Poll pundits don’t rule out the possibility of Sibal finishing third from Chandni Chowk, despite all his brilliance and experience.

Source of income

As every other candidate filing his nomination papers for the Lok Sabha poll is turning out to be a lakhpati or a crorepati, many wondered whether it would be prudent for the Election Commission to introduce the column “source of income”.

A goof-up

Sometimes even good spokespersons goof up due to lack of information. The other day the BJP’s suave and articulate spokesperson and Union minister Arun Jaitley found himself in an embarrassing situation as he announced the candidature of Navjot Singh Sidhu from Amritsar and Smriti Irani from Chandni Chowk even before a formal decision on the issue had been taken by party President M Venkaiah Naidu.

A visibly embarrassed Jaitley first said a formal announcement would follow soon and subsequently, to save the situation, observed that “sometimes we also get misguided by television channels”. But, at the end of the day the party did formally announce their candidatures.

Contributed by Rajeev Sharma, R Suryamurthy and S Satyanarayanan.

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Do not exceed bounds in praising me; I am only the Lord’s servant; then call me the servant of God and His messenger.

— Prophet Muhammad

The higher the position of anything in the scale of reality, the deeper and more unified is the consciousness that is revealed in it.

— Sri Aurobindo

The only profit to be earned in this world is the Name of God which can be earned only by dwelling on the Guru’s word.

— Guru Nanak

In the Ramakrishna Incarnation, there is knowledge, devotion, and love — infinite knowledge, infinite love, infinite work, and infinite compassion for all beings.

— Swami Vivekananda

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